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Suicide
Suicide
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Suicide
Le Suicidé by Édouard Manet, c. 1877
SpecialtyPsychiatry, clinical psychology, clinical social work
Usual onset15–30 and 70+ years old[1]
Risk factorsDepression, previous attempts, bipolar disorder, autism, bereavement, breakups, divorce, loneliness, schizophrenia, personality disorders, anxiety disorders, alcoholism, chronic fatigue, chronic pain, crises, financial problems, mental disorders, physical disorders, substance abuse[2][3][4][5]
PreventionLimiting access to methods of suicide, treating mental disorders and substance misuse, careful media reporting about suicide, improving social and economic conditions, improving behavior of others[2]
Frequency12 per 100,000 per year[6]
Deaths793,000 / 1.5% of deaths (2016)[7][8]

Suicide is the act of intentionally causing one's own death.[9]

Risk factors for suicide include mental disorders, neurodevelopmental disorders, physical disorders, and substance abuse.[2][3][5][10] Some suicides are impulsive acts driven by stress (such as from financial or academic difficulties), relationship problems (such as breakups or divorces), or harassment and bullying.[2][11][12] Those who have previously attempted suicide are at a higher risk for future attempts.[2] Effective suicide prevention efforts include limiting access to methods of suicide such as firearms, drugs, and poisons; treating mental disorders and substance abuse; careful media reporting about suicide; improving economic conditions;[2][13] and dialectical behaviour therapy (DBT).[14] Although crisis hotlines, like 988 in North America and 13 11 14 in Australia, are common resources, their effectiveness has not been well studied.[15][16]

Suicide is the 10th-leading cause of death worldwide,[3][6] accounting for about 1.5% of deaths.[8] In a given year, this is roughly 12 per 100,000 people.[6] Though suicides resulted in 828,000 deaths globally in 2015, up from 712,000 deaths in 1990, the age-standardized death rate decreased by 23.3%.[17][18] By gender, suicide rates are generally higher among men than women, ranging from 1.5 times higher in the developing world to 3.5 times higher in the developed world; in the Western world, non-fatal suicide attempts are more common among young people and women.[19] Suicide is generally most common among those over the age of 70; however, in certain countries, those aged between 15 and 30 are at the highest risk.[1] Europe had the highest rates of suicide by region in 2015.[20] There are an estimated 10 to 20 million non-fatal attempted suicides every year.[21] Non-fatal suicide attempts may lead to injury and long-term disabilities.[19] The most commonly adopted method of suicide varies from country to country and is partly related to the availability of effective means.[22] Assisted suicide, sometimes done when a person is in severe pain or facing an imminent death, is legal in many countries and increasing in numbers.[23][24]

Views on suicide have been influenced by broad existential themes such as religion, honor, and the meaning of life.[25][26] The Abrahamic religions traditionally consider suicide as an offense towards God due to belief in the sanctity of life.[27] During the samurai era in Japan, a form of suicide known as seppuku (腹切り, harakiri) was respected as a means of making up for failure or as a form of protest.[28] Suicide and attempted suicide, while previously illegal, are no longer so in most Western countries.[29] It remains a criminal offense in some countries.[30] In the 20th and 21st centuries, suicide has been used on rare occasions as a form of protest; it has also been committed while or after murdering others, a tactic that has been used both militarily and by terrorists.[31]

Suicide is often seen as a major catastrophe, causing significant grief to the deceased's relatives, friends and community members, and it is viewed negatively almost everywhere around the world.[32][33]

Definitions

[edit]

Suicide, derived from Latin suicidium, is "the act of taking one's own life".[9][34] Attempted suicide, or non-fatal suicidal behavior, amounts to self-injury with at least some desire to end one's life that does not result in death.[35][36] Assisted suicide occurs when one individual helps another bring about their own death indirectly by providing either advice or the means to the end.[37] Euthanasia, more specifically voluntary euthanasia, is where another person takes a more active role in bringing about a person's death.[37]

Suicidal ideation is thoughts of ending one's life but not taking any active efforts to do so.[35] It may or may not involve exact planning or intent.[36] Suicidality is defined as "the risk of suicide, usually indicated by suicidal ideation or intent, especially as evident in the presence of a well-elaborated suicidal plan."[38]

In a murder–suicide (or homicide–suicide), the individual aims at taking the lives of others at the same time. A special case of this is extended suicide, where the murder is motivated by seeing the murdered persons as an extension of their self.[39] Suicide in which the reason is that the person feels that they are not part of society is known as egoistic suicide.[40]

The Centre for Suicide Prevention in Canada found that the normal verb in scholarly research and journalism for the act of suicide was commit, and argued for destigmatizing terminology related to suicide; in 2011, they published an article calling for changing the language used around suicide entitled "Suicide and language: Why we shouldn't use the 'C' word".[41][42] The American Psychological Association lists "committed suicide" as a term to avoid because it "frame[s] suicide as a crime."[43] Some advocacy groups recommend using the terms took his/her own life, died by suicide, or killed him/herself instead of committed suicide.[44][45][46] The Associated Press Stylebook recommends avoiding "committed suicide" except in direct quotes from authorities.[47] The Guardian and Observer style guides deprecate the use of "committed",[48] as does CNN.[49] Opponents of commit argue that it implies that suicide is criminal, sinful, or morally wrong.[50]

Pathophysiology

[edit]
BDNF - Brain-derived neurotrophic factor (violet) and NT-4 heterodimer (blue)

There is no known unifying underlying pathophysiology for suicide;[19] it is believed to result from an interplay of behavioral, socio-economic and psychological factors.[22]

Low levels of brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) are directly associated with suicide[51] and indirectly associated through its role in major depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, schizophrenia and obsessive–compulsive disorder.[52] Post-mortem studies have found reduced levels of BDNF in the hippocampus and prefrontal cortex, in those with and without psychiatric conditions.[53] Serotonin, a brain neurotransmitter, is believed to be low in those who die by suicide.[54] This is partly based on evidence of increased levels of 5-HT2A receptors found after death.[55] Other evidence includes reduced levels of a breakdown product of serotonin, 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid, in the cerebral spinal fluid.[56] However, direct evidence is hard to obtain.[55] Epigenetics, the study of changes in genetic expression in response to environmental factors which do not alter the underlying DNA, is also believed to play a role in determining suicide risk.[57]

Risk factors

[edit]
Precipitating circumstances in the US, 2017[58]
Categories Percentage
Diagnosed mental problem
50%
Recent or upcoming crisis
31%
Intimate partner problem
27%
Physical health problem
21%
Alcohol problem
18%
Substance abuse (excluding alcohol)
18%
Argument
16%
Family problem
10%
Job problem
10%
Financial problem
9%
Legal problem
8%
Death of loved one
7%
Suicide is multi-factorial. Multiple precipitating circumstances and risk factors can apply to the same person.

Factors that affect the risk of suicide include mental disorders, drug misuse, psychological states, cultural, family and social situations, genetics, experiences of trauma or loss, and nihilism.[59][60][16] Mental disorders and substance misuse frequently co-exist.[61] Other risk factors include having previously attempted suicide,[19] the ready availability of a means to take one's life, a family history of suicide, or the presence of traumatic brain injury.[62] For example, suicide rates have been found to be greater in households with firearms than those without them.[63] Recent research examining 3,018 US counties found that "the distribution of suicide rates across US states corresponded to variations in [social determinants of health] cluster distribution in each state.[64]

Socio-economic problems such as unemployment, poverty, homelessness, and discrimination may trigger suicidal thoughts.[65][66] Suicide might be rarer in societies with high social cohesion and moral objections against suicide.[36] Genetics appears to account for between 38% and 55% of suicidal behaviors.[67] Suicides may also occur as a local cluster of cases.[68]

Most research does not distinguish between risk factors that lead to thinking about suicide and risk factors that lead to suicide attempts.[69][70] Risks for suicide attempt, rather than just thoughts of suicide, include a high pain tolerance and a reduced fear of death.[71]

Autism

[edit]

Autistic individuals, on average, face more mental health and social challenges than non-autistic individuals, including higher rates of anxiety, depression, and social isolation.[72][73] They attempt and consider suicide more frequently than the general population.[74] Autistic people are about three times as likely as non-autistic people to attempt suicide.[75][76] Suicide is a leading cause of early death for autistic people without co-occurring learning disabilities.[77]

Environmental exposures

[edit]

Some environmental exposures, including air pollution, intense sunlight, sunlight duration, hot weather, and high altitude, are associated with suicide.[78] There is a possible association between short-term PM10 exposure and suicide.[79][80] These factors might affect certain high-risk individuals more than others.[78]

The time of year may also affect suicide rates. There appears to be a decrease around Christmas,[81] but an increase in rates during spring and summer, which might be related to exposure to sunshine.[36] Another study found that the risk may be greater for males on their birthday.[82]

Genetics might influence rates of suicide. A family history of suicide, especially in the mother, affects children more than adolescents or adults.[83] Adoption studies have shown that this is the case for biological relatives, but not adopted relatives. This makes familial risk factors unlikely to be due to imitation.[36] Once mental disorders are accounted for, the estimated heritability rate is 36% for suicidal ideation and 17% for suicide attempts.[36] An evolutionary explanation for suicide is that it may improve inclusive fitness. This may occur if the person dying by suicide cannot have more children and takes resources away from relatives by staying alive. An objection to this explanation is that deaths by healthy adolescents likely do not increase inclusive fitness. Adaptation to a very different ancestral environment may be maladaptive in the current one.[84][85]

Media

[edit]
In Goethe's The Sorrows of Young Werther, the title character kills himself due to a love triangle involving Charlotte (pictured at his grave). Some admirers of the story were triggered into copycat suicide, known as the "Werther effect".

The media, including the Internet, plays an important role.[59][83] Certain depictions of suicide may increase its occurrence, with high-volume, prominent, repetitive coverage glorifying or romanticizing suicide having the most impact.[86] For example, about 15–40% of people leave a suicide note,[87] and media are discouraged from reporting the contents of that message. When detailed descriptions of how to kill oneself by a specific means are portrayed, this method of suicide can be imitated in vulnerable people.[22] This phenomenon has been observed in several cases after press coverage.[88][89] In a bid to reduce the adverse effect of media portrayals concerning suicide report, one of the effective methods is to educate journalists on how to report suicide news in a manner that might reduce that possibility of imitation and encourage those at risk to seek for help. When journalists follow certain reporting guidelines the risk of suicides can be decreased.[86] Getting buy-in from the media industry can be difficult, especially in the long term.[86]

This trigger of suicide contagion or copycat suicide is known as the "Werther effect", named after the protagonist in Goethe's The Sorrows of Young Werther who killed himself and then was emulated by many admirers of the book.[90] This risk is greater in adolescents who may romanticize death.[91] It appears that while news media has a significant effect, that of the entertainment media is equivocal.[92][93] It is unclear if searching for information about suicide on the Internet relates to the risk of suicide.[94] The opposite of the Werther effect is the proposed "Papageno effect", in which coverage of effective coping mechanisms may have a protective effect. The term is based upon a character in Mozart's opera The Magic Flute—fearing the loss of a loved one, he had planned to kill himself until his friends helped him out.[90] As a consequence, fictional portrayals of suicide, showing alternative consequences or negative consequences, might have a preventive effect,[95] for instance fiction might normalize mental health problems and encourage help-seeking.[96]

Medical conditions

[edit]

There is an association between suicidality and physical health problems such as[97] chronic pain,[98] traumatic brain injury,[99] cancer,[100] chronic fatigue syndrome,[101] kidney failure (requiring hemodialysis), HIV, and systemic lupus erythematosus.[97] The diagnosis of cancer approximately doubles the subsequent frequency of suicide.[100] The prevalence of increased suicidality persisted after adjusting for depressive illness and alcohol abuse. Among people with more than one medical condition the frequency was particularly high. In Japan, health problems are listed as the primary justification for suicide.[102]

