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Cram school
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A cram school (colloquially: crammer, test prep, tuition center, or exam factory) is a specialized school that trains its students to achieve particular goals, most commonly to pass the entrance examinations of high schools or universities. The English name is derived from the slang term cramming, meaning to study a large amount of material in a short period of time. The word "crammer" may be used to refer to the school or to an individual teacher who assists a student in cramming.

Education

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Cram schools may specialize in a particular subject or subjects, or may be aligned with particular schools. Special cram schools that prepare students to re-take failed entrance examinations are also common. As the name suggests, the aim of a cram school is generally to impart as much information to its students as possible in the shortest period of time. The goal is to enable the students to obtain a required grade in particular examinations, or to satisfy other entrance requirements such as language skill (e.g.: IELTS). Cram schools are sometimes criticized, along with the countries in which they are prevalent, for a focus on rote learning and a lack of training in critical thinking and analysis.

By region

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Australia

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Cram schools are referred to largely as "coaching colleges" or "tuition centres". They are used primarily to achieve the necessary results for the entrance exam for highly competitive selective schools in New South Wales and Victoria. They are also used extensively in English, mathematics and science courses for the Higher School Certificate, Victorian Certificate of Education, and other high school subjects in the final years of schooling.

Bangladesh

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In Bangladesh, cram schools are known as "coaching centers" and in some cases, "tutorials". Most cram schools provide help for admission tests of public universities and medical colleges like BUET, CUET, RUET, KUET, Universities of Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi and Jahangirnagar, medical colleges etc., and public examinations like PSC, JSC, SSC, and HSC. There are also some variants which have entered the market of ever-increasing help seekers. For example, cram schools now also prepare students for language tests like IELTS and TOEFL, aptitude tests like GRE, GMAT, SAT, and so on. In recent years, cram schools have also been extended to the tests for government civil services like BCS Examination.

Brazil

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Cram schools are called "Cursinhos" (lit. Little Courses) in Brazil and are attended by students who will be taking a vestibular exam to be admitted into a university.

Chile

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Cram schools are called "Preuniversitarios" in Chile, and are attended by students before taking PAES (Superior Education Entrance Test) in order to get onto undergraduate studies.

China

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Buxiban (traditional Chinese: 補習班; simplified Chinese: 补习班; pinyin: Bǔxíbān) are cram schools located in China. They are related to the phenomenon of buke, which is extra study for the improvement of students’ academic performance in National Higher Education Entrance Examination (commonly known as Gaokao). They exist due to the importance of standardized exams, such as:

  • High school entrance exam (after junior high, at 9th year of school).
  • The National Higher Education Entrance Examination, or 高考, mandatory for college admission.
  • English language exams. Passing the College English Test (CET) band 4 and 6 is sometimes a prerequisite for bachelor's degree, and the certificates are often important to finding employment. The TOEFL and GRE tests from ETS are required for studying abroad in English-speaking countries.
  • Entrance exams to domestic graduate program. Over recent years the competition has intensified, partially because many new college graduates fail to find satisfactory jobs and seek post-graduate education instead.

China has a test-driven system. Education departments give entrance examinations to sort students into schools of different levels. Examinations like the National Higher Education Entrance Examination (Gaokao) are vital, deciding the academic future of the participants. This education system cultivated the cramming style of teaching. Schools and teachers usually regard grades to be the primary goal. This sometimes leads to teachers imparting exam skills instead of knowledge and inspiration. But as the population of students decreases each year and admission to domestic universities expands, the pressure of the Entrance Exam has been reducing.

France

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The national exam (baccalauréat) ending high-school is easy to obtain (the success rate is about 90%[1]), and the grades obtained matter relatively little (most higher education school choose their students before the baccalauréat results, based on grades during high school). Thus, baccalauréat cram schools are rare. Individual tutoring is more common.

After the baccalauréat, about 5% of the French students attend the selective Classes Préparatoires aux Grandes Écoles (prep school) or CPGE. These two-year programs are meant to prepare undergrad students to the entrance exams of high-profile graduate schools (Grandes écoles) in science, engineering and business — including École Normale Supérieure, HEC Paris, EDHEC, ESCP, EM Lyon, ESSEC, École polytechnique, Arts et Métiers ParisTech, Télécom Paris, École des Ponts, CentraleSupélec, École des Mines, and ISAE-SUPAERO. A large proportion of CPGE are public schools, with very small tuition fees. There are about 400 CPGE schools for 869 classes, including about 58 private schools.[2] They have produced most of France's scientists, intellectuals, and executives during the last two centuries.

French prep schools are characterized by heavy workload and very high demands, varying however between schools. Programs are heavier than the first two years in public universities, covering several majors (for example Maths and Physics). Students in CPGE have between 36 and 40 hours of class a week, as well as one or more weekly 2-to-4 hours written test on each major (often also on Saturday). Students are expected to work on their own at least 2 hours a day, while the most ambitious students can work more than 5 hours every evening after classes, as well as during the weekend and holidays. Moreover, students have to take what is called "colles" (or "khôlles") mainly 2 times a week, which are oral interrogations. For science topics, it consists of an hour-long session where a group of typically 3 students, each on a board, and dealing with a question related to a specific lesson (e.g. a demonstration of a theorem) and/or exercises. The teacher listens to, assists and corrects the students, then grades them. Khôlles on languages (e.g. English) consists in a 30 minutes test: first listening to an audio or studying a newspaper article and summarizing it, and then writing a short essay on the theme. Everything is then presented orally to the teacher. Literacy khôlles often consist in preparing and presenting an essay.

Entrance competitive exams to the "Grandes Ecoles" consist in written and oral exams. For scientific branches, a project involving research-oriented works has to be prepared. Written exams are typically 4h-long sets of exercises and problems built around a specific topic (which often can't be fully treated in the given amount of time), and require both reasoning and raw knowledge. Oral exams are often similar to khôlles.

This is a two-year track. In most schools, only the second year is explicitly focused on entrance exams preparation. If a student could not obtain the school(s) they wanted, they can repeat the second year.

There are three main branches :

  • Scientific branch study mainly math, physics and chemistry, IT, industrial sciences, biology and earth sciences. Sub-branches are : math-physics, physics-chemistry, physics-industrial sciences, and biology-earth sciences. Many French research scientists went through scientific CPGE.
  • Economics/business branch (often called "Prépa HEC") study mainly social sciences, economy, math and languages. Many important French public figures and politicians went through this way. Sub-branches specialize in math/economics, economics/social sciences, or management.
  • Humanities branch (called Khâgne) study mainly philosophy, literature, foreign and ancient languages, history. Sub-branches specialize in social sciences or literature.

The tracks and schools are known for their folklore (slang terms, songs and hymns, anecdotes), and often inherited from early 19th-century generations of students.

Greece

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Φροντιστήρια (from φροντίζω, to take care of) have been a permanent fixture of the Greek educational system for several decades. They are considered the norm for learning foreign languages (English language learning usually starts during the elementary school years) and for having a chance to pass the university entrance examinations. The preparation for the country-wide university entrance examinations practically takes up the two last years of upper high school, and the general view is that the amount of relevant school hours is insufficient for the hard competition, regardless of the teachers' abilities. This leads to students taking state school lessons from 08.15 to 14.00 at school, going home for lunch, continue for two or three hours in the cramming school and returning to prepare the homework both for state school and "frontistirio". In the weekend, the students usually have lessons in the cramming school on Saturday morning and on Sunday morning revision tests. Unhired teachers by the state find a way to employment through these private businesses[citation needed].

These two popular views pave the ground for the abundant number of cram schools, also attended by numerous high school students for general support of their performance.

Hong Kong

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Cram schools in Hong Kong are called tutorial schools. These cram schools put focus on the major public examinations in Hong Kong, namely HKDSE, and teach students on techniques on answering questions in the examinations. They also provide students tips on which topics may appear on the coming examination (called "question tipping"), and provide students some sample questions that are similar to those that appear in the examinations. Some cram school teachers in Hong Kong have become idolized and attract many students to take their lessons. These teachers are called "King of tutors (補習天王)". English and math are the most common subjects taught in Hong Kong cram schools.