Sleep disturbances, such as insomnia[103] and sleep apnea, are risk factors for depression and suicide. In some instances, the sleep disturbances may be a risk factor independent of depression.[104] A number of other medical conditions may present with symptoms similar to mood disorders, including hypothyroidism, Alzheimer's, brain tumors, systemic lupus erythematosus, and adverse effects from a number of medications (such as beta blockers and steroids).[19]

Mental illness

[edit]

Mental illness is present at the time of suicide 27% to more than 90% of the time.[105][19][106][107] Of those who have been hospitalized for suicidal behavior, the lifetime risk of suicide is 8.6%.[19][108] Comparatively, non-suicidal people hospitalized for affective disorders have a 4% lifetime risk of suicide.[108] Half of all people who die by suicide may have major depressive disorder; having this or one of the other mood disorders such as bipolar disorder increases the risk of suicide 20-fold.[109] Other conditions implicated include schizophrenia (14%), personality disorders (8%),[110][111] obsessive–compulsive disorder,[112] and post-traumatic stress disorder.[19]

Others estimate that about half of people who die by suicide could be diagnosed with a personality disorder, with borderline personality disorder being the most common.[113] About 5% of people with schizophrenia die of suicide.[114] Eating disorders are another high risk condition.[97] Around 22% to 50% of people with gender dysphoria have attempted suicide, however this greatly varies by region.[115][116][117][118][119]

Among approximately 80% of suicides, the individual has seen a physician within the year before their death,[120] including 45% within the prior month.[121] Approximately 25–40% of those who died by suicide had contact with mental health services in the prior year.[105][120] Antidepressants of the SSRI class appear to increase the frequency of suicide among children and young persons.[122] An unwillingness to get help for mental health problems also increases the risk.[68]

Occupational factors

[edit]

Certain occupations carry an elevated risk of self-harm and suicide, such as military careers. Research in several countries has found that the rate of suicide among former armed forces personnel in particular,[123][124][125][126] and young veterans especially,[127][128][123] is markedly higher than that found in the general population. War veterans have a higher risk of suicide due in part to higher rates of mental illness, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, and physical health problems related to war.[129]

Previous attempts

[edit]

A 2002 review of about 90 suicide related studies concluded that the risk of suicide following a previous attempt or self-harm is hundreds of times larger than in the general population.[130] A more recent study estimated that individuals with a history of suicide attempts are approximately 25 times more likely to die by suicide compared to the general population.[131] These findings makes a suicide attempt one of the strongest predictors of eventual suicide.[19]

Among the population that died by suicide, it is estimated that between 25% (up to a year prior)[130] to 40% [132] attempted suicide before. The likelihood of dying by suicide after the subsequent attempt depends on the means used, the age of the person and their gender.[132] Other risk factors such as substance use and mental health[131] impact likelihood of suicide after an attempt. High suicidal intent during previous attempts is another strong predictor.[133]

Time passed since the last attempt also plays a critical role. The first and the second year have the highest risk of suicide.[130][131] It is estimated that 1% die by suicide within a year of the first attempt,[19] and that about 90% of suicide survivors will not die of suicide.[134][97]

Psychosocial factors

[edit]

A number of psychological factors increase the risk of suicide including: hopelessness, loss of pleasure in life, depression, anxiousness, agitation, rigid thinking, rumination, thought suppression, and poor coping skills.[109][83][135] A poor ability to solve problems, the loss of abilities one used to have, and poor impulse control also play a role.[109][84] In older adults, the perception of being a burden to others is important.[136] Those who have never married are also at greater risk.[19] Recent life stresses, such as a loss of a family member or friend or the loss of a job, might be a contributing factor.[109][68]

Certain personality factors, especially high levels of neuroticism and introvertedness, have been associated with suicide. This might lead to people who are isolated and sensitive to distress to be more likely to attempt suicide.[83] On the other hand, optimism has been shown to have a protective effect.[83] Other psychological risk factors include having few reasons for living and feeling trapped in a stressful situation.[83] Changes to the stress response system in the brain might be altered during suicidal states.[36] Specifically, changes in the polyamine system[137] and hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis.[138]

Social isolation and the lack of social support has been associated with an increased risk of suicide.[83] Poverty is also a factor,[139] with heightened relative poverty compared to those around a person increasing suicide risk.[140] Over 200,000 farmers in India have died by suicide since 1997, partly due to issues of debt.[141] In China, suicide is three times as likely in rural regions as urban ones, partly, it is believed, due to financial difficulties in this area of the country.[142]

Being religious may reduce one's risk of suicide while beliefs that suicide is noble may increase it.[143][68][144] This has been attributed to the negative stance many religions take against suicide and to the greater connectedness religion may give.[143] Muslims, among religious people, appear to have a lower rate of suicide; however, the data supporting this is not strong.[30] There does not appear to be a difference in rates of attempted suicide.[30] Young women in the Middle East may have higher rates.[145]

Rational

[edit]
Teenage recruits for Japanese Kamikaze suicide pilots in May 1945

Rational suicide is the reasoned taking of one's own life.[146] However, some consider suicide as never being rational.[146]

Euthanasia and assisted suicide are accepted practices in a number of countries among those who have a poor quality of life without the possibility of getting better.[147][148] They are supported by the legal arguments for a right to die.[148]

The act of taking one's life for the benefit of others is known as altruistic suicide.[149] An example of this is an elder ending his or her life to leave greater amounts of food for the younger people in the community.[149] Suicide in some Inuit cultures has been seen as an act of respect, courage, or wisdom.[150]

A suicide attack is a political or religious action where an attacker carries out violence against others which they understand will result in their own death.[151] Some suicide bombers are motivated by a desire to obtain martyrdoms or are religiously motivated.[129] Kamikaze missions in the latter stages of World War II were carried out as a duty to a higher cause or moral obligation.[150] Murder–suicide is an act of homicide followed within a week by suicide of the person who carried out the act.[152]

Mass suicides are often performed under social pressure where members give up autonomy to a leader (see Notable cases below).[153] Mass suicides can take place with as few as two people, often referred to as a suicide pact.[154] In extenuating situations where continuing to live would be intolerable, some people use suicide as a means of escape.[155][156] Some inmates in Nazi concentration camps are known to have killed themselves during the Holocaust by deliberately touching the electrified fences.[157]

Self-harm

[edit]

Non-suicidal self-harm is common with 18% of people engaging in self-harm over the course of their life.[158]: 1  Acts of self-harm are not usually suicide attempts and most who self-harm are not at high risk of suicide.[159] Some who self-harm, however, do still end their life by suicide, and risk for self-harm and suicide may overlap.[159] Individuals who have been identified as self-harming after being admitted to hospital are 68% (38105%) more likely to die by suicide.[160]: 279 

Substance misuse

[edit]
"The Drunkard's Progress", 1846, demonstrating how alcoholism can lead to poverty, crime, and eventually suicide

Substance misuse is the second most common risk factor for suicide after major depression and bipolar disorder.[161] Both chronic substance misuse as well as acute intoxication are associated.[61][162] When combined with personal grief, such as bereavement, the risk is further increased.[162] Substance misuse is also associated with mental health disorders.[61]

Most people are under the influence of sedative-hypnotic drugs (such as alcohol or benzodiazepines) when they die by suicide,[163] with alcoholism present in between 15% and 61% of cases.[61] Use of prescribed benzodiazepines is associated with an increased rate of suicide and attempted suicide. The pro-suicidal effects of benzodiazepines are suspected to be due to a psychiatric disturbance caused by side effects, such as disinhibition, or withdrawal symptoms.[10] Countries that have higher rates of alcohol use and a greater density of bars generally also have higher rates of suicide.[164] About 2.2–3.4% of those who have been treated for alcoholism at some point in their life die by suicide.[164] Alcoholics who attempt suicide are usually male, older, and have tried to take their own lives in the past.[61] Between 3 and 35% of deaths among those who use heroin are due to suicide (approximately fourteenfold greater than those who do not use).[165] In adolescents who misuse alcohol, neurological and psychological dysfunctions may contribute to the increased risk of suicide.[166]

The misuse of cocaine and methamphetamine has a high correlation with suicide.[61][167][168] In those who use cocaine, the risk is greatest during the withdrawal phase.[169] Those who used inhalants are also at significant risk with around 20% attempting suicide at some point and more than 65% considering it.[61] Smoking cigarettes is associated with risk of suicide.[170] There is little evidence as to why this association exists; however, it has been hypothesized that those who are predisposed to smoking are also predisposed to suicide, that smoking causes health problems which subsequently make people want to end their life, and that smoking affects brain chemistry causing a propensity for suicide.[170] Cannabis, however, does not appear to independently increase the risk.[61]

Other factors

[edit]

Trauma is a risk factor for suicidality in both children[171] and adults.[83] Some may take their own lives to escape bullying or prejudice.[172] A history of childhood sexual abuse[173] and time spent in foster care are also risk factors.[174] Sexual abuse is believed to contribute to approximately 20% of the overall risk.[67] Significant adversity early in life has a negative effect on problem-solving skills and memory, both of which are implicated in suicidality.[36] According to a 2022 study, adverse childhood experiences maybe "associated with a two-fold higher odds" of anxiety disorders, depression and suicidality."[175]

Problem gambling is associated with increased suicidal ideation and attempts compared to the general population.[176] Between 12 and 24% of pathological gamblers attempt suicide.[177] The rate of suicide among their spouses is three times greater than that of the general population.[177] Other factors that increase the risk in problem gamblers include concomitant mental illness, alcohol, and drug misuse.[178]

Infection by the parasite Toxoplasma gondii, more commonly known as toxoplasmosis, has been linked with suicide risk. One explanation states that this is caused by altered neurotransmitter activity due to the immunological response.[36]

Community-level factors can also play a role. For example, a 2025 study found that a one-unit increase in local homicide rates was followed by a 3.6% rise in suicide rates the next year, suggesting that community-level violence may contribute to suicide risk.[179]

Dutch research by Lin Zhang focuses on the role of P2RX7 and the apoptosis of microglia in suicidal ideation.[184]

Prevention

[edit]
As a suicide prevention initiative, these signs on the Golden Gate Bridge promote a special telephone that connects to a crisis hotline, as well as a 24/7 crisis text line.

Suicide prevention is a term used for the collective efforts to reduce the incidence of suicide through preventive measures. Protective factors for suicide include support, and access to therapy.[60] About 60% of people with suicidal thoughts do not seek help.[185] Reasons for not doing so include low perceived need, and wanting to deal with the problem alone.[185] Despite these high rates, there are few established treatments available for suicidal behavior.[83]

Reducing access to certain methods, such as access to firearms or toxins such as opioids and pesticides, can reduce risk of suicide by that method.[22][186][16][36] Reducing access to easily-accessible methods of suicide may make impulsive attempts less likely to succeed.[187] Other measures include reducing access to charcoal (for burning) and adding barriers on bridges and subway platforms.[22][188][16] Treatment of drug and alcohol addiction, depression, and those who have attempted suicide in the past, may also be effective.[186][16] Some have proposed reducing access to alcohol as a preventive strategy (such as reducing the number of bars).[61]

A suicide prevention fence on a bridge

In young adults who have recently thought about suicide, cognitive behavioral therapy appears to improve outcomes.[189][83] School-based programs that increase mental health literacy and train staff have shown mixed results on suicide rates.[16] Economic development through its ability to reduce poverty may be able to decrease suicide rates.[139] Efforts to increase social connection, especially in elderly males, may be effective.[190] In people who have attempted suicide, following up on them might prevent repeat attempts.[191] Although crisis hotlines are common, there is little evidence to support or refute their effectiveness.[15][16] Preventing childhood trauma provides an opportunity for suicide prevention.[171] The World Suicide Prevention Day is observed annually on 10 September with the support of the International Association for Suicide Prevention and the World Health Organization.[192]

Diet

[edit]

About 50% of people who die of suicide have a mood disorder such as major depression.[193][194] Sleep and diet may play a role in depression (major depressive disorder), and interventions in these areas may be an effective add-on to conventional methods.[195] Vitamin B2, B6 and B12 deficiency may cause depression in females.[196]

Risk of depression may be reduced with a healthy diet "high in fruits, vegetables, nuts, and legumes; moderate amounts of poultry, eggs, and dairy products; and only occasional red meat".[197][198] A balanced diet and the consumption of lots of water is essential for mental health. Consuming oily fish may also help as they contain omega-3 fats. Consuming too much refined carbohydrates (e.g., snack foods) may increase the risk of depression symptoms. The mechanism on how diet improves or worsens mental health is still not fully understood. Blood glucose levels alterations, inflammation, or effects on the gut microbiome have been suggested.[197]

Examples of balanced diets, proven essential for maintaining mental health[197]

Screening

[edit]

IS PATH WARM [...] is an acronym [...] to assess [...] a potentially suicidal individual, (i.e., ideation, substance abuse, purposelessness, anger, feeling trapped, hopelessness, withdrawal, anxiety, recklessness, and mood).[199]

— American Association of Suicidology (2019)

There is little data on the effects of screening the general population on the ultimate rate of suicide.[200][201] Screening those who come to the emergency departments with injuries from self-harm have been shown to help identify suicide ideation and suicide intention. Psychometric tests such as the Beck Depression Inventory or the Geriatric Depression Scale for older people are being used.[202] As there is a high rate of people who test positive via these tools that are not at risk of suicide, there are concerns that screening may significantly increase mental health care resource utilization.[203] Assessing those at high risk, though, is recommended for.[19] Asking about suicidality does not appear to increase the risk.[19]

Treatment of mental illness

[edit]

In those with mental health problems, a number of treatments may reduce the risk of suicide. Those who are actively suicidal may be admitted to psychiatric care either voluntarily or involuntarily.[19] Possessions that may be used to harm oneself are typically removed.[97] Some clinicians get patients to sign suicide prevention contracts where they agree to not harm themselves if released.[19] However, evidence does not support a significant effect from this practice.[19] If a person is at low risk, outpatient mental health treatment may be arranged.[97] Short-term hospitalization has not been found to be more effective than community care for improving outcomes in those with borderline personality disorder who are chronically suicidal.[204][205]

There is tentative evidence that psychotherapy, specifically dialectical behaviour therapy, reduces suicidality in adolescents[206] as well as in those with borderline personality disorder.[207] It may also be useful in decreasing suicide attempts in adults at high risk.[208]

There is controversy around the benefit-versus-harm of antidepressants.[59] In young persons, some antidepressants, such as SSRIs, appear to increase the risk of suicidality from 25 per 1000 to 40 per 1000.[209] In older persons, however, they may decrease the risk.[19] Lithium appears effective at lowering the risk in those with bipolar disorder and major depression to nearly the same levels as that of the general population.[210][211] Clozapine may decrease the thoughts of suicide in some people with schizophrenia.[212] Ketamine, which is a dissociative anaesthetic, seems to lower the rate of suicidal ideation.[213] In the United States, health professionals are legally required to take reasonable steps to try to prevent suicide.[214][215]

Caring letters

[edit]
A caring letter sent by Jerome Motto to his patient

The "Caring Letters" model of suicide prevention[216][217] involved mailing short letters that expressed the researchers' interest in the recipients without pressuring them to take any action. The intervention reduced deaths by suicide, as proven through a randomized controlled trial.[218] The technique involves letters sent from a researcher who had spoken at length with the recipient during a suicidal crisis.[217] The typewritten form letters were brief – sometimes as short as two sentences – personally signed by the researcher, and expressed interest in the recipient without making any demands.[217] They were initially sent monthly, eventually decreasing in frequency to quarterly letters; if the recipient wrote back, then an additional personal letter was mailed.[217]

Caring letters are inexpensive and either the only,[217] or one of very few,[216] approaches to suicide prevention that has been scientifically proven to work during the first years after a suicide attempt that resulted in hospitalization.

Methods

[edit]
Deaths by gun-related suicide versus non-gun-related suicide rates per 100,000 in high-income countries in 2010[219]

The leading method of suicide varies among countries. The leading methods in different regions include hanging, pesticide poisoning, and firearms.[220] These differences are believed to be in part due to availability of the different methods.[22] A review of 56 countries found that hanging was the most common method in most of the countries,[220] accounting for 53% of male suicides and 39% of female suicides.[221]

Worldwide, 30% of suicides are estimated to occur from pesticide poisoning, most of which occur in the developing world.[2] The use of this method varies markedly from 4% in Europe to more than 50% in the Pacific region.[222] It is also common in Latin America due to the ease of access within the farming populations.[22] In many countries, drug overdoses account for approximately 60% of suicides among women and 30% among men.[223] Many are unplanned and occur during an acute period of ambivalence.[22] The death rate varies by method: firearms 80–90%, drowning 65–80%, hanging 60–85%, jumping 35–60%, charcoal burning 40–50%, pesticides 60–75%, and medication overdose 1.5–4.0%.[22] The most common attempted methods of suicide differ from the most common methods of completion; up to 85% of attempts are via drug overdose in the developed world.[97]

In China, the consumption of pesticides is the most common method.[224] In Japan, self-disembowelment known as seppuku (harakiri) still occurs;[224] however, hanging and jumping are the most common.[225] Jumping to one's death is common in both Hong Kong and Singapore at 50% and 80% respectively.[22] In Switzerland, firearms are the most frequent suicide method in young males, although this method has decreased since guns have become less common.[226][227] In the United States, 50% of suicides involve the use of firearms, with this method being somewhat more common in men (56%) than women (31%).[228] The next most common cause was hanging in males (28%) and self-poisoning in females (31%).[228] Together, hanging and poisoning constituted about 42% of U.S. suicides (as of 2017).[228]

Epidemiology

[edit]
The US has had the largest number of gun-related suicides in the world every year from 1990 through at least 2019.[229] With 4% of the world's population, the US had 44% of global gun suicides in 2019, and the highest rate per capita.[229]

Approximately 1.4% of people die by suicide, a mortality rate of 11.6 per 100,000 persons per year.[6][19] Suicide resulted in 842,000 deaths in 2013 up from 712,000 deaths in 1990.[18] Rates of suicide have increased by 60% from the 1960s to 2012, with these increases seen primarily in the developing world.[3] Globally, as of 2008/2009, suicide is the tenth leading cause of death.[3] For every suicide that results in death there are between 10 and 40 attempted suicides.[19]

Suicide rates differ significantly between countries and over time.[6] As a percentage of deaths in 2008 it was: Africa 0.5%, South-East Asia 1.9%, Americas 1.2% and Europe 1.4%.[6] Rates per 100,000 were: Australia 8.6, Canada 11.1, China 12.7, India 23.2, United Kingdom 7.6, United States 11.4 and South Korea 28.9.[230][231] It was ranked as the 10th leading cause of death in the United States in 2016 with about 45,000 cases that year.[232] Rates have increased in the United States in the last few years,[232] with about 49,500 people dying by suicide in 2022, the highest number ever recorded.[233] In the United States, about 650,000 people are seen in emergency departments yearly due to attempting suicide.[19] The United States rate among men in their 50s rose by nearly half in the decade 1999–2010.[234] Greenland, Lithuania, Japan, and Hungary have the highest rates of suicide.[6] Around 75% of suicides occur in the developing world.[2] The countries with the greatest absolute numbers of suicides are China and India, partly due to their large population size, accounting for over half the total.[6] In China, suicide is the 5th leading cause of death.[235]

An unofficial report estimated 5,000 suicides in Iran in 2022.[238]

Sex and gender

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Suicide rates per 100,000 in 2015; males (top/left) and females (bottom/right):

Globally as of 2012, death by suicide occurs about 1.8 times more often in males than females.[6][239] In the Western world, males die three to four times more often by means of suicide than do females.[6] This difference is even more pronounced in those over the age of 65, with tenfold more males than females dying by suicide.[240] Suicide attempts and self-harm are between two and four times more frequent among females.[19][241][242] Researchers have attributed the difference between suicide and attempted suicide among the sexes to males using more lethal means to end their lives.[240][243][244] However, separating intentional suicide attempts from non-suicidal self-harm is not currently done in places like the United States when gathering statistics at the national level.[245]

China has one of the highest female suicide rates in the world and is the only country where it is higher than that of men (ratio of 0.9).[6][235] In the Eastern Mediterranean, suicide rates are nearly equivalent between males and females.[6] The highest rate of female suicide is found in South Korea at 22 per 100,000, with high rates in South-East Asia and the Western Pacific generally.[6]

A number of reviews have found an increased risk of suicide among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people.[246][247] Among transgender persons, rates of attempted suicide are about 40% compared to a general population rate of 5%.[248][249] This is believed to in part be due to social stigmatisation.[250]

Age

[edit]
Suicide rates by age[251]

In many countries, the rate of suicide is highest in the middle-aged[252] or elderly.[22] The absolute number of suicides, however, is greatest in those between 15 and 29 years old, due to the number of people in this age group.[6] Worldwide, the average age of suicide is between age 30 and 49 for both men and women.[253] Suicidality is rare in children, but increases during the transition to adolescence.[254]

In the United States, the suicide death rate is greatest in Caucasian men older than 80 years, even though younger people more frequently attempt suicide.[19] It is the second most common cause of death in adolescents[59] and in young males is second only to accidental death.[252] In young males in the developed world, it is the cause of nearly 30% of mortality.[252] In the developing world rates are similar, but it makes up a smaller proportion of overall deaths due to higher rates of death from other types of trauma.[252] In South-East Asia, in contrast to other areas of the world, deaths from suicide occur at a greater rate in young females than elderly females.[6]

History

[edit]
The Ludovisi Gaul killing himself and his wife, Roman copy after the Hellenistic original, Palazzo Massimo alle Terme

In ancient Athens, a person who died by suicide without the approval of the state was denied the honors of a normal burial. The person would be buried alone, on the outskirts of the city, without a headstone or marker.[255] It was also common for the hand to be cut off the body and buried separately[256] - the hand (and the instrument used) being considered the perpetrator.[257] However, it was deemed to be an acceptable method to deal with military defeat.[258] In Ancient Rome, while suicide was initially permitted, it was later deemed a crime against the state due to its economic costs.[259] Aristotle condemned all forms of suicide while Plato was ambivalent.[260] In Rome, some reasons for suicide included volunteering death in a gladiator combat, guilt over murdering someone, to save the life of another, as a result of mourning, from shame from being raped, and as an escape from intolerable situations like physical suffering, military defeat, or criminal pursuit.[260]

The Death of Seneca (1684), painting by Luca Giordano, depicting the suicide of Seneca the Younger in Ancient Rome

Suicide came to be regarded as a sin in Christian Europe and was condemned at the Council of Arles (452) as the work of the Devil. In the Middle Ages, the Church had drawn-out discussions as to when the desire for martyrdom was suicidal, as in the case of martyrs of Córdoba. Despite these disputes and occasional official rulings, Catholic doctrine was not entirely settled on the subject of suicide until the later 17th century. A criminal ordinance issued by Louis XIV of France in 1670 was extremely severe, even for the times: the dead person's body was drawn through the streets, face down, and then hung or thrown on a garbage heap. Additionally, all of the person's property was confiscated.[261][262]

Attitudes towards suicide slowly began to shift during the Renaissance. John Donne's work Biathanatos contained one of the first modern defences of suicide, bringing proof from the conduct of Biblical figures, such as Jesus, Samson and Saul, and presenting arguments on grounds of reason and nature to sanction suicide in certain circumstances.[263]

The secularization of society that began during the Enlightenment questioned traditional religious attitudes (such as Christian views on suicide) toward suicide and brought a more modern perspective to the issue. David Hume denied that suicide was a crime as it affected no one and was potentially to the advantage of the individual. In his 1777 Essays on Suicide and the Immortality of the Soul he rhetorically asked, "Why should I prolong a miserable existence, because of some frivolous advantage which the public may perhaps receive from me?"[263] Hume's analysis was criticized by philosopher Philip Reed as being "uncharacteristically (for him) bad", since Hume took an unusually narrow conception of duty and his conclusion depended upon the suicide producing no harm to others – including causing no grief, feelings of guilt, or emotional pain to any surviving friends and family – which is almost never the case.[264] A shift in public opinion at large can also be discerned; The Times in 1786 initiated a spirited debate on the motion "Is suicide an act of courage?".[265]

By the 19th century, the act of suicide had shifted from being viewed as caused by sin to being caused by insanity in Europe.[262] Although suicide remained illegal during this period, it increasingly became the target of satirical comments, such as the Gilbert and Sullivan comic opera The Mikado, which satirized the idea of executing someone who had already killed himself.