Cram schools in Hong Kong are famous because of the stresses from Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education (HKDSE). These cram school teaching includes practicing exam questions and grammar drills. Moreover, they provide model essays for English language exam. However, some schools are not licensed, and few educators have teaching qualifications. Their education is fun and appealing to the students but may be of little use in actually passing exams.

India

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Numerous cram schools—referred to as coaching centers/institutes, tutorials/tuitions, dummy schools or classes in India—have sprung up all over the nation, providing a de facto parallel education system, with cram school programs marketed as effectively mandatory to be a part of, to be accepted into a proper college. They aim to tutor students to pass schools and college exams and getting their clients through various competitive exams to enter prestigious institutions such as the Indian Institutes of Technology for engineering courses the All India Institutes of Medical Sciences for medical courses at the undergraduate, postgraduate levels and the National Law Universities for legal and judicial courses and UPSC to become successful IAS and IPS officers.

Many such schools prepare students to crack prestigious national entrance/scholarship exams at the high school level such as JEE (Joint Entrance Examination) Main & Advanced to enter prestigious engineering colleges like the IITs, NEET-UG (National Eligibility cum Entrance Test – Undergraduate level) for entrance into major medical science undergraduate programs and Common Law Admission Test (CLAT) for entering into premier law schools of the country.

Initiatives like the National Level Common Entrance Examination (NLCEE) complement these efforts by organizing scholarship exams and exposure programs, which provide students with career guidance and visits to premier institutions like IITs. Such initiatives aim to help students make informed decisions, reducing the stress and uncertainty often associated with competitive exams.[3]

Various such exams are held for entering fields such as scientific research, engineering, medicine, management, accountancy, law and also into India's premier central and state government services organized by UPSC, SSC etc.

Indonesia

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Cram schools in Indonesia are called bimbingan belajar (learning assistance), often shortened into bimbel, and accepts students preparing for National Examinations before passing elementary school, junior high school, high school and college entrance exams. These cram schools teach students with exam simulations and problem-solving tutorials. Usually, these cram schools teach students by past exam questions. Bimbels in Indonesia offer lessons after school hours, weekends or public holidays.

Ireland

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"Grind schools", as they are known in the Republic of Ireland, prepare students for the Leaving Certificate examination. Competition for university places (the "points race") has intensified with recent years: students wishing to study medicine, law or veterinary science in particular aim to achieve high points (up to 625) to be accepted. Some grind schools, such as The Institute of Education, Ashfield College, Leinster Senior College, The Dublin Academy of Education and Bruce College, teach full-time. Many others offer weekend or evening classes for students in subjects in which they struggle.[4]

Japan

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It is a large industry in Japan and caters to all types of school tests preparations, from kindergarten to high school graduation; it began growing rapidly in the 1970s. At that time, the number of universities was small, but college competition was intensive because almost 95% of students graduated from high school. In addition, Japan had the highest achievement test scores in the world from the 1980s to 2000, causing the cram school industry to grow. The cram schools, called juku, are privately owned, and offer lessons conducted after regular school hours, on weekends, and during summer and winter breaks.

Malaysia

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In Malaysia, it is considered a norm for parents, especially those from the middle and upper class, to send schoolchildren for private tuition. Such services are often provided by tuition centers and/or private tutors. These tutors may be full-time tutors, schoolteachers, retirees, or even senior students. Many concerned parents choose to send their children to different tuition classes or schedules based on the child's entrance examination subjects. Some students may go to tuition for their weaker subjects, while many schoolchildren are increasingly known to attend at least 10 hours of private tuition every week. Correspondingly, the reputation and business of a tuition center often depends on venue, schedule, number of top-scoring clients, and advertizing by word of mouth. It is not uncommon for private tutors to offer exclusive pre-examination seminars, to the extent where some tutors entice schoolchildren to attend such seminars with the promise of examination tips, or even supposedly leaked examination questions.[citation needed]

Pakistan

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In Pakistan, it has become very common for parents to send their children to such institutions, popularly known as "academies", after school for further private coaching. It has become prevalent in almost all levels of education, from junior classes to colleges and, to a lesser extent, universities. Due to the near-universality of this system, it has become very difficult to compete successfully in almost any level of exams without them, despite the added burden on the students.

Peru

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In Peru, cram schools, known as "Academias", are institutions which intensively prepare, in about a year, high school graduates to gain admission to either University ("Academia Pre Universitaria"), or Military Schools ("Academia Pre-Militar").[5] Cram Schools in Peru are not an admission requirement to enter any tertiary institution; however, due to fierce competition, preparation in a cram school allows the candidate to achieve the highest grade possible in the entry exam and so gain entry to their desired Tertiary Institution. Cram Schools are independent of universities, however, of recent a post-high-school, pre-university school has started at some public and private universities in Peru. Under the name of CEntro PREuniversitario (name or acronym of university, for instance CEPREUNI or CEPREPUCP, after Universidad Nacional de Ingenieria or Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, commonly referred to as "the CEPRE" or "the PRE"). Some of these CEPREs offer automatic admission to their university to their students who reach a set level of achievement[citation needed]

Philippines

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In the Philippines, cram schools are usually called "review centers" or "review schools". They are often attended by students in order to study for and pass college and university entrance examinations, or to pass licensure examinations such as the Philippine Bar Examination, Licensure Examination for Professional Teachers, the Philippine Physician Licensure Examination, or the Philippine Nurse Licensure Examination.

Singapore

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In Singapore, it is very common for students in the local education system to be enrolled in cram schools, better known locally as tuition centers. Enrollment in these after-school tuition centers is extremely high, especially for students bound for national exams, such as the Primary School Leaving Examination (PSLE), GCE O Levels, or the GCE A Levels. Students attending tuition centers on a daily basis is not unheard of in Singapore.[citation needed]

South Korea

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Although the South Korean educational system has been criticized internationally for its stress and competitiveness,[6] it remains common for South Korean students to attend one or more cram schools ("hagwons") after their school-day is finished, most students studying there until 10 P.M. Some types of cram schools include math, science, art, and English. English language institutes along with math are particularly popular. Certain places, such as Gangnam in Seoul, are well known for having a lot of hagwons. Because of hagwons, many Koreans have voiced complaints about how public education is falling behind in terms of quality compared to private education, creating a gap between students who can afford the expensive hagwon tuition fee and those who cannot. Today, it is almost mandatory for Korean students to attend one or more hagwons in order to achieve high results on a test.

South Korean students have two big tests per semester: midterms and finals. They just have written tests in those subjects. A distinct feature of the cramming teaching method in Korea is extra preparation for these tests, ranging from tests from previous years and other schools to various prep books made by different education companies. These test preparation periods normally start a month before the test date. After school, generally, most students go to hagwons to supplement what they learned from the teachers who provide knowledge to the students. Students memorize for tests, and go to hagwons for high grades.

The Korean College Scholastic Ability Test, the standardized college entrance examination commonly referred to as the suneung, also plays a large part in why so many students attend hagwons. However, unlike midterms and finals, many high school students also prepare for the suneung through online video lessons on websites that specialize in suneung preparation.

Taiwan

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Cram schools in Taiwan are called supplementary classes (補習班), and are not necessarily cram schools in the traditional sense. Almost any kind of extracurricular academic lesson such as music, art, math, and physics can be termed as such, even if students do not attend these classes specifically in order to pass an examination. It's a traditional belief that parents should send their children to all kinds of cram schools in order to compete against other talented children. Therefore, most children in Taiwan have a schedule packed with all sorts of cram school lessons. But when they study English, often with a "Native Speaker Teacher", they are actually studying at a private language school. Furthermore, since this study is ongoing, they are not "cramming" in the traditional sense of the word, and therefore, these language schools are not cram schools by strict definition.