By 1879, English law began to distinguish between suicide and homicide, although suicide still resulted in forfeiture of estate.[266] In 1882, the deceased were permitted daylight burial in England[267] and by the middle of the 20th century, suicide had become legal in much of the Western world. The term suicide first emerged shortly before 1700 to replace expressions on self-death which were often characterized as a form of self-murder in the West.[260]

Social and culture

[edit]

Legislation

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A tantō knife prepared for seppuku (abdomen-cutting)
Samurai about to perform seppuku

Suicide is a crime in some parts of the world.[268] No country in Europe currently considers suicide or attempted suicide to be a crime.[269] However, it was in most Western European countries from the Middle Ages until at least the 19th century.[266] The Netherlands was the first country to legalize both physician-assisted suicide and euthanasia, which took effect in 2002, although only doctors are allowed to assist in either of them, and have to follow a protocol prescribed by Dutch law.[270] If such protocol is not followed, it is an offence punishable by law. In Germany, active euthanasia is illegal and anyone present during suicide may be prosecuted for failure to render aid in an emergency.[271] Switzerland has taken steps to legalize assisted suicide for the chronically mentally ill. The high court in Lausanne, Switzerland, in a 2006 ruling, granted an anonymous individual with longstanding psychiatric difficulties the right to end his own life.[272] England and Wales decriminalized suicide via the Suicide Act 1961 and the Republic of Ireland in 1993.[269] The word "commit" was used in reference to its being illegal, but many organisations have stopped it because of the negative connotation.[273][274]

In the United States, suicide is not illegal, but may be associated with penalties for those who attempt it.[269][better source needed] Physician-assisted suicide is legal in the state of Washington for people with terminal diseases.[275] In Oregon, people with terminal diseases may request medications to help end their lives.[276] Canadians who have attempted suicide may be barred from entering the United States. U.S. laws allow border guards to deny access to people who have a mental illness, including those with previous suicide attempts.[277][278][needs update]

In Australia, suicide is not a crime,[279] however it is a crime to counsel, incite, or aid and abet another in attempting to die by suicide, and the law explicitly allows any person to use "such force as may reasonably be necessary" to prevent another from taking their own life.[280] The Northern Territory of Australia briefly had legal physician-assisted suicide from 1996 to 1997.[281]

In India, suicide was illegal until 2014, and surviving family members used to face legal difficulties.[282][283] It remains a criminal offense in most Muslim-majority nations.[30]

In Malaysia, suicide per se is not a crime; however, attempted suicide is. Under Section 309 of the Penal Code, a person convicted of attempting suicide can be punished with imprisonment of up to one year, fined, or both. There are ongoing efforts to decriminalise attempted suicide, although rights groups and non-governmental organisations such as the local chapter of Befrienders say that progress has been slow.[284][285] Proponents of decriminalisation argue that suicide legislation may deter people from seeking help, and may even strengthen the resolve of would-be suicides to end their lives to avoid prosecution.[286] The first reading of a bill to repeal Section 309 of the Penal Code was tabled in Parliament in April 2023, bringing Malaysia one step closer towards decriminalising attempted suicide.[287]

Suicide became a trending crisis in North Korea in 2023; a secret order criminalized suicide as treason against the socialist state.[288]

Religious views

[edit]

Christianity

[edit]

Most forms of Christianity consider suicide sinful, based mainly on the writings of influential Christian thinkers of the Middle Ages, such as St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, but suicide was not considered a sin under the Byzantine Christian code of Justinian, for instance.[289][290] In Catholic and Orthodox doctrine, suicide is considered to be murder, violating the commandment "Thou shalt not kill," and historically neither church would even hold a burial service for a member that died by suicide, deeming it an act that condemned the person to hell, since they died in a state of mortal sin.[291] The basic idea being that life is a gift given by God which should not be spurned, and that suicide is against the "natural order" and thus interferes with God's master plan for the world.[292] However, according to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, it is believed that mental illness or grave fear of suffering diminishes the responsibility of the one committing suicide.[293]

Judaism

[edit]

Judaism focuses on the importance of valuing this life, and as such, suicide is tantamount to denying God's goodness in the world. Despite this, under extreme circumstances when there has seemed no choice but to either be killed or forced to betray their religion, there are several accounts of Jews having died by suicide, either individually or in groups (see Holocaust, Masada, First French persecution of the Jews and York Castle for examples), and as a grim reminder there is even a prayer in the Jewish liturgy for "when the knife is at the throat", for those dying "to sanctify God's Name" (see Martyrdom). These acts have received mixed responses by Jewish authorities, regarded by some as examples of heroic martyrdom, while others state that it was wrong for them to take their own lives in anticipation of martyrdom.[294][better source needed]

Islam

[edit]

Islamic religious views condemn suicide[30] and consider it haram. Hadith manuscripts state that suicide is unlawful and a sin,[30] and the Quran explicitly forbids it.[295][296] In Islamic countries, suicide is often stigmatized;[296] it is believed that those that successfully die by suicide are forbidden from entering Jannah.

Hinduism

[edit]
A Hindu widow burning herself with her husband's corpse, 1820s

In Hinduism, suicide is generally disdained and is considered equally sinful as murdering another in contemporary Hindu society. Hindu Scriptures state that one who dies by suicide will become part of the spirit world, wandering earth until the time one would have otherwise died, had one not taken one's own life.[297] However, Hinduism accepts a man's right to end one's life through the non-violent practice of fasting to death, termed Prayopavesa;[298] but Prayopavesa is strictly restricted to people who have no desire or ambition left, and no responsibilities remaining in this life.[298]

Jainism

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Jainism has a similar practice named Santhara. Sati, or self-immolation by widows, is a rare and illegal practice in Hindu society.[299]

Ainu

[edit]

Within the Ainu religion, someone who dies by suicide is believed to become a ghost (tukap) who would haunt the living,[300] to come to fulfillment from which they were excluded during life.[301] Also, someone who insults another so they kill themselves is regarded as co-responsible for their death.[302] According to Norbert Richard Adami, this ethic exists due to the case that solidarity within the community is much more important to Ainu culture than it is to the Western world.[302]

Philosophy

[edit]

A number of questions are raised within the philosophy of suicide, including what constitutes suicide, whether or not suicide can be a rational choice, and the moral permissibility of suicide.[303] Arguments as to acceptability of suicide in moral or social terms range from the position that the act is inherently immoral and unacceptable under any circumstances, to a regard for suicide as a sacrosanct right of anyone who believes they have rationally and conscientiously come to the decision to end their own lives, even if they are young and healthy.

Opponents to suicide include philosophers such as Augustine of Hippo, Thomas Aquinas,[303] Immanuel Kant[304] and, arguably, John Stuart Mill – Mill's focus on the importance of liberty and autonomy meant that he rejected choices which would prevent a person from making future autonomous decisions.[305] Others view suicide as a legitimate matter of personal choice. Supporters of this position maintain that no one should be forced to suffer against their will, particularly from conditions such as incurable disease, mental illness, and old age, with no possibility of improvement. They reject the belief that suicide is always irrational, arguing instead that it can be a valid last resort for those enduring major pain or trauma.[306] A stronger stance would argue that people should be allowed to autonomously choose to die regardless of whether they are suffering. Notable supporters of this school of thought include Scottish empiricist David Hume,[303] who accepted suicide so long as it did not harm or violate a duty to God, other people, or the self,[264] and American bioethicist Jacob Appel.[272][307]

Adverse attitudes

[edit]

Society may have negative attitudes towards suicide, which can lead to suicidal people experiencing discrimination, stigmatization, exclusion, pathologization, and incarceration. They may be hospitalized or drugged without their consent, have difficulties in finding jobs or housing, and have their parental rights revoked. Suicide is not seen as a positive human right or a logical decision given circumstances. Suicidal people are not seen as having potentially valuable messages to convey.[308][309][310]

Advocacy

[edit]
In this painting by Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps, the palette, pistol, and note lying on the floor suggest that the event has just taken place; an artist has taken his own life.[311]

Advocacy of suicide has occurred in many cultures and subcultures. The Japanese military during World War II encouraged and glorified kamikaze attacks, which were suicide attacks by military aviators from the Empire of Japan against Allied naval vessels in the closing stages of the Pacific Theater of World War II. Japanese society as a whole has been described as "suicide-tolerant"[312] (see Suicide in Japan).

Internet searches for information on suicide return webpages that, in a 2008 study, about 50% of the time provide information on suicide methods. A similar study found that 11% of sites encouraged suicide attempts.[313] There is some concern that such sites may push those already predisposed to attempt suicide. Some people form suicide pacts online, either with pre-existing friends or people they have recently encountered in chat rooms or message boards. The Internet, however, may also help prevent suicide by providing a social group for those who are isolated.[314]

Locations

[edit]

Some landmarks have become known for high levels of suicide attempts.[315] These include China's Nanjing Yangtze River Bridge,[316] San Francisco's Golden Gate Bridge, Japan's Aokigahara Forest,[317] England's Beachy Head,[315] and Toronto's Bloor Street Viaduct.[318] As of 2010, the Golden Gate Bridge has had more than 1,300 suicides by jumping since its construction in 1937.[319] Many locations where suicide is common have constructed barriers to prevent it;[320] this includes the Luminous Veil in Toronto,[318] the Eiffel Tower in Paris, the West Gate Bridge in Melbourne, and Empire State Building in New York City.[320] They generally appear to be effective.[321]

Notable cases

[edit]

An example of mass suicide is the 1978 Jonestown mass murder/suicide in which 909 members of the Peoples Temple, an American new religious movement led by Jim Jones, ended their lives by drinking grape Flavor Aid laced with cyanide and various prescription drugs.[322][323][324]

Thousands of Japanese civilians took their own lives in the last days of the Battle of Saipan in 1944, some jumping from "Suicide Cliff" and "Banzai Cliff".[325] The 1981 Irish hunger strikes, led by Bobby Sands, resulted in 10 deaths. The cause of death was recorded by the coroner as "starvation, self-imposed" rather than suicide; this was modified to simply "starvation" on the death certificates after protest from the dead strikers' families.[326] During World War II, Erwin Rommel was found to have foreknowledge of the 20 July plot on Hitler's life; he was threatened with public trial, execution, and reprisals on his family unless he killed himself.[327]

Other species

[edit]

As suicide requires a wilful attempt to die, some feel it therefore cannot be said to occur in non-human animals.[258] Suicidal behavior has been observed in Salmonella seeking to overcome competing bacteria by triggering an immune system response against them.[328] Suicidal defenses by workers are also seen in the Brazilian ant Forelius pusillus, where a small group of ants leaves the security of the nest after sealing the entrance from the outside each evening.[329]

Pea aphids, when threatened by a ladybug, can explode themselves, scattering and protecting their brethren and sometimes even killing the ladybug; this form of suicidal altruism is known as autothysis.[330] Some species of termites (for example Globitermes sulphureus)[331] have soldiers that explode, covering their enemies with sticky goo.[332][331]

There have been anecdotal reports of dogs, horses, and dolphins killing themselves,[333] but little scientific study has been done regarding animal suicide.[334] Animal suicide is usually put down to romantic human interpretation and is not generally thought to be intentional. Some of the reasons animals are thought to unintentionally kill themselves include: psychological stress, infection by certain parasites or fungi, or disruption of a long-held social tie, such as the ending of a long association with an owner and thus not accepting food from another individual.[335]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Suicide is the intentional infliction of fatal self-injury with the explicit purpose of ending one's life. As a leading worldwide, it claims over 700,000 lives annually, accounting for approximately 1.3% of all global mortality, with rates varying significantly by region, demographics, and socioeconomic conditions. In high-income countries, suicide rates often peak among older adults, particularly males, who exhibit lethality rates nearly four times higher than females due to method choice and other factors; for instance, in the United States, the 2023 age-adjusted rate for males reached 22.8 per 100,000 compared to 5.9 for females. Empirical data highlight pronounced disparities: globally, three-quarters of suicides occur in low- and middle-income countries, where access to pesticides and predominate as methods, while firearms account for over half of suicides . Key risk factors, substantiated by systematic reviews, encompass ( 4.0), ( 3.8), low socioeconomic status, prior attempts, and acute stressors such as financial hardship or interpersonal conflict, though not all cases involve diagnosable mental disorders. Prevention strategies emphasize restricting lethal means, enhancing community support, and addressing modifiable risks like economic instability, which correlate with rate fluctuations during recessions. Despite advances in awareness and intervention, underreporting due to stigma and varying diagnostic criteria complicates global tracking, underscoring the need for rigorous, unbiased epidemiological .