Taiwan is well known for its cram schools. Nearly all students attend some kind of cram school to improve their skills. The meritocratic culture, which requires some skills testing for passports to college, graduate school, and even government service, is dominant on Taiwan's policy.[citation needed]

Thailand

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Cram schooling in Thailand has become almost mandatory to succeed in high school or in the entrance examinations of universities. Cram schools in Thailand, which are called tutoring institutes, tutoring schools, special tutoring, or special classes for example, are widespread throughout the country. Some of them do not have instructors in class rooms in a traditional sense; students receive their tuition via television network, which can either relay a live session from another branch or replay a pre-recorded session. Parents generally encourage their children to attend these schools and they sometimes can be perceived as pushy. The system of cram school is currently blamed for discouraging pupils from independent studies.

The main reason given by attending students is to increase understanding in their lessons. The secondary reason of junior high school students is to want to know faster techniques whereas the reason of senior ones is to prepare for exam. The most attended subjects are mathematics for juniors and English language for seniors. Average expense per course is about 2,001–3,000 baht.

Most of the students in the top universities of Thailand have attended at least one cram class, especially in science-based faculties such as science, engineering, medicine, and pharmacy.[citation needed]

Dek siw, those who failed in their first year, spend the whole following year studying at home or at a cram school for a better chance of going to a top university like Chulalongkorn University, Thammasart University, Kasetsart University, Mahidol University, or King Mongkut's University of Technology Thonburi.

Turkey

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The dershane (plural, dershaneler) system was the Turkish counterpart of cram schools. The Turkish dershane system resembles Indian and Japanese systems. Students, typically after school and on weekends (especially during the last year), are drilled on various aspects of the Higher Education Institutions Examination [tr] (YKS). This is cheaper than private tutoring.

The dershanes were closed due to the AKP-Gülen movement conflict after the AKP government banned them due to the Gülenists being politically active in dershanes. A similar network of cram schools are still active with different names, although still colloquially termed as dershane.[citation needed]

United Kingdom

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Crammers first appeared in Britain after 1855 when the Civil Service Commission created the Administrative class of government employees, selected by examination and interview rather than patronage. Crammers offered to prepare men of 18 to 25 years old for these examinations, mainly in classics, economics and foreign languages, which would provide entry to civil service or diplomatic careers. The opening scenes of Benjamin Britten's 1971 television opera Owen Wingrave,[7] and the 1892 novella by Henry James on which it is based, are set in a military crammer; its master plays an important role in both.[8] Terence Rattigan's 1936 play French Without Tears is set in a language crammer typical of the period. These civil service crammers did not survive the Second World War. [citation needed]

Tutorial colleges in the United Kingdom are also called "crammers", and are attended by some who want to attend the most prestigious universities.[9] They have been around since the early 20th century.[10]

United States

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A number of businesses, called "tutoring services" or "test preparation centers", are colloquially known as cram schools. They are used by some GED candidates,[11] and by many third and fourth year students in high schools to prepare for the SAT, ACT, and/or Advanced Placement exams for college admission. Their curriculum is geared more towards vocabulary drills, problem sets, practicing essay composition, and learning effective test-taking strategies. College graduates and undergraduates near graduation will sometimes attend such classes to prepare for entrance exams necessary for graduate level education (i.e. LSAT, DAT, MCAT, GRE).

Review courses for the CPA examination (e.g., Becker Conviser, part of Devry University) and the bar examination (e.g., Barbri) are often taken by undergraduate and graduate students in accountancy and law.[citation needed]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A cram school is a private institution, particularly prevalent in , that employs an accelerated to intensively prepare students for standardized entrance examinations, such as those for high schools or universities. These schools, often operating after regular school hours, emphasize repetitive drilling, test-taking strategies, and subject-specific to maximize performance on high-stakes assessments that determine educational and career trajectories. Originating in countries like and amid post-war expansions in competitive systems, cram schools evolved from supplementary for underperforming students to ubiquitous fixtures driven by parental investment in academic success as a pathway to . In , known as juku, they trace roots to selective private academies predating modern exam systems, while in (hagwon), their proliferation followed centralized reforms emphasizing merit-based university admissions after the . Similar models emerged in and , where entrance exams like the gaokao intensified demand, transforming cram schools into a multi-billion-dollar industry sustained by cultural emphasis on scholastic achievement over holistic development. Cram schools boast high enrollment rates, with empirical data indicating that around 78% of South Korean students participate, averaging 7.2 hours weekly, and parents collectively spending over US$20 billion annually on such programs. In , a of students attend, correlating with gains in analytical skills and scores, though access often favors higher socioeconomic groups, perpetuating inequality. While studies affirm causal benefits for academic outcomes, such as improved performance from targeted timing of enrollment, critics highlight drawbacks including reduced and elevated negative emotions linked to extended study loads. This tension underscores cram schools' role in fueling East Asia's high rankings alongside documented pressures on youth .

Definition and Characteristics

Core Definition

A cram school is a for-profit private institution offering supplementary academic instruction outside formal schooling, with the primary objective of intensively preparing students for high-stakes standardized examinations, such as those for or admission. These establishments, often termed in , in , or buxiban in , deliver accelerated curricula focused on exam-specific content, employing repetitive drills, mock tests, and targeted skill-building to maximize test scores. Unlike public schools, cram schools operate on a fee-based model, attracting students seeking competitive advantages in meritocratic systems where exam performance determines educational and career trajectories. The core function of cram schools stems from their role as "shadow education," paralleling mainstream curricula but emphasizing efficiency in content mastery over holistic development, often filling gaps in regular classroom instruction perceived as insufficient for exam success. In East Asian contexts, where entrance exams like Japan's National Center Test or Korea's serve as gateways to elite institutions, cram schools provide specialized tutoring that prioritizes rote memorization and strategic test-taking over broader pedagogical goals. This supplementary system thrives due to in as a pathway to socioeconomic mobility, with enrollment driven by the causal link between high exam scores and access to prestigious universities and jobs.

Distinguishing Features

Cram schools differ from conventional public or regular schools primarily through their narrow specialization in high-stakes preparation, emphasizing rote , repetitive drills, and test-specific strategies over broad curricular development or holistic growth. These institutions, often privately operated and for-profit, target supplemental instruction outside standard school hours—typically evenings, weekends, and school holidays—to equip for competitive entrance exams determining access to secondary institutions or universities. In contrast to regular schools' integration of extracurriculars, moral education, and varied teaching methods, cram schools maintain a streamlined focus on core examinable subjects such as , sciences, and languages, employing timed practice sessions and analytical skill-building tailored to formats. A hallmark of cram schools is their reliance on high-intensity, structured repetition, which public schools often delegate to these private entities to prioritize foundational amid broader educational mandates. attendance is voluntary and parent-funded, fostering environments of elevated and peer , with class structures varying from large lecture-style sessions to smaller remedial groups, but consistently prioritizing quantifiable gains over creative or exploratory learning. In East Asian contexts like () and (), this model supports massive participation rates—such as over 70% of junior high students in engaging in cram schooling for an average of six hours weekly—driven by systemic pressures for academic advancement. Unlike regular schools bound by national curricula and standardized daytime schedules, cram schools exhibit flexibility in pedagogical innovation, such as specialized remedial tracks or advanced previewing of upcoming school material, though this often intensifies workload without regulatory oversight on hours or content depth. Their private nature enables rapid adaptation to changes but also introduces variability in , with linked to institutional and expertise in patterns rather than formal credentials. This supplemental role underscores cram schools' position as "shadow education" systems, amplifying regular schooling's outputs through targeted intervention while potentially exacerbating inequities based on family resources.