Definitions and Classification

Core Definitions

Suicide is defined as death caused by self-directed injurious behavior with any intent to die as a result of the behavior. This definition, employed by the (NIMH), highlights the centrality of deliberate intent, which differentiates suicide from accidental self-injury or externally inflicted harm. Similarly, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) describes suicide as death resulting from injuring oneself with the intent to die, a formulation that underscores the purposeful nature of the act in and classification systems. Medically, suicide constitutes the fatal outcome of purposeful self-inflicted harm aimed at terminating life, often confirmed through forensic investigation, including psychological autopsies that reconstruct evidence of , planning, or prior attempts when direct testimony is unavailable. The (WHO) aligns with this framework in its global reporting, treating as deliberate self-killing and estimating over 720,000 annual deaths worldwide under this criterion, though underreporting due to stigma or misclassification as accidents complicates precise enumeration in many regions. Legally, suicide is characterized as the intentional taking of one's own life by one's own agency, typically requiring volition and mental capacity; acts by individuals deemed insane or coerced may be reclassified to avoid equating them with autonomous choice, varying by in statutes addressing exclusions or criminal assistance to suicide. In both medical and legal domains, intent is inferred from such as suicide notes, method lethality, or behavioral history, as direct proof is often posthumous and probabilistic rather than absolute. Non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI) involves the deliberate destruction of one's own body tissue without suicidal intent, typically serving functions such as emotional regulation, interpersonal influence, or sensation-seeking, whereas suicide requires the explicit aim of causing death. NSSI often results in superficial wounds, like cutting or burning, and is more prevalent among adolescents and young adults, with lifetime prevalence rates estimated at 17-18% in non-clinical samples, but it carries an elevated risk for future suicidal behavior due to shared underlying vulnerabilities like impulsivity or borderline personality traits. In contrast, suicidal acts prioritize lethality, such as through hanging or firearms, reflecting a primary intent to end life rather than temporary relief. Parasuicide, or deliberate without genuine suicidal intent, differs from completed or attempted suicide by lacking the core motivation of ; it may represent a , impulsive , or manipulation, often involving low-lethality methods like minor overdoses that are survivable. Empirical data indicate that parasuicidal acts are more common in females and linked to situational stressors, with repetition rates up to 20-30% within a year, but they do not equate to suicide attempts where is earnestly pursued. Distinguishing these relies on clinical assessment of intent, as ambiguous cases complicate ; for instance, some overdoses may blend elements, but suicide demands verifiable evidence of fatal purpose over mere self-injury. Euthanasia and diverge from standard suicide in their relational and contextual elements: entails a third party, such as a physician, actively administering a lethal agent to end suffering, often in , while provides the means (e.g., prescribing lethal drugs) for the individual to self-administer. These practices are typically framed within for rational, non-psychiatric decisions, legalized in jurisdictions like the since 2002, with annual cases numbering around 4% of deaths there, contrasting suicide's unilateral, often impulsive nature amid crises. Suicide lacks external facilitation and is not contingent on or protocols, frequently involving untreated depression or acute despair rather than end-of-life . Self-sacrifice, including martyrdom, entails forfeiting life for ideological, communal, or altruistic gains, such as preserving group honor or advancing a cause, rather than escaping personal torment central to most suicides. Historical examples, like soldierly in battle or religious martyrdom, emphasize external validation and legacy, with psychological drivers rooted in or transcendence, differing from suicide's inward focus on individual cessation. Empirical distinctions arise in assessment: self-sacrifice anticipates posthumous benefit, as in documented cases of ideological where actors perceive through death, whereas suicide correlates with hopelessness scales showing diminished future orientation.

Rational vs. Irrational Suicide

The debate over rational versus irrational suicide centers on whether ending one's life can constitute a reasoned decision free from distortion by mental impairment or transient states, or if it invariably reflects flawed judgment. Philosophers like contended that suicide may be rational when it alleviates irremediable suffering without violating duties to self, society, or providence, arguing that it parallels permissible acts like medical intervention to hasten recovery rather than an affront to divine order. This view posits rationality in cases of or profound, unrelievable pain where continued existence yields net harm, emphasizing individual over imposed preservation of . In contrast, psychiatric perspectives predominantly classify suicide as irrational, attributing it to underlying mental disorders that impair cognitive evaluation of alternatives and future prospects. Empirical studies indicate that over 90% of suicides involve diagnosable conditions such as depression or substance use disorders, which distort risk-benefit assessments and often respond to treatment, rendering the act non-volitional in a fully rational sense. Psychotherapists have proposed criteria for potential rational suicide, including decisional competence, absence of or , exploration of alternatives, and irreversible suffering, yet such cases remain exceedingly rare, with most professionals estimating fewer than 1% of suicides meet these thresholds due to pervasive influence of . Critics of rational suicide arguments highlight that even in non-terminal scenarios, —though subjective—is biochemically real and frequently amenable to intervention, challenging claims of inevitability. Professional bodies like the deem assistance in non-terminal rational suicide unethical, underscoring that requires undistorted foresight, which mental illness precludes, and that societal emphasis on prevention aligns with evidence of post-crisis or recovery in survivors. While cultural examples, such as Stoic self-slaughter in antiquity, illustrate perceived honor in chosen death, modern data reveal in up to 50% of attempts, further eroding notions of premeditated across broad populations.

Epidemiology

The global age-standardized suicide declined by nearly 40% over the three decades prior to 2021, falling from approximately 15 deaths per 100,000 population to 9 per 100,000. This equates to an estimated 727,000 suicide deaths in 2021, representing the third leading among individuals aged 15-29 years worldwide, with males exhibiting rates more than twice those of females (12.3 versus 5.9 per 100,000). The decline reflects improvements in prevention efforts, socioeconomic development, and access to interventions in various regions, though underreporting remains prevalent due to stigma, cultural taboos, and legal prohibitions on suicide in many countries, potentially underestimating true rates by up to 100% in low-income settings. Despite the overall downward trajectory, progress has been uneven, with a 12% reduction observed from 8.23 per 100,000 in 2013 to 7.24 per 100,000 in 2020, but persistent high burdens in certain demographics and areas. Regionally, suicide rates exhibit substantial variation, influenced by factors such as , cultural norms, and healthcare infrastructure. In , age-standardized rates reached 19.2 per 100,000 in 2021, the highest globally, attributed to historical socioeconomic disruptions, alcohol consumption patterns, and limited resources.00006-4/fulltext) Southern sub-Saharan Africa followed with 16.1 per 100,000, where crude rates are elevated due to younger populations and vulnerabilities like and conflict, though age-adjusted figures may be lower than in high-income regions when accounting for demographics.00006-4/fulltext) In contrast, the WHO Western Pacific and European Regions report comparatively higher rates than African or American regions in some analyses, with Western Pacific rates often exceeding 10 per 100,000 due to rapid stresses and varying access to lethal means.
WHO RegionApproximate Age-Standardized Rate (per 100,000, recent estimates)Key Trend Notes
10-12Stable to declining, but high in Eastern subregions00006-4/fulltext)
Western Pacific8-11Declining overall, with urban-rural disparities
11-16 (higher in southern areas)Underreporting common; linked to socioeconomic factors00006-4/fulltext)
7-9Declines in some countries, rises in others like the U.S.
South-East Asia8-10Moderate declines, but high absolute numbers due to population size
6-8Lower rates, influenced by cultural and religious prohibitions
Country-level trends further illustrate heterogeneity: rates have decreased in many high-income nations through targeted interventions, such as barrier installations on bridges and restrictions, but risen in others, including a 37% U.S. increase from 2000 to 2018 before a temporary dip and return to peak levels by 2022. In low- and middle-income countries, which account for over 77% of global suicides, progress lags due to resource constraints, with persistently elevated rates in places like (31.3 per 100,000) and (27.9 per 100,000) as of recent data. These disparities underscore the need for context-specific strategies, as global aggregates mask localized reversals amid factors like economic downturns and the pandemic's indirect effects on .

Demographic Patterns

Globally, suicide rates are substantially higher among males than females, with men dying by suicide at more than twice the rate of women. In 2021, the age-standardized global suicide rate was 12.3 per 100,000 for males compared to 5.6 per 100,000 for females, according to estimates derived from vital registration and verbal autopsy data. This disparity persists across most regions, though it widens in high-income countries; for instance, in 2023, the rate for males was nearly four times that for females (22.8 per 100,000 versus 5.9 per 100,000). Males' higher often stems from methods like firearms or , which have lower survival rates compared to overdoses more common among females. Age patterns vary by and , but globally, suicide rates tend to increase with age, peaking among older adults. The reports that suicide is the third leading cause of death for individuals aged 15–29, yet rates are highest among those 65 and older, at approximately 15.99 per 100,000—significantly elevated compared to younger groups. In the U.S., per 2022 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data, the highest rates among males occur in those aged 75 and older, while for females, peaks are in the 45–64 age group (8.6 per 100,000). These trends reflect cumulative risk factors such as chronic illness, isolation, and loss of social roles in later life, though underreporting due to stigma may skew younger age data in low-resource settings. Regionally, 73% of global suicides occur in low- and middle-income countries, where rates exceed those in high-income nations despite lower overall reporting. The highest national rates include Greenland (59.6 per 100,000), Guyana (31.3 per 100,000), and Lithuania (27.9 per 100,000), often linked to rural isolation, alcohol use, and limited mental health access. In contrast, rates are lower in regions like Southern Europe and parts of Latin America. Within countries like the U.S., rural areas show 17.3 per 100,000 versus 11.2 in urban areas, highlighting geographic disparities tied to economic and service access. In the U.S., racial and ethnic patterns reveal elevated rates among American Indian/Alaska Native populations (27.1 per overall in recent data), followed by (17.6 per ), with and rates lower but rising among . American Indian/ Native males face the highest burden at 35.3 per . inversely correlates with rates worldwide; lower income, unemployment, and predict higher risk, with hazard ratios increasing as economic position declines. This holds across ethnic groups and ages, though disparities may be underestimated in data from biased or incomplete registries.