Historical Development

Ancient and Imperial Origins

The , known as keju, originated in the in 605 CE as a merit-based method for selecting civil servants, emphasizing knowledge of Confucian over hereditary privilege. This system, which endured until 1905 CE, created intense demand for specialized preparation due to its rigorous testing of rote , composition, and classical interpretation, often requiring candidates to master and Five Classics. Government schools from the Sui through Yuan dynasties aligned their curricula to exam content, but private tutoring and academies emerged early to address gaps, with unsuccessful examinees frequently becoming instructors in local preparatory settings. Private academies, or shuyuan, first appeared during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE) as venues for classical study, evolving into dedicated exam preparation hubs by the Southern Song dynasty (960–1279 CE). These institutions offered intensive drills on exam formats, such as composing policy discourses and essays, exemplified by Lize Academy founded by scholar Lü Zuqian, which provided structured courses and model texts like his Study on The Commentary of Zuo containing 168 sample essays. Similarly, White Deer Cave Academy in the Southern Song period functioned as a key center for teaching classics alongside exam-specific skills, fostering a cram-like environment focused on high-stakes success. By the Ming (1368–1644 CE) and Qing (1644–1912 CE) dynasties, shuyuan proliferated, with thousands established explicitly for imperial exam training, incorporating simulated tests and debate sessions to mimic examination conditions. Government schools also transformed into de facto cram academies, prioritizing pass rates over broader scholarship, while private tutors—often repeat test-takers—offered personalized coaching on techniques like the eight-legged essay format. This preparatory ecosystem, driven by the exams' role in social mobility, laid foundational practices for intensive, outcome-oriented education that paralleled modern cram schools, though critiqued even then for prioritizing rote success over substantive learning, as noted by Southern Song scholar Liu Fu regarding superficial "Yellow Book" cram materials.

Post-War Modernization and Expansion

Following the Allied occupation's educational reforms in 1947, Japan implemented a single-track 6-3-3-4 system under the Fundamental Law of Education, which democratized access to secondary schooling and spurred mass enrollment. Advancement rates to upper secondary schools rose from 42.5% in 1950 to 57.7% in 1960 and 82.1% in , creating intense competition for limited spots in prestigious universities via standardized entrance exams. This bottleneck, amid the 1950s-1970s emphasizing merit-based mobility, drove the modernization of from informal to structured, exam-focused operations with professional curricula and facilities. Juku attendance escalated in the 1970s as public schools struggled to match rising parental aspirations for credentials signaling economic success, transforming them into a parallel system supplementing daytime instruction with evening and weekend drills. In , post-Korean War reconstruction from 1953 prioritized universal to foster for industrialization under regimes like Park Chung-hee's, with secondary enrollment expanding rapidly alongside GDP growth from export-led manufacturing. , evolving from early missionary-founded academies, proliferated as private responses to the high-stakes (suneung), which determined access to and white-collar jobs. By the 1980s, had modernized into large-scale chains offering specialized subjects, with their numbers surging from 381 in 1980 to 14,043 by 2000, reflecting household expenditures rivaling public school budgets to gain competitive edges in a credential society. Taiwan's buxiban similarly expanded during its post-1949 economic takeoff, as the regime invested in to support export-oriented growth, achieving near-universal primary and secondary coverage by the 1970s. Cram schools modernized in the 1980s-1990s amid and reforms that reduced school hours but heightened exam pressures for joint entrance tests, prompting parents to seek supplementary intensive training. The sector boomed from approximately 4,300 outlets in the late 1990s to 17,400 by 2008, incorporating advanced teaching aids and subject-specific tracks to address perceived public school deficiencies in rote mastery for meritocratic advancement. Across these contexts, cram school growth correlated with state-driven modernization, where public systems provided broad access but private entities filled gaps in high-yield exam preparation, entrenching a dual-track approach to .

Pedagogical Approaches

Intensive Exam Preparation Techniques

Cram schools prioritize pedagogical techniques that align closely with the format and demands of high-stakes entrance examinations, such as Japan's entrance tests or South Korea's (CSAT). These methods emphasize rapid through repetition and rather than deep conceptual , aiming to maximize under timed conditions. Instruction typically occurs in extended sessions, often 3-5 hours daily outside regular school hours, with classes structured around teacher-led lectures followed by immediate application. A core technique is drill and practice, involving repetitive exercises on exam-style questions to build in skills like , , and problem-solving. In Japanese juku, students engage in multiple-choice drills and past exam practices, with teachers providing model answers and explanations to reinforce patterns observed in real tests. Similarly, Korean hagwon for TOEFL reading preparation dedicate significant time to isolated drills (e.g., synonyms) and syntactic , with over 200 mentions of word-specific in analyzed courses, fostering breadth over depth. This approach yields measurable gains in test scores, as evidenced by studies showing cram attendance improves analytical abilities by enabling faster recall and . Mock examinations and timed simulations form another pillar, replicating environments to reduce anxiety and hone pacing. Students in cram settings frequently complete full-length practice tests under strict time limits, followed by detailed debriefs on errors, which enhances familiarity with question types—such as passages weighted heavily in exams (up to 70% in some cases). In digital hagwon, this extends to strategies like reading questions before passages or revisiting texts selectively, practiced across multiple lectures to build efficiency. Empirical data from Taiwanese contexts indicate such simulations contribute to higher achievement by conditioning responses to high-pressure scenarios. Test-taking strategies are explicitly taught to exploit exam structures, including process of elimination, keyword identification, and scanning techniques. In reading-focused prep, 12 distinct strategies—such as confirming inferences or skimming for main ideas—are drilled, with test-management tactics like prioritizing easier questions comprising up to 27% of instruction time. These methods, while effective for score inflation, prioritize procedural savvy over broader comprehension, as washback effects narrow curricula to testable elements, evident in disparities like higher reading scores (7.1 on IELTS equivalents) versus lower speaking proficiency (5.4). Critics note this fosters short-term gains but limited transfer to non-exam contexts, though causal links to outcomes remain supported by attendance-performance correlations.

Curriculum Design and Instruction Methods

Curriculum design in cram schools prioritizes alignment with national standardized entrance examinations, supplementing public school syllabi with targeted content in core subjects like , sciences, Japanese or , and English. In East Asian contexts such as , Korea, and , curricula feature modular structures emphasizing exam-specific topics, often delivered through graded lecture notes and exercises that address gaps between textbooks and demands. These designs facilitate efficient coverage of high-yield material, with subject-specific modules in (Korea) focusing on repetitive problem-solving for exams like the . Instruction methods center on teacher-led , characterized by rote memorization, intensive repetition, and skill-building for formats rather than broader conceptual exploration. Teachers provide via lectures, worksheets, and repetitive drills, fostering familiarity with question types through daily practice sessions that reinforce recall and application under timed conditions. In Japanese juku, small-group or one-on-one formats allow for personalized feedback, sometimes incorporating communicative tasks for language subjects to enhance grammatical uptake alongside drills. Frequent mock examinations form a core component, simulating real test environments to build and error correction skills; students receive detailed breakdowns of performance to refine strategies. Technological aids, including PowerPoint presentations, satellite videos, and interactive ICT tools, support delivery in settings like Hong Kong tutorial schools and Korean hakwon, enabling scalable access to revision materials. Self-paced systems, such as worksheet-based progression in some (e.g., Kumon-style methods), permit individualized advancement while maintaining emphasis on mastery through iteration. Overall, these approaches prioritize measurable proficiency in exam-oriented tasks over creative or interdisciplinary learning.

Empirical Benefits

Academic Performance Enhancements

Empirical studies consistently associate cram school attendance with elevated scores on standardized tests and entrance examinations, with several quasi-experimental and experimental designs indicating causal contributions to performance gains. A three-level of 22 experimental private tutoring interventions, encompassing 6,750 participants, reported moderate positive effects on , yielding standardized mean differences of 0.42 for independent-groups posttests and 0.67 for pretest-posttest designs. These effects were moderated by factors such as and subject, but persisted across contexts resembling cram school formats, including intensive supplementary instruction. In , participation demonstrably enhances outcomes on the (CSAT), a high-stakes entrance , with analyses of high school students revealing significant score improvements attributable to intensity and duration. Longitudinal data from the Korean Educational Longitudinal Survey further support causal positive impacts of private on achievement metrics, controlling for baseline and family background. Comparable patterns emerge in , where juku attendance correlates with superior performance on entrance exams, as inferred from growing household investments signaling perceived efficacy. In , heterogeneous participation trajectories in shadow education yield exam score increments ranging from 0.767 to 1.942 points relative to non-participants, with robust associations across adopter subgroups in analyses. These enhancements stem from targeted drill in exam techniques and content reinforcement, though endogeneity from student motivation complicates full causal isolation without instrumental variable approaches.

Long-Term Economic and Societal Outcomes

Attendance at cram schools, particularly in East Asian contexts like and , facilitates improved performance on high-stakes entrance examinations, enabling greater access to prestigious universities that serve as gateways to high-paying professions in credential-driven economies. In , where private supplementary education expenditure reached 2.57% of GDP in 2006 for primary and secondary students, this pathway has contributed to a highly skilled underpinning rapid post-war , with tertiary attainment rates exceeding 70% by 2020 correlating with GDP per capita surpassing $35,000. However, direct causal links to lifetime earnings premiums remain understudied; while prestige yields earnings advantages—for instance, graduates from top Japanese institutions earn 20-30% more over their careers than those from lower-tier schools—cram school effects often fade post-exam, with no robust evidence of sustained skill enhancements beyond rote preparation. Critically, empirical analyses question cram schools' role as primary drivers of long-term economic productivity. In , high TIMSS scores among fourth-graders (593 in math, international average 536 in 2015) occur despite minimal participation at early ages (under 15% for math), suggesting formal schooling and cultural factors better explain formation than supplementary tutoring. Moreover, intensive cram school reliance may hinder innovation-oriented outcomes; South Korea's education system, emphasizing exam discipline over , has been critiqued for producing graduates suited to industrial replication but struggling in a requiring adaptability, as evidenced by lagging R&D rates despite high filings. Societally, cram schools amplify inequality by favoring affluent households able to invest heavily—South Korean low-income families in allocate over 27% of to such —perpetuating intergenerational mobility barriers and widening class divides rather than equalizing opportunities. This dynamic reinforces a "," where poorer students lag without equivalent access, undermining meritocratic ideals despite nominal equality in public schooling. On broader scales, the cultural entrenchment of cram school attendance correlates with adverse outcomes like 's fertility rate of 0.78 births per woman in 2022—the world's lowest—partly attributable to prohibitive child-rearing costs including tutoring fees exceeding $20 billion annually, deterring family formation amid work-education pressures. Elevated rates (24.1 per 100,000 in , 2021) further reflect psychological tolls, with studies linking prolonged hours to chronic stress without offsetting societal resilience gains. While some peer-reviewed work posits bolsters overall learning environments, systemic biases in academic critiques—often equity-focused—may overemphasize negatives, yet causal evidence prioritizes formal education's foundational role over shadow systems for sustainable societal progress.

Criticisms and Empirical Challenges

Health and Psychological Strain Claims

Critics assert that attendance at cram schools exacerbates psychological strain among students through extended study hours, , and heightened academic pressure, potentially contributing to depression, anxiety, and . In , where participation rates exceed 70% among middle and high school students, academic stress is linked to approximately 12% of adolescent suicides, with cram schools implicated in fostering intense competition and fatigue. Empirical analyses of curfew policies, which limit operations to earlier hours, indicate that a one-hour reduction correlates with a 2.93 decrease in suicide ideation and a 0.563 drop in attempts among adolescents, suggesting a causal pathway mediated by improved sleep duration. Studies further identify as a partial mediator between after-school and depressive symptoms, with longer cram school sessions directly associated with reduced and elevated negative . In , empirical investigations using panel data from junior high students reveal that ninth-grade cram schooling positively predicts depression levels alongside academic gains, implying a where intensified preparation worsens outcomes. Similarly, selective educational systems in , intertwined with attendance, correlate with higher fatigue, problems, daytime sleepiness, and depressive tendencies among students facing exam pressures. However, self-reported perceptions among Japanese students challenge the severity of these claims; in surveys of over 350 high school and university attendees, only 7-9% cited or exhaustion from juku competition, with most viewing it as a motivator for persistence rather than a detriment. While correlational evidence abounds, isolating cram schools' causal role remains challenging amid broader cultural emphases on , though policy interventions like curfews provide quasi-experimental support for strain via . Academic sources, often from Western-influenced journals, may overemphasize negative outcomes, potentially overlooking adaptive resilience in high-achieving East Asian cohorts where such pressures yield sustained performance benefits.

Inequality and Access Debates

Access to cram schools is disproportionately available to from higher socioeconomic backgrounds across , contributing to debates over whether these institutions widen educational inequalities by favoring those who can afford intensive supplementary instruction. Empirical analyses consistently show a positive between family and participation rates in private , with lower-income households facing barriers due to costs that can consume a significant portion of disposable income. For instance, in , private tutoring expenditure as a share of household averaged 10.7% per in 2010, with low-income families often unable to cover fees ranging from 1 million to several million Korean won monthly, leading to reduced access and perpetuation of achievement gaps. In , shadow education such as exhibits strong socioeconomic stratification, where participation is restricted by family background, and economic factors have grown in importance since the , as lower-income parents struggle to fund private preparatory classes amid rising costs. Studies indicate that higher parental and income predict greater likelihood of enrolling children in such programs, reinforcing intergenerational inequality rather than equalizing opportunities. Similarly, in , cram schools (buxiban) are linked to family socioeconomic status, with empirical evidence from longitudinal data showing that attendance enhances analytical skills and academic performance but primarily benefits students from advantaged backgrounds, exacerbating disparities in outcomes. China's 2021 ", which prohibited for-profit tutoring in core subjects, explicitly targeted these access inequities, as government rationale emphasized alleviating financial burdens on families and promoting educational equality by curbing an industry that disproportionately served urban, affluent students preparing for the exam. Proponents of cram schools argue they democratize access to high-stakes exam preparation in systems with uneven public schooling, yet causal analyses reveal that remains a key determinant of both enrollment and subsequent gains, suggesting limited leveling effects and instead a mechanism for advantaged families to secure elite university placements. Critics, including policymakers, contend that without subsidies or regulation, cram schools amplify inequality, as evidenced by persistent gaps in enrollment rates across income quintiles in comparative .

Causal Analysis of Negative Outcomes

Empirical studies indicate that participation in cram schools can causally contribute to elevated depressive symptoms among junior high students through mechanisms such as extended study hours displacing and time. A study of Taiwanese 9th graders found that cram schooling increased depressive symptoms by approximately 0.034 on the (IRT) scale, attributing this to intensified academic pressure and reduced recovery time, though the effect size remained modest relative to academic gains. Similarly, research on Chinese middle school students demonstrated that after-school negatively impacts primarily via , which mediates poorer emotional well-being and academic performance; mediation analysis showed tutoring hours directly reducing sleep duration by 0.5-1 hour nightly on average, exacerbating and . These findings align with causal models isolating tutoring participation from baseline family stress, using instrumental variable approaches based on local cram school density. Regarding broader psychological strain, including potential links to burnout, evidence suggests cram schools amplify selective educational pressures inherent in high-stakes exam systems, but isolated causation is challenging to establish due to factors like parental expectations. In , qualitative analyses of attendance highlight how prolonged evening sessions (often 3-5 hours post-school) correlate with heightened fatigue and , yet quantitative causal estimates from show no significant net increase in burnout beyond what occurs in public school tracks alone, implying cram schools channel rather than originate the pressure. South Korean data on similarly reveal strong associations between academic stress—including —and adolescent (reported by 27-40% of students in 2020 surveys), but prospective cohort studies fail to demonstrate direct causation, with multivariate models attributing only 10-12% of variance to tutoring intensity after controlling for and school performance. Claims of cram schools as primary drivers of elevated rates thus rely more on temporal correlations than rigorous counterfactuals, with cultural factors like collectivist achievement norms exerting stronger upstream influence. Cram schools also causally perpetuate by disproportionately benefiting higher-socioeconomic-status (SES) families, who invest more in to secure advantages in meritocratic systems. Quasi-experimental evidence from estimates that private accounts for 20-30% of SES-based gaps in cognitive ability and scores, using regression discontinuity designs around income eligibility thresholds for subsidized alternatives; lower-SES students without access experience stagnant outcomes, widening disparities by 0.15-0.25 standard deviations per year. In East Asian contexts, this operates via : wealthier households allocate 10-20% of disposable income to cram schools, enabling cumulative advantages in exam preparation that public cannot match, as confirmed by fixed-effects models controlling for innate ability. Such dynamics do not stem from cram schools' existence per se but from their of supplementary learning in unequal markets, though policy interventions like subsidies have shown limited reversal of these effects due to quality differences.