Temporal and Occupational Variations

Suicide rates exhibit seasonal patterns in many populations, with peaks often observed in spring and early summer, particularly in countries. A multi-country found greater seasonal effects among females and the elderly compared to males and younger individuals, attributing variations to factors like photoperiod and temperature. However, patterns differ by demographics; for instance, U.S. aged 15-24 show autumn peaks (September-October) and summer troughs, potentially linked to schedules. Globally, suicide attempts and presentations to emergency departments also tend to peak in spring and summer. Short-term temporal fluctuations include diurnal and weekly cycles. Suicides frequently occur in the early morning or morning hours, especially among middle-aged males, with peaks noted on Mondays in some datasets. peaks appear in young and middle-aged male suicides in over 41 years of observation. Weekly patterns show elevated risk on Mondays and across multiple countries, though weekend and Christmas effects vary geographically. Long-term historical trends reveal a global decline in age-standardized suicide rates, from 14.0 per 100,000 in 2000 to 9.0 per 100,000 in 2019, with 746,000 deaths estimated in 2021. In the United States, rates rose 37% from 2000 to 2018 before a 5% dip through 2020, rebounding to prior highs by 2022, reflecting over 539,810 deaths from 2011 to 2022. These shifts correlate with economic, social, and service access changes, though causal links require further empirical scrutiny beyond correlational data. Occupational variations show elevated suicide rates in manual and high-risk professions, often tied to physical demands, isolation, access to lethal means, and economic instability. In the U.S., working-age suicide rates increased 33% over two decades ending 2021, with at 84.5 per 100,000—the highest overall—and at 49.4 per 100,000 for males. Among males, top groups include agricultural scientists (173.1 per 100,000) and . Females in also face high rates (25.5 per 100,000). These disparities persist across datasets, underscoring needs for targeted interventions in industries with limited support.
Occupational Group (U.S., 2021)Suicide Rate per 100,000 (Males)Suicide Rate per 100,000 (Overall or Females where noted)
-84.5
49.425.5 (females)
Agricultural/Food Scientists173.1-
High (specific rate not isolated)-

Etiology and Risk Factors

Genetic and Biological Factors

Twin and family studies indicate a moderate genetic contribution to suicidal , with estimates ranging from 30% to 55%. A of twin studies concluded that genetic factors significantly influence liability for suicide, independent of shared environment in many cases. Family history of completed suicide independently elevates risk, with odds ratios approximately 2.5 to 3.0 after controlling for psychiatric illness. Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have identified multiple genetic loci associated with s and ideation, though individual variants confer small effect sizes and no single has been definitively established as causal. A 2023 of over 22 million individuals pinpointed 12 genome-wide significant loci for suicide attempt, implicating pathways related to neuronal development and psychiatric comorbidities. Candidate genes such as those involved in serotonergic signaling (e.g., SLC6A4) show inconsistent associations across studies, highlighting the polygenic nature of risk. Biological markers include dysregulation in the serotonergic system, evidenced by lower levels of (5-HIAA), a serotonin , in suicide completers compared to controls. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis exhibits hyperactivity in some suicidal individuals, correlating with elevated responses to stress, though blunted activity has been observed in attempters with . reveals structural alterations, such as reduced gray matter volume in the and anterior cingulate, and functional connectivity disruptions in emotion regulation networks among those with suicidal behavior. These findings suggest impaired and heightened impulsivity as underlying mechanisms, though results vary by study population and methodology.

Psychiatric and Neurobiological Contributors

Psychiatric disorders are among the strongest predictors of suicide, with meta-analyses indicating that individuals diagnosed with any face an odds ratio of 13.1 for suicide compared to those without. Approximately 49% of suicide decedents in the United States have a known diagnosed condition, though this figure may underestimate due to underdiagnosis or absence in the remaining cases. (MDD) exhibits one of the highest associations, with affected individuals showing significantly elevated risk across multiple studies. and schizophrenia spectrum disorders also confer substantial risk, often exceeding that of unipolar depression in lifetime prevalence among completers. and other personality disorders further amplify vulnerability, with suicide rates up to 10% in clinical populations. These associations persist even after controlling for comorbidities, underscoring a direct causal pathway rather than mere correlation, as evidenced by prospective cohort data linking disorder onset to subsequent suicidal acts. Anxiety disorders, including , contribute independently, though their risk is moderated by co-occurring depression. elevates risk through chronic psychosis and negative symptoms, with meta-analyses reporting odds ratios around 20 for suicide in early-course patients. Notably, while psychiatric diagnoses cluster in suicide cases, their absence in roughly half of completers highlights multifactorial etiology, including acute stressors absent formal illness criteria. Neurobiologically, dysregulation of the serotonergic system is a core feature, with postmortem and studies revealing reduced serotonin metabolite (5-HIAA) levels in suicide attempters, particularly those with impulsive acts. This deficit correlates with impaired prefrontal inhibition of aggressive impulses, as low serotonin facilitates disinhibition in limbic regions. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis shows hyperactivity in many cases, marked by elevated responses to stress, which exacerbates and hopelessness. However, blunted HPA reactivity appears in chronic attempters, suggesting adaptive exhaustion that impairs stress coping and heightens lethality. Neuroimaging reveals structural alterations, including reduced gray matter volume in the and anterior cingulate, regions critical for regulation and . Functional MRI studies demonstrate hyperreactivity to negative stimuli in suicide ideators, coupled with diminished connectivity to regulatory prefrontal areas. These changes, observed across disorders like MDD and bipolar, precede attempts and predict recurrence, independent of symptom severity alone. and noradrenergic imbalances further contribute, with elevated norepinephrine in suicidal states linking to agitation and . markers, such as elevated cytokines, correlate with these neural shifts, implying a role for neuroimmune activation in vulnerability.

Substance Use and Comorbidities

Substance use disorders (SUDs) are strongly associated with elevated risk, with psychological autopsy studies indicating that 19% to 63% of decedents suffered from SUDs, predominantly alcohol use disorder (AUD). Adults with SUDs were nearly four times more likely to seriously consider and three times more likely to plan or attempt it in 2020, compared to those without SUDs. All categories of SUDs, including alcohol, , opioids, , and other drugs, correlate with increased mortality in population-based cohorts, with adjusted odds ratios ranging from 2.0 for other drug use disorders to higher for specific substances after controlling for demographics and other risk factors. Alcohol use disorder exhibits one of the strongest links, with individuals diagnosed with AUD showing a lifetime of attempted suicide around 40%. Lifetime suicide rates among those with AUD reach 3.54% for women and 3.94% for men, versus 0.29% and 0.76% in the general , respectively, based on Swedish registry data spanning decades. Acute at the time of is common in suicides, impairing judgment and control, while chronic AUD contributes through neurotoxic effects and . use disorders confer particularly high risk, with affected individuals 14 times more likely to die by suicide than the general ; standardized mortality ratios for suicide among opioid users approximate 5.46. Estimates suggest 25% to 50% of all suicides involve alcohol or drug dependence, with opioids implicated in a subset of overdose suicides that may blur intentionality boundaries. Psychiatric comorbidities amplify these risks, as SUDs frequently co-occur with mood disorders like major depression, where men with comorbid depression and AUD face a 16.2% long-term risk. AUD alone elevates suicidality by 86%, but conjunction with other psychiatric conditions such as anxiety or intensifies vulnerability through shared neurobiological pathways, including serotonin dysregulation and heightened impulsivity. use disorder, often comorbid with other SUDs, independently raises , while patterns further escalate lethality by compounding cognitive impairments and withdrawal states that precipitate acute crises. Causal evidence from longitudinal studies supports SUDs as both precursors and precipitants, distinct from mere correlation, though reverse causation (e.g., of underlying distress) requires disentangling via first-episode analyses.
SubstanceKey Suicide Risk MetricSource
Alcohol Use DisorderLifetime attempt prevalence: ~40%; Suicide rate: 3.5-3.9%
14x increased suicide mortality odds; SMR ~5.46
General SUDs19-63% prevalence in suicide decedents; 4x ideation risk

Psychosocial and Environmental Influences

Childhood adversities, including , , and household dysfunction, significantly elevate suicide risk in adulthood. Individuals with four or more (ACEs) face odds of suicide attempts approximately 30 times higher than those without such exposures. These effects persist through mediating pathways like reduced resilience and heightened , with long-term childhood difficulties linked to 21% higher odds of or planning. Social isolation and loneliness independently contribute to suicidality, with meta-analyses indicating a fivefold increase in suicide mortality risk among affected individuals, particularly pronounced in men. Living alone exacerbates this vulnerability, especially when comorbid with depression or anxiety, as evidenced by cohort studies showing elevated suicide rates in such arrangements. Interpersonal factors like and exposure to others' suicides further amplify risk, acting as precipitating stressors in susceptible populations. Lower correlates with higher suicide rates, with hazard ratios demonstrating a where decreasing economic position yields progressively elevated risks; for instance, the lowest income quintile exhibits rates up to several times higher than the highest. exerts a causal influence, with each 1% rise in unemployment rates associated with 2-3% higher suicide rates across countries, particularly impacting men aged 40-64. Economic downturns, such as the , intensified these patterns in regions with weaker social protections, underscoring the role of financial hardship in precipitating suicidal outcomes. Justice system involvement and placement also emerge as social-environmental risks, tied to structural disadvantages that compound individual vulnerabilities. Despite profound hopelessness, psychosocial protective factors often avert suicide. Suicidal impulses are typically transient and subside after the acute crisis passes. Fear of physical pain or a failed attempt leading to further suffering deters action. Concerns about causing emotional distress to loved ones, including family, friends, and pets, provide significant barriers. Residual hope for improvement, religious beliefs, and last-moment help-seeking, such as contacting crisis services, further contribute to survival. Survivor testimonies highlight these elements: "I thought of my mother and couldn't do that to her"; "The pain of dying seemed worse than continuing to live"; "My dog looked at me and I couldn't abandon it"; "I called a helpline and talking changed my perspective"; "The moment passed and the next day things looked different."

Pathophysiology

Neurochemical Mechanisms

Dysregulation of the serotonin system represents a core neurochemical feature in suicidal behavior, with postmortem studies of suicide victims revealing decreased serotonin (5-HT) and its metabolite (5-HIAA) levels in the . Low 5-HIAA concentrations have been linked to heightened suicide risk, particularly in impulsive acts, independent of underlying psychiatric diagnosis. Additionally, increased binding of 5-HT2A receptors in the has been observed in suicide completers, suggesting altered serotonergic signaling that impairs impulse control and mood regulation. The 5-HT1A , which modulates serotonin release, appears pivotal, as its dysfunction may lower the threshold for translating into action. Noradrenergic and systems also exhibit perturbations associated with suicidality. Norepinephrine dysfunction, second only to serotonin in research , manifests in altered activity and receptor binding changes in suicide victims' brains, contributing to deficits in , , and stress response. Elevated norepinephrine levels have been noted in specific suicide subtypes, such as cases, alongside increased , potentially reflecting acute hyperarousal or compensatory mechanisms. dysregulation, implicated in reward processing and , interacts with serotonin to influence coping capacity during suicidal crises, with evidence from pharmacological and postmortem data indicating reduced activity in mood disorders linked to suicide. The hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, central to stress responsivity, shows hyperactivity or blunting in suicidal individuals, with meta-analyses confirming elevated levels correlated with suicidal behavior, varying by age and modulated by childhood adversity. Blunted HPA reactivity in attempters may impair adaptive stress responses, increasing vulnerability, while chronic hypercortisolemia exacerbates neurotoxicity in regions like the hippocampus. This aligns with the stress-diathesis model, where trait-like HPA alterations interact with environmental stressors to precipitate suicide. Imbalances in excitatory and inhibitory further contribute, with hyperactivity and deficits observed in suicide brains. Reduced GABA concentrations or receptor binding in regions like the frontal cortex and have been documented in depressed suicide victims, diminishing over aggressive or impulsive drives. Glutamate dysregulation, potentially via overactivation, promotes , while —evidenced by elevated cytokines like interleukin-6—activates the , yielding neurotoxic that depletes serotonin and exacerbates glutamate toxicity. These mechanisms underscore a multifactorial diathesis, where interconnected deficits amplify risk under stress.

Brain Structure and Function

studies have identified structural alterations in the brains of individuals with suicidal behavior, particularly reductions in gray matter volume in the (PFC). Postmortem and MRI-based volumetric analyses reveal decreased PFC volume, including the orbitofrontal and ventromedial regions, in suicide attempters compared to controls, potentially impairing such as and impulse inhibition. These findings are consistent across mood disorders, where smaller PFC volumes correlate with higher suicide risk, though causality remains unestablished due to confounding factors like chronic illness duration. Hippocampal subfield volumes also show deviations in suicide attempters with (MDD), including enlarged bilateral hippocampal fissures and reduced overall volume in some cohorts, suggesting linked to stress-induced effects. structural changes are less consistent but include increased right volume in certain psychiatric populations with suicide history, potentially contributing to heightened emotional reactivity. integrity disruptions, particularly in frontal-subcortical tracts, further indicate impaired connectivity underlying . Functionally, resting-state fMRI demonstrates aberrant connectivity in suicide-prone individuals, such as hyperconnectivity in the and reduced PFC-amygdala coupling, which may reflect deficient top-down regulation of threat responses. Task-based fMRI reveals cognitive deficits, including diminished activation in the dorsolateral PFC during emotion processing tasks, aligning with impaired observed in behavioral studies. (PET) studies highlight dysfunctional serotonin 1A receptor binding in the PFC and , with elevated density in suicide victims, suggesting reduced serotonergic tone that exacerbates without directly altering gross structure. These functional anomalies persist even after controlling for depression severity, pointing to suicide-specific neural signatures, though replication across larger samples is needed due to methodological heterogeneity.

Acute Triggers and Impulsivity

Acute triggers of suicide involve proximal stressors that precipitate the act amid preexisting vulnerabilities, often interacting via a stress-diathesis model where acute events overwhelm coping in predisposed individuals. Empirical data identify common precipitants such as interpersonal conflicts (e.g., arguments or relationship terminations), financial crises, legal issues, and sudden losses including bereavement or job dismissal. These acute interpersonal stressors, coupled with diminished social connectedness, correlate with elevated risks of , attempts, and completions. Diagnosis of independently elevates completed suicide rates tenfold relative to the general population, underscoring the causal potency of immediate physiological and . In adolescents and young adults, maladaptive biological responses to such stressors—such as blunted reactivity or heightened activation—may directly underpin acute suicidal crises, representing a of adaptive stress buffering rather than mere chronic buildup. Acute emotional distress from these triggers, including abrupt symptom worsening or novel conflicts occurring minutes to days prior, frequently signals imminent risk, with evidence linking them to both ideation and lethal outcomes independent of baseline . Impulsivity amplifies the lethality of these triggers, with 24% of attempters acting on sudden urges without extended planning, and up to 48% reporting impelled actions driven by immediate inclinations rather than premeditation. Impulsive attempts characterize younger, unmarried individuals more often, and correlate with higher scores (e.g., mean 85.03 in attempters vs. 8.22 in non-attempters on suicide risk measures). While trait does not always distinguish impulsive from deliberate acts, state-dependent —exacerbated by acute intoxication, agitation, or —facilitates rapid escalation from trigger to behavior, serving as a key proximal risk modifier. This interplay manifests in low-preparation acts, where brief ideation (e.g., under 10 minutes) precedes many attempts and completions, emphasizing 's role in bridging chronic diathesis to acute execution; systematic reviews confirm such behaviors as impulsive across definitions, often tied to and poor distress tolerance. In clinical contexts, impulsivity emerges as a marker for adolescent inpatient risk, with higher scores predicting attempts amid stressors.

Methods

Primary Methods and Their Lethality

The primary methods of suicide worldwide include , firearms discharge, and poisoning, with variations by region influenced by method availability. , strangulation, and suffocation collectively account for about 48% of global suicide deaths, predominant in low- and middle-income countries due to minimal barriers to access. Firearms are the leading method in high-income nations like the , comprising over 50% of suicides there, while is common in agricultural regions of and . Lethality, measured as (CFR)—the proportion of suicide acts resulting in death—differs markedly by method, with more violent or rapid interventions yielding higher rates. A of studies on suicide acts (fatal and non-fatal) found firearms to have the highest CFR at 89.7%, followed closely by or suffocation at 84.5%. Drowning ranks third at 80.4%, while less immediate methods like jumping from heights (46.7%) and gas (56.6%) are comparably lower. Drug or chemical generally exhibits the lowest , often below 5-10%, due to potential for timely medical reversal.
MethodCase Fatality Rate (%)Notes
Firearms89.7Highest lethality; prevalent in regions with high gun ownership.
Hanging/Suffocation84.5Globally most common; requires no specialized tools.
Drowning80.4Less frequent but highly fatal if uninterrupted.
Gas Poisoning56.6Includes vehicle exhaust; declining with catalytic converters.
Jumping from Heights46.7Urban settings increase access.
Pesticide Poisoning10-20Varies by ingestion volume and antidote availability. (Note: Cited for data point only, not overall reliability)
These rates are derived from hospitalized and data across multiple studies, though CFRs can vary by age, sex, and execution specifics—males and older individuals typically show higher across methods due to greater intent or physical factors. underscores that method choice correlates with opportunity, but drives completion rates, informing targeted prevention via access restriction.

Geographic and Temporal Shifts

Suicide methods display pronounced geographic variations, largely determined by the availability of lethal means and cultural practices. Hanging predominates globally as the leading method, comprising over 50% of suicides in most countries and exceeding 80% among males in Eastern European nations such as Lithuania. Firearms account for the majority of suicides in the United States, reaching 60.6% for males and 35.7% for females, with notably lower prevalence in regions with stringent gun controls like Asia and Europe. Pesticide ingestion prevails in agrarian areas of Asia, such as the Republic of Korea (37.5% males, 42.8% females), and Latin America, including El Salvador (86.2% males, 95.1% females), reflecting easy access in rural settings. Drug poisoning is more frequent in Northern Europe and the United Kingdom, while jumping from heights is prominent in densely urbanized areas like Hong Kong (43.3% males, 47.5% females). These patterns underscore how method choice correlates with local access rather than universal preference, with hanging serving as a ubiquitous fallback where other means are restricted. Temporal shifts in suicide methods have been driven by regulatory interventions altering means availability, often resulting in declines in specific poisoning subtypes without full substitution to equally lethal alternatives. In the , suicides by from plummeted following the gradual replacement with non-toxic between the 1960s and 1970s, contributing to an overall reduction in deaths. Similarly, restrictions on highly toxic pesticides have yielded substantial drops: in , pesticide suicides fell from 37.4 per 100,000 in 1995 to 11.2 per 100,000 in 2009 after import bans and safer alternatives; in , paraquat regulations in 2011–2012 reduced pesticide-specific rates; and in , limiting access in the 1960s lowered both and total suicide mortality. Systematic reviews confirm that poison restrictions across 26 countries correlate with method-specific declines, typically without equivalent rises in other methods, thereby lowering overall suicide rates. Concurrently, has risen as a substitute in multiple nations amid reductions, though not always offsetting the net decrease in . In , male suicides increased at an average annual rate of 1.0% over 44 years ending in 2014. saw rise to 49.2% of all suicides by 2017–2020, up from prior decades. In the United States, and asphyxiation surged among adolescents from 1999 to 2020, becoming the predominant method in this group. experienced a similar uptick in post-1979, intensifying after the economic downturn. These trends highlight 's and high , positioning it as the default in settings where restricted methods previously dominated, yet overall suicide mortality has declined in many contexts due to incomplete substitution.

Access and Restriction Impacts

Restriction of access to highly lethal suicide methods has demonstrated effectiveness in reducing overall suicide rates, particularly by interrupting impulsive acts where the availability of means influences completion rates. Empirical studies indicate that limiting such access provides a temporal buffer during acute crises, decreasing method-specific fatalities without substantial substitution to alternative methods. This approach leverages the observation that many suicide attempts occur with minimal planning, and denial of preferred means often results in survival rather than switching to equally lethal options. In jurisdictions with greater firearm availability, suicide rates by gunshot are markedly elevated, with household presence of firearms correlating to an 86% usage rate in home suicides versus 6% in non-firearm homes. States permitting easier gun access exhibit higher firearm suicide deaths, comprising over half of total firearm fatalities in the U.S. as of 2020. Handgun ownership specifically elevates self-inflicted gunshot risk eightfold for men and twelvefold for women, underscoring the causal link between access and lethality given the 90% fatality rate of firearm attempts. Physical barriers on bridges and high structures similarly curtail jumping suicides, with installations yielding near-elimination of site-specific incidents and minimal displacement to nearby locations. For instance, barriers have proven highly effective across multiple evaluations, reducing fatalities without corresponding rises elsewhere, as evidenced by pre- and post-installation data from various bridges. Bans on highly hazardous pesticides in agricultural regions have substantially lowered suicides, with reductions ranging from 28% to 92% in affected countries like , , and , particularly among youth and females. These restrictions decreased method-specific mortality—for example, a 60.5% drop in standardized suicide rates in one studied area from 2006 to 2018—while overall suicide attempts persisted but with lower lethality, confirming limited substitution effects.

Prevention and Intervention

Therapeutic and Pharmacological Approaches

(CBT), particularly adaptations like CBT for suicide prevention (CBT-SP), targets suicidal ideation and behaviors by addressing cognitive distortions, hopelessness, and problem-solving deficits. Meta-analyses indicate CBT reduces recurrent suicidal behavior among adults by approximately half in the six months post-treatment, with odds ratios around 0.5, though effect sizes for ideation are small (Hedges' g ≈ 0.2-0.3). In adolescents, suicide-focused CBT variants show efficacy in reducing attempts, supported by randomized trials demonstrating lower reattempt rates compared to treatment as usual. However, evidence for long-term suicide mortality reduction remains limited, with most data derived from proxy outcomes like ideation or attempts rather than deaths. Dialectical behavior therapy (DBT), originally developed for borderline personality disorder, emphasizes emotion regulation, distress tolerance, and chain analysis of suicidal behaviors. Randomized controlled trials in high-risk adolescents report DBT halves the odds of repeat suicide attempts versus supportive therapy, with sustained reductions in self-harm up to one year follow-up. Meta-analyses confirm DBT's superiority in decreasing suicidal behaviors across adults and youth, though impacts on ideation may be less pronounced than on acts. Efficacy depends on treatment fidelity, as therapist adherence correlates with outcome improvements, including fewer hospitalizations. Limitations include resource intensity, with full DBT requiring group and individual sessions, potentially limiting scalability in non-specialized settings. Pharmacologically, lithium demonstrates robust anti-suicidal effects in mood disorders, particularly bipolar, with observational and trial data showing 60-80% reductions in suicide risk independent of mood stabilization. A 2021 randomized trial found adjunctive lithium delayed repeat suicide-related events in patients with recent attempts, though overall event rates remained high. Antidepressants, especially SSRIs, are linked to fewer attempts in meta-analyses of ecological and cohort studies, but randomized trials are underpowered for mortality endpoints and show mixed results on ideation. Ketamine and esketamine offer rapid relief, with intravenous ketamine reducing suicidal ideation within hours in major depression (response rates 50-70% at 24 hours), per systematic reviews and RCTs. A 2024 meta-analysis confirmed ketamine's moderate effect on ideation in treatment-resistant cases (SMD ≈ -0.7), though sustained benefits require repeated dosing and monitoring for side effects like dissociation. Clozapine shows promise in schizophrenia-related suicidality, reducing attempts by up to 25% in long-term use. Overall, pharmacological interventions excel in acute risk but lack definitive proof of mortality prevention, with confounding from underlying disorders and potential iatrogenic risks like initial activation in antidepressants. Integrated approaches combining therapy and medication yield additive benefits in reducing attempts, as evidenced by multimodal trials.