Regulatory Responses and Reforms

Government Policies and Bans

In , the government enacted the "" on July 24, , banning for-profit cram schools from providing tutoring in core subjects such as , Chinese, and English to students below senior secondary level, prohibiting operations on weekends and public holidays, and restricting foreign investment and curricula in the sector. These measures dismantled a $100 billion industry, resulting in the closure of over 90% of registered tutoring firms by late and widespread job losses estimated at 3-5 million, though underground tutoring persists due to persistent parental demand for exam preparation. South Korea has imposed operational restrictions on hagwons since the 1980s, including a nationwide curfew limiting classes to end by 10 p.m. for middle and high school students (implemented in 2007 and tightened in subsequent years) and bans on new hagwon establishments in oversaturated districts to curb excessive private tutoring expenditures, which reached 26.8 trillion won (about $20 billion) in 2022. Outright bans on private tutoring were attempted in the 1960s and 1980s but ruled unconstitutional by courts, leading to regulatory approaches like randomized school admissions to diminish cram school advantages; recent proposals in 2025 include prohibiting English hagwons for children under 36 months and capping daily lessons at 40 minutes for ages 3-7 to address early academic pressure. Enforcement challenges persist, as hagwon attendance rates remain high at over 70% for elementary students, driven by competitive university entrance exams. Japan's approach to emphasizes indirect measures over bans, with the Ministry of Education promoting "relaxed education" reforms since the to reduce exam pressure, including guidelines discouraging excessive attendance for elementary students and encouraging school-based supplementary programs. No comprehensive federal regulations or prohibitions exist, as operate as private entities with self-regulation through industry associations, though policies in some prefectures limit and fees; efforts to integrate into public education partnerships have aimed to mitigate inequality without curtailing market-driven operations. Elsewhere, policies vary: enforces caps on cram school hours and fees under the 2014 Supplementary Education Act to prevent , while Singapore's Ministry of subsidizes school-based tuition but regulates private centers to align with national curricula, avoiding outright bans. These interventions generally target health risks and equity, with empirical studies showing operating-hour restrictions can reduce tutoring hours by 10-20% in regulated markets, though demand often shifts to informal or online alternatives.

Recent Global Developments (2020-2025)

In July 2021, China implemented the "Double Reduction" policy, prohibiting for-profit tutoring in core academic subjects for compulsory education students and restricting operations of tutoring firms, which led to an immediate 89% decline in online job postings for tutoring-related positions within four months. The policy triggered a sharp contraction in the education technology sector, with private tutoring companies facing severe financial losses and widespread layoffs, as foreign investment in such firms was banned alongside restrictions on advertising and profit-oriented models. By 2024, however, some private tutoring operations began re-emerging through informal or underground channels to meet persistent parental demand, though official policy remained unchanged, highlighting unintended consequences such as higher costs for illegal services without addressing root causes like exam pressures. This crackdown also disrupted global English language teaching markets, reducing opportunities for international online tutors as China's K-9 for-profit ESL programs were curtailed. India saw accelerated regulatory efforts amid safety concerns and industry growth, with the Ministry of Education issuing national guidelines in January 2024 mandating minimum infrastructure standards, such as one square meter per student, compliance, and bans on misleading advertisements or enrolling students under age 16. States followed suit; passed the Coaching Centres (Control and Regulation) Bill in September 2025, requiring registration for centers with at least 100 students, fee transparency, and counseling services, while prohibiting operations in basements or unsafe buildings following incidents like the 2024 Delhi coaching center flooding that killed students. Assam's 2025 law similarly enforced tutor qualifications, e-commerce platform accountability for ads, and student welfare measures, reflecting a broader push to mitigate risks in densely packed coaching hubs like Kota, where competitive exam preparation drives high-stakes attendance. These reforms aimed to curb exploitation but faced for potentially driving operations underground without resolving underlying demand from entrance exam systems. In , private education expenditures surged 40% from 2020 to 2023, reaching 27 trillion won ($18.5 billion) despite declining student numbers, with participation rates holding steady at around 80% amid limited success in curbing proliferation. Experts in 2025 highlighted risks of early-age private tutoring impeding cognitive and social development, calling for stricter limits on testing and investments in public after-school programs like Neulbom School, though no comprehensive bans materialized, perpetuating debates over equity and student burnout. maintained reliance on through self-regulatory frameworks via associations like the Japan Juku Association, which emphasize quality assurance and privacy without significant new government-imposed restrictions, as prior attempts to reduce attendance proved ineffective. Globally, the accelerated adoption, but post-2021 regulatory waves in underscored tensions between access to supplemental and concerns over inequality, strains, and market distortions.

Regional Implementations

Japan

In , cram schools known as juku serve as private supplementary education providers, operating primarily after regular school hours, on weekends, and during vacations to prepare students for competitive entrance examinations to high schools and . These institutions emerged prominently in the amid rapid and increasing demand for exam-oriented preparation, supplementing the public education system's focus on standardized testing for academic advancement. Juku cater to diverse needs, including remedial support for struggling students and advanced coaching for high achievers, with curricula tailored to specific exams like those for junior high school promotion or university admission. Prevalence of juku attendance is high, with national surveys indicating that approximately 45.9% of students participate, rising sharply in upper grades as entrance exam pressures intensify; for instance, over 50% of high school students attend, often combining multiple sessions weekly. The sector includes tens of thousands of facilities, with and exam-prep centers numbering in the tens of thousands as of 2023, reflecting a market-driven response to perceived deficiencies in public schooling's exam preparation. Empirical data from longitudinal studies show juku attendance correlates positively with academic outcomes, such as higher scores on national assessments and successful entry into elite institutions, though selection effects—where motivated or higher-SES families opt in—complicate causal attribution. Juku play a central role in Japan's meritocratic hierarchy, where progression to prestigious high schools and universities determines future socioeconomic opportunities, filling gaps left by public schools' emphasis on holistic development over intensive drilling. Government efforts to reduce reliance on juku, such as the 2002 yutori reforms aiming for relaxed , inadvertently increased attendance by heightening competition for limited spots in top schools. Costs vary but impose financial burdens, with average monthly fees ranging from 20,000 to 50,000 yen per student, exacerbating inequality as lower-income families face barriers, leading to persistent gaps in access to high-quality juku. Studies confirm that family strongly predicts juku enrollment, perpetuating intergenerational disparities in . Regulatory responses have been limited, with juku largely self-regulated through associations like the Japan Juku Association, which enforces voluntary standards on and ethics rather than strict government oversight. Past policies to curb excess attendance, including advisories against over-reliance for young children, have failed to diminish the sector's influence, as public exam systems remain unchanged. To mitigate inequality, the government introduced subsidized programs like Chiiki Mirai Juku in 2015, offering free or low-cost to low-income students via public-private partnerships, covering costs through central and local funding under alleviation acts. These initiatives aim to level access without banning private juku, acknowledging their entrenched utility in a system where links supplementary to exam success.

South Korea

In , cram schools known as hagwons form a pervasive component of the education system, providing supplementary instruction primarily aimed at preparing students for high-stakes examinations such as the (suneung). These for-profit institutions offer classes in subjects like , English, and sciences, often extending into evenings and weekends to supplement public schooling. As of 2023, over 24,000 hagwons operated in alone, outnumbering convenience stores in the city by a factor of three. Nationwide, approximately 80% of students participated in private education through hagwons in 2024, a rate consistent with trends over the past two decades despite a declining school-age population. The industry has expanded to include even preschoolers, with cram programs for kindergarteners focusing on early and creative skills as foundational preparation for competitive admissions. Enrollment data indicate near-universal attendance among middle and high students, driven by parental investment averaging significant household expenditures—reaching a record 29 trillion (approximately $21 billion USD) in private tutoring spending in 2023. This spending surge persists amid demographic declines, with revenues and profits hitting new highs in 2024 due to premium offerings like elite boarding programs and online modules. Government implementation of hagwons is governed by the Act on the Establishment and Operation of Hagwons, which mandates registration, oversight, and operational limits to curb excesses. Key regulations include curfews prohibiting classes after 10 p.m. for most students and caps on tuition fees, intended to reduce academic pressure and promote equitable access to public education. Enforcement involves inspections by the Ministry of Education, yet compliance remains uneven; in 2023, violations of teaching hour limits rose over threefold to 174 cases from 49 the prior year, reflecting persistent demand for extended sessions. Recent initiatives, such as 2023 crackdowns and proposals for stricter oversight on programs, aim to integrate hagwons more closely with public systems, but parental preferences for specialized instruction have sustained underground and premium alternatives.

China

In China, after-school tutoring institutions, often referred to as peiyusuo, proliferated in the decades leading up to 2021, primarily to prepare students for the , the high-stakes national college entrance examination that determines university admission. By 2019, the shadow education sector had expanded to serve millions of K-12 students, with urban participation rates exceeding 70% in some surveys, driven by parental perceptions of competitive necessity amid limited public school resources. This industry, valued at around $100 billion annually before regulatory intervention, intensified educational inequalities, as affluent urban families could afford premium unavailable to rural or lower-income households, widening the urban-rural divide in outcomes. The Chinese government's ", announced on July 24, 2021, targeted these institutions by banning for-profit tutoring in core academic subjects (Chinese, mathematics, and English) for students in (ages 6-15), prohibiting operations during holidays and weekends, and restricting foreign investment in the sector. The policy aimed to reduce student workloads, curb family expenditures on (which averaged 20-30% of household in urban areas pre-ban), and mitigate demographic pressures by alleviating the perceived need for "" that discouraged childbirth. Formal implementation dismantled much of the overt industry, shrinking the market size by over 90% from its peak and leading to widespread closures, with major firms like and TAL Education pivoting to non-core subjects or vocational training. Despite these measures, enforcement challenges persisted, fostering underground tutoring networks by 2023, where clandestine sessions—often held in private homes or via online proxies—commanded premiums of 2-3 times pre-ban rates due to scarcity and legal risks. Empirical analyses indicate the policy reduced formal participation but failed to eliminate demand, particularly for preparation in senior high school (exempt from core bans), with wealthier families sustaining access through informal channels, thus perpetuating inequality rather than resolving it. By late 2024, select tutoring entities began resurfacing in hybridized forms compliant with regulations, such as non-profit models or focus on extracurricular skills, amid relaxed scrutiny in some regions. Ongoing draft regulations in 2024 sought to formalize oversight of remaining after-school programs, emphasizing quality controls over outright prohibition.

Taiwan

In Taiwan, cram schools, known as buxiban, offer after-hours supplementary instruction focused on core subjects and for entrance exams such as the Comprehensive Assessment Program for Junior High School Students and university admissions tests. These institutions operate alongside the formal 12-year system, filling perceived gaps in public schooling by providing intensive drilling and skill-building in , languages, and sciences. Attendance is driven by parental emphasis on academic credentials amid limited spots in high schools and universities, with empirical studies showing buxiban participation correlates with higher test scores and reduced ethnic achievement gaps in subjects like . As of June 2025, registered 17,710 buxiban, including 15,599 test-preparation focused operations, reflecting a net increase of 328 institutions over the prior five years despite a shrinking from low birth rates. Approximately 70% of senior high school and 60% of junior high enroll, often attending 2-4 hours daily after public school, sustaining a K-12 sector valued at roughly NT$150 billion annually. The 1994 "410 ," intended to ease competition by expanding high school and university access, instead amplified buxiban demand as families sought advantages in a credentialist system where public curricula were seen as insufficiently rigorous for top placements. Under the Supplementary Education Act, buxiban must register with local authorities, employ qualified instructors (including minimum weekly teaching hours for foreign language specialists, such as 14 hours in a primary institution), and adhere to operational guidelines limiting classes to after-school hours, typically 4 p.m. to 10 p.m. on weekdays, to safeguard rest. Subsequent reforms, including the 2014 rollout of 12-year , aimed to de-emphasize rote exams but failed to diminish reliance on buxiban, as attendance rose post-reform due to persistent parental incentives for performance edges. While buxiban empirically boost cognitive outcomes and credential attainment, they exacerbate student fatigue and anxiety, with surveys indicating widespread parental concerns over academic lag and links to strains from extended study loads exceeding 12 hours daily. No outright bans exist, unlike in , but regulatory enforcement targets unlicensed operations and overwork, though growth persists amid unmet public demands.

Hong Kong

In , cram schools—commonly termed tutorial schools or cram centers—constitute a dominant feature of the supplementary landscape, concentrating on intensive preparation for the high-stakes Hong Kong Diploma of Secondary Education (HKDSE) examinations, which determine admission since their implementation in 2012. The sector emerged prominently in the amid economic expansion, compulsory (established ), and broadened secondary access, evolving into a competitive market by the with mass-scale "evening schools" accommodating hundreds per class. Major chains such as (founded , with 19 branches and 300 tutors by ), Modern Education, and King's Glory have consolidated dominance, leveraging aggressive advertising that elevates select instructors to "star tutor" status, akin to celebrities, with billboards and media campaigns promising superior exam outcomes. Participation rates are exceptionally high, reflecting systemic pressures from limited quotas (approximately 15-20% of secondary graduates secure local degree places) and parental emphasis on academic credentials for socioeconomic mobility. Surveys indicate over 70% of senior secondary students (Forms 4-6) attend classes, with 71.8% of sampled secondary students reporting in the prior 12 months and Form 6 participants averaging 4.76 hours weekly during exam preparation seasons. Earlier data from 1994 showed 67.3% of Forms 4 and 6 students requiring , underscoring sustained demand driven by , institutional cultures in elite schools, and perceived gaps in mainstream schooling. The industry, estimated at $255 million in 2013, supports diverse formats including large-group sessions (up to 45 students, per regulatory caps), one-on-one sessions, and post-2020 online hybrids accelerated by the , though students often favor in-person for interaction despite digital conveniences. Regulatory oversight falls under the , classifying tutorial schools as providers of non-formal curricula; registration is mandatory for centers serving eight or more simultaneously or 20+ daily, requiring licensed premises, qualified (e.g., holders of Hong Kong Certificate of Education passes), disclosed fees, and adherence to limits. Non-compliance, such as operating unregistered or exceeding capacities, incurs penalties, with 27 convictions for unregistered management and 11 for advertising infringements recorded by December 2013. Teachers face no outright ban on but are guided by the Code for the Education Profession (1995) against exploiting school relationships for private gain, a norm reinforced by competitive public-sector salaries that deter widespread moonlighting. The framework prioritizes market self-regulation over curriculum or fee controls, avoiding overreach that could stifle supply, though critics note inadequate monitoring of small-scale or online operators amid rising inequality, as efficacy—per perceptions—boosts exam scores but correlates with household income disparities and heightened adolescent stress from extended study loads.