Means Restriction and Public Policy

Means restriction encompasses public policies that limit access to highly lethal , predicated on that many suicide attempts occur impulsively and that reducing availability of such means decreases overall suicide mortality by preventing completions while allowing opportunities for intervention. Empirical studies indicate these interventions can reduce suicide rates by 30-50% in affected populations, with limited full substitution to equivalently lethal alternatives due to differences in method lethality. An of means restriction strategies confirms effectiveness across common methods like pesticides, firearms, and jumping sites, though outcomes vary by implementation rigor and cultural context. In the , the phased replacement of toxic with non-lethal from the to 1970s exemplifies successful means restriction; suicides, which accounted for about one-third of total suicides, fell to zero, contributing to a 33% overall decline in suicide rates from 1963 to 1975 without corresponding increases in other methods. Similarly, Sri Lanka's sequential bans on highly toxic s starting in 1995 reduced pesticide self-poisoning—previously over 70% of suicides—leading to a 70% drop in national suicide rates by 2015, averting an estimated 93,000 deaths, despite some rise in as a substitute method. Structural barriers on high bridges demonstrate localized efficacy; the Golden Gate Bridge's 2024 installation of suicide deterrent nets correlated with a 73% reduction in bridge suicides within the first year, aligning with prior analyses projecting 286 lives saved over 20 years at high cost-effectiveness. Comparable barriers on other structures, such as Norway's Tromsø Bridge, have similarly curtailed jumping suicides by over 80% at those sites. Firearm restrictions represent a contentious domain, with U.S. state-level studies associating stricter licensing, waiting periods, and storage laws with 5-10% lower suicide rates, given firearms' 90% lethality compared to other methods. For instance, analyses of laws regulating handgun purchaser age and concealed carry permits link them to reduced overall suicide rates, particularly among , though debates persist over factors like rural-urban divides and cultural norms. Internationally, Australia's 1996 , including buybacks, preceded a sustained decline in firearm suicides without method substitution elevating total rates. Pharmaceutical policies, such as blister packaging of analgesics and limits on pack sizes, have lowered overdose suicides in countries like the and by 20-30%, reducing impulsive access. Public policy implementation often involves balancing efficacy against rights concerns, with evidence favoring targeted restrictions on lethal means over broad prohibitions, as supported by systematic reviews emphasizing population-level impacts without evidence of displaced epidemics.

Screening, Education, and Community Strategies

Screening for suicide risk typically occurs in healthcare, educational, and settings using brief, validated instruments to identify individuals warranting further assessment. The Ask Suicide-Screening Questions (ASQ), a four-item tool developed by the , can be administered in approximately 20 seconds and has demonstrated sensitivity in detecting youth at risk in departments and primary care. The Columbia-Suicide Severity Rating Scale (C-SSRS), available in versions, evaluates ideation severity, intent, and behavior through a series of questions suitable for children, adolescents, and adults, with validation across diverse populations including clinical and non-clinical contexts. Other tools, such as the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 () modified for adolescents, incorporate suicide-specific items to gauge depressive symptoms linked to risk. These instruments prioritize brevity and accessibility but require follow-up clinical evaluation, as false positives can occur without contextual assessment. Education strategies focus on building of risk factors, , and help-seeking behaviors, often implemented in schools and through campaigns. School-based programs, such as those evaluated in randomized trials, have shown large effect sizes in improving students' of suicide and attitudes toward intervention, though reductions in attempts remain inconsistent across studies. For instance, pupil-led education in high schools outperformed teacher training in one by enhancing peer recognition of distress. awareness campaigns, like those conducted in , , have correlated with temporary declines in suicide counts post-implementation, attributed to increased help-seeking, but long-term impacts on rates are debated due to factors such as economic conditions. These efforts emphasize destigmatizing discussions of suicide without promoting ideation, though evidence from meta-analyses indicates stronger outcomes for knowledge gains than behavioral changes like reduced ideation. Community strategies encompass gatekeeper training, coalitions, and response networks to foster early intervention outside formal healthcare. Gatekeeper programs, such as Question, Persuade, Refer (QPR), train laypersons including teachers, clergy, and family members to identify , ask direct questions about suicidal intent, and connect individuals to resources; participants report heightened and referral intentions immediately post-training. Systematic reviews confirm improvements in knowledge and stigma reduction, with brief formats effective for broad dissemination, though sustained behavioral referral rates require reinforcement like . coalitions, as outlined in the U.S. National Strategy for updated in 2024, promote integrated approaches including local data and equity-focused , aiming to address disparities in high-risk groups. hotlines and networks provide immediate, non-judgmental access, with evidence from population-level interventions suggesting they enhance coping and reduce isolation, particularly when embedded in comprehensive plans. These strategies rely on voluntary participation and cultural , with effectiveness hinging on community buy-in rather than top-down mandates.

Evidence on Effectiveness and Limitations

Means restriction strategies, such as barriers on bridges and restrictions on access to firearms or , demonstrate robust of effectiveness in reducing suicide rates. Population-level interventions, including the of domestic gas in the during the 1960s and 1970s, correlated with a 30-50% decline in overall suicide rates without substitution to other methods. Similarly, pesticide regulations in from 1995 onward averted an estimated 13,666 suicides by 2007. An of 45 studies confirmed that restricting access to highly lethal methods like firearms and high-rise buildings significantly lowers method-specific and overall suicide mortality, with effects persisting over time. Therapeutic interventions, particularly cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), show moderate evidence for reducing suicidal ideation and re-attempts in high-risk populations. A network meta-analysis of 54 randomized controlled trials indicated an 87% probability that CBT outperforms other psychotherapies in preventing suicide re-attempts, with moderate-quality evidence. However, effects on completed suicides remain less consistent, as many trials are underpowered for rare outcomes like death. Pharmacological approaches, such as lithium for mood disorders, yield stronger data; meta-analyses of observational and randomized studies report up to an 80% reduction in suicide risk among bipolar patients on long-term lithium, independent of mood stabilization effects. Antidepressants exhibit mixed results, with meta-analyses suggesting reduced attempts in adults but elevated risks in adolescents, prompting regulatory warnings. Despite these findings, limitations pervade the evidence base for suicide prevention. Systematic reviews highlight heterogeneous study designs, small sample sizes, and reliance on surrogate outcomes like ideation rather than completed suicides, which occur infrequently and complicate randomized trials. Many interventions, including hotlines and general screening programs, lack rigorous empirical support, with meta-analyses showing negligible effects on mortality. Publication bias and short follow-up periods further undermine claims of broad efficacy, as initial reductions in attempts may not translate to sustained declines in deaths. Barriers such as treatment non-adherence, access disparities, and clinician underestimation of also limit real-world impact, underscoring the need for causal, long-term evaluations over correlational data.

Rational Suicide and Euthanasia

Conceptual Foundations

Rational suicide refers to the deliberate termination of one's life by a mentally competent , grounded in realistic assessments of one's circumstances, enduring values, and fundamental interests, often to alleviate irremediable or profound loss of . This concept distinguishes itself from impulsive or pathological self-destruction by requiring decision-making capacity free from transient distortions like acute depression or external , emphasizing instead a sustained, reflective aligned with the agent's long-term . Central to the notion are criteria such as —the right to over one's body and fate—and competence, defined as the to comprehend relevant , deliberate , and communicate a consistent without . further demands a realistic appraisal of alternatives, acknowledging that while may be subjective, the decision must weigh evidence-based prospects for relief against the finality of , rejecting appeals to mere emotional states as insufficient justification. Philosophically, this framework draws on principles of and the absence of absolute duties to preserve life, challenging traditional prohibitions that equate all suicide with moral or psychiatric failure. Euthanasia intersects with rational suicide when the latter's logic extends to third-party assistance, positing that competent individuals facing terminal conditions or retain the prerogative to enlist aid in dying, thereby preserving agency amid physical incapacity. Unlike unassisted rational suicide, which relies solely on personal agency, introduces conceptual tensions around beneficence, non-maleficence, and societal roles in facilitating death, often framed as voluntary active (direct administration by another) or physician-assisted suicide (provision of lethal means for self-use). This distinction underscores that rational suicide prioritizes individual volition without intermediary moral hazards, while demands safeguards against slippery slopes toward non-voluntary applications, rooted in empirical observations of under duress.

Arguments For and Against

Proponents of rational argue that competent individuals possess an inherent right to over their lives, including the decision to end them when facing unbearable or loss of , grounded in the philosophical principle of personal autonomy. This view posits that denying such choice infringes on bodily sovereignty, akin to consenting to one's own fate in extremis, as exemplified in historical philosophical defenses where preserves agency against inevitable decline. For , advocates extend this to assisted means for those physically unable to act alone, citing empirical cases in jurisdictions like the where, by 2022, over 8,000 annual procedures addressed refractory pain or neurodegenerative diseases, with safeguards purportedly ensuring voluntariness. Relief from forms a core empirical justification, asserting that advanced fails in 5-10% of terminal cases involving multidimensional distress—physical, psychological, and existential—where continued existence equates to without meaningful quality. Studies from indicate that euthanasia patients often report and as primary motivations, with 77% citing "unbearable " in 2021 reports, arguing that forces needless prolongation of agony, contravening beneficence. Philosophically, this aligns with utilitarian reasoning that ending maximizes overall welfare, provided capacity assessments confirm rationality over transient despair. Opponents counter with the sanctity of life doctrine, a deontological stance holding existence as intrinsically valuable and inviolable, rendering intentional self-termination or assistance morally impermissible regardless of or , as it equates to devaluing human worth. This perspective, rooted in ethical traditions emphasizing life's inherent purpose, warns that rational suicide rarely attains true , with evidence showing 90% of linked to treatable mental disorders like depression, even in non-terminal cases among the elderly. The argument highlights empirical risks of expansion post-legalization: in the , initial 2002 criteria for unbearable in broadened by 2023 to include psychiatric conditions and , with cases rising from 1,882 to 8,720 annually, including non-voluntary applications on incompetent patients via advance directives. Similarly, Oregon's , enacted 1997, saw eligibility extend beyond six-month limits in practice, with 367 deaths in 2022 amid concerns over unaddressed comorbidities like untreated depression in 40% of cases. Critics argue this fosters vulnerabilities—economic pressures or family burdens—undermining safeguards, as vulnerability assessments prove unreliable, with 25% of Dutch cases involving factors. Such expansions suggest logical erosion: justifying for implies permissibility for lesser thresholds, eroding protections for the disabled or depressed.

Empirical and Ethical Controversies

Empirical analyses of practices in jurisdictions like the and reveal expansions beyond initial criteria, with cases increasing for chronic, non-terminal, and psychiatric conditions. In the , notifications for patients whose suffering was largely due to psychiatric disorders rose to 138 in 2023, up 20% from 115 in 2022, representing a small but growing fraction of total cases amid overall deaths reaching approximately 9,068 that year. Similarly, has permitted for non-terminal illnesses since its 2002 law, with debates persisting over its prevalence, estimated in some analyses to include a notable subset of cases not strictly limited to end-stage . These shifts have fueled concerns, as practices have broadened from for competent adults with unbearable physical suffering to include psychiatric disorders and, in since 2014, minors of any age under strict conditions, with two such cases reported by 2016. Proponents of legalization often cite studies finding no empirical , arguing that due care criteria are largely adhered to and rates have not surged post-legalization. However, critics highlight that initial safeguards—such as restricting to terminal cancer patients—have eroded, with Dutch data showing progression to chronic illnesses and under 24 requesting medical aid in dying for mental disorders surging from 10 cases in 2012 to 74 in 2020. Regret and withdrawal data remain sparse but indicate that about 25% of euthanasia requests in the are withdrawn, often due to improved mental states or alternative support, while denied requests have preceded suicides in documented cases, raising questions about assessment accuracy. Among psychiatric candidates, depression features as the primary diagnosis in roughly 35% of cases, with 70% having multiple diagnoses, complicating claims of irremediable suffering independent of treatable conditions. Ethically, rational suicide debates center on whether requests reflect autonomous choice or impaired judgment, particularly when depression—potentially underdiagnosed or undertreated—drives the desire for , as symptoms like hopelessness may masquerade as reasoned evaluation rather than transient illness. arguments emphasize sovereignty over enduring , provided decisions are uncoerced and informed, yet opponents contend that true voluntariness is elusive amid familial, economic, or societal pressures, especially for vulnerable groups like the disabled or elderly, where subtle could erode protections against . Safeguards against manipulation exist in theory, such as multiple consultations, but empirical gaps in verifying enduring competence persist, with some analyses questioning whether psychiatric equates to endorsing failures as policy. Broader concerns include physician moral distress, with 25% reporting regret post-participation due to lingering doubts about the patient's agency. These tensions underscore causal risks: legalizing rational suicide may inadvertently normalize ending life for reversible despair, prioritizing individual preference over societal duties to alleviate through care rather than cessation.

History

Ancient