India

In India, coaching centers—intensive preparatory institutions for competitive examinations such as the (JEE) for engineering admissions and the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test () for medical admissions—form a massive parallel education industry, particularly concentrated in hubs like . These centers attract hundreds of thousands of students annually, with Kota alone hosting around 110,000 to 250,000 aspirants during peak seasons, driven by the promise of high success rates in securing seats at premier institutions like the (IITs). The industry generates an estimated ₹6,000-10,000 (approximately $720-1,200 million USD) in annual revenue in Kota, underscoring its economic scale amid India's hyper-competitive exam system where success often hinges on outperforming millions of peers. Major institutes like Allen Career Institute enroll over 275,000 students yearly across , claiming to produce a significant share of top performers, including every fourth IIT entrant originating from Kota-based coaching. The coaching model emphasizes grueling schedules—often 10-12 hours daily of classes, self-study, and mock tests—fostering a high-pressure environment that has drawn scrutiny for contributing to breakdowns. Kota has earned notoriety as India's "suicide capital" for students, with at least 20-30 reported cases annually in recent years, linked to exam stress, isolation from family, and fear of failure in a system where only a tiny fraction qualify for elite seats. The in 2025 described this as a " epidemic" among students, estimating over 13,000 annual deaths nationwide tied to academic pressures, including coaching-related strains. Critics argue that while centers tout success metrics like multiple top-100 ranks in 2024, the opaque advertising of guaranteed results and inadequate counseling exacerbate vulnerabilities, particularly among adolescents relocating to unfamiliar urban settings. In response to rising suicides and unregulated growth, the Ministry of Education issued national Guidelines for Regulation of Coaching Centers on January 18, 2024, mandating registration with district authorities, prohibition on enrolling under 16 years old, minimum infrastructure standards (e.g., 1 square meter per in classrooms), qualified faculty with relevant degrees, transparent structures with refund policies, and mandatory counseling for support. Violations carry penalties up to ₹1 (about $1,200 USD) or center closure. , home to Kota, introduced the Coaching Centres (Control and Regulation) Bill in March 2025, establishing a two-tier oversight body, requiring and anti-ragging measures, and imposing fines up to ₹5 ($6,000 USD) for non-compliance, aiming to curb exploitative practices while preserving access to resources. These reforms reflect acknowledgment of the industry's role in exam success but highlight tensions between deregulation advocates, who view as a market-driven necessity amid perceived school shortcomings, and reformers prioritizing welfare over unchecked commercialization.

Singapore

Private tuition, often conducted through registered tuition centres, is a pervasive feature of 's supplementary education landscape, driven by the high-stakes national examinations such as the (PSLE) and GCE O-Levels. Resident households collectively spent S$1.8 billion on private tuition in 2023, marking a nearly 30% increase from 2018 levels and reflecting an average monthly expenditure of S$104.80 per household. This spending is disproportionately higher among affluent families, with the top income quintile averaging S$162.60 monthly compared to S$36.30 for the bottom quintile, exacerbating socioeconomic disparities in access to such services. A 2015 survey indicated that approximately 80% of households with children engaged private tuition, underscoring its normalization across demographics despite varying motivations from remedial support to competitive edge-seeking. Under the Education Act, tuition centres serving 10 or more students must register with the Ministry of Education (MOE) as private schools, ensuring compliance with standards for facilities, curricula, and teacher qualifications; unregistered operations risk penalties. MOE requires tutors at registered centres to declare serious criminal convictions, adding safeguards against unqualified or unsuitable instructors, though enforcement relies on self-reporting and periodic audits. In response to concerns over aggressive marketing—such as unsubstantiated claims of guaranteed results or targeting of Programme streams—MOE announced in February 2025 plans to collaborate with the advertising industry on a voluntary to curb "undesirable practices" by outlier operators, while Education Minister emphasized avoiding over-regulation that could stifle legitimate providers. Empirical evidence on tuition's efficacy in Singapore is mixed, with longitudinal studies showing targeted private tutoring can enhance specific facets of achievement without necessarily widening performance gaps, yet broader participation correlates with elevated student stress and burnout amid the system's emphasis on rote preparation. 's consistent top rankings in international assessments like —attributed primarily to teacher quality and systemic rigor rather than supplementary tutoring alone—coexist with reports of tuition contributing to strains, as parental investment in it often stems from anxiety over peer competition rather than proven deficiencies in public schooling. Critics argue this "tuition mania" perpetuates inequality, as lower-income students derive less marginal benefit from generic cram-style sessions compared to personalized interventions, potentially reinforcing rather than mitigating achievement divides. Despite these drawbacks, the sector's growth to a projected S$2.14 billion by 2025 reflects sustained demand, with centres evolving beyond rote drilling to incorporate and holistic skill-building to address parental preferences.

United States

In the , cram schools—typically termed test preparation centers, academies, or supplementary programs—offer intensive, focused instruction to help students prepare for standardized exams like , ACT, GRE, and tests, as well as academic subjects such as mathematics and reading. These programs emerged prominently in the late alongside the expansion of college admissions testing, with major providers including Kaplan (founded 1938) and (established 1981), which deliver classroom-based, online, or one-on-one sessions emphasizing test-taking strategies, content review, and practice drills. Unlike in , where cram schools often dominate due to high-stakes national exams, U.S. equivalents are largely private and optional, serving an estimated 10-20% of high school students seeking competitive edges in holistic college admissions processes that also weigh grades, extracurriculars, and essays. The industry has grown substantially, with the U.S. test preparation market valued at $37.6 billion in 2024, driven by demand from affluent families and post-pandemic learning recovery efforts. Programs like , a Japan-originated franchise with over 2,000 U.S. centers as of 2023, exemplify cram-style methods through repetitive, mastery-based worksheets in math and reading, enrolling hundreds of thousands of students annually for after-school sessions averaging 2-3 hours weekly. Similar operations, such as Mathnasium (focusing on diagnostic math ) and Centers, cater to K-12 students, often in strip malls or online formats, with costs ranging from $100-300 monthly per subject. In immigrant communities, particularly Korean-American enclaves in areas like , New York, imported "hagwon"-style academies provide rigorous prep for selective public high schools like Stuyvesant, blending cultural expectations of academic diligence with local exam pressures. Empirical evidence indicates these programs can boost test scores by 20-50 points on average for SAT/ACT participants, though effects diminish without underlying skill-building, and high-dosage (3+ sessions weekly) yields stronger outcomes per randomized evaluations. Critics argue that intensive test prep fosters superficial "," potentially undermining deeper learning, as seen in analyses of rote-heavy models akin to banking where deposit replaces . Participation is uneven, concentrated in higher socioeconomic groups—only about 13% of public school students engage in academically focused after-school programs in 2024-25, per federal surveys—with lower uptake in rural or low-income areas due to cost barriers and less emphasis on exam-centric success. No federal or widespread state regulations ban or cap cram schools, operating instead under general business licensing and laws, though some districts scrutinize for-profit contracts amid equity concerns.

Other Countries

In Greece, frontistiria operate as private cram schools specializing in preparation for the Panhellenic university entrance examinations, supplementing public secondary education amid perceptions of inadequate formal schooling for competitive success. Participation is extensive, with 84% of upper secondary students attending formal tutoring institutions and rates reaching 95.6% in the final year, driven by the exams' role in determining access to free public universities. These centers focus on intensive review of core subjects like mathematics, sciences, and languages, often extending into evenings and weekends, and represent a cultural norm embedded in family expectations for higher education attainment. Turkey's dershanes historically paralleled cram schools by offering targeted coaching for the national university placement exam (YKS), enrolling students primarily on weekends or after regular classes to drill exam-specific content. By 2015, around 3,800 such centers existed, employing over 100,000 staff and generating approximately $2 billion annually, though they faced criticism for exacerbating inequality and diverting focus from broader learning. reforms from 2013 onward sought to eliminate them, culminating in a 2018 ban on private exam-prep institutions to integrate preparation into public schools, resulting in their formal closure but persistence of informal or equivalents. In , cram schools and private tutoring institutes proliferate to prepare candidates for the Konkur, a high-stakes 4.5-hour multiple-choice covering high school curricula that solely determines admission rankings nationwide. This sector forms a vast, profitable industry, with widespread enrollment fueled by limited seats—around 15% rates for top programs—yet it widens socioeconomic gaps as affluent families access superior coaching unavailable to poorer students. Preparation often begins in early secondary years, emphasizing rote memorization and test strategies over conceptual depth, mirroring patterns in other exam-centric systems. Brazil's cursinhos function as intensive preparatory courses for the ENEM national and institution-specific vestibular tests, which govern entry into subsidized amid fierce competition for limited spots. These private entities, often full-time or modular, normalize a parallel track for final-year high school students and repeaters, prioritizing exam techniques in subjects like , , and sciences, and have evolved into a commercialized industry reflecting neoliberal influences on access. Enrollment surged with ENEM's expansion since 2009, though exact figures vary by region, with urban centers like hosting dense networks that correlate with higher admission rates but also reinforce class disparities.

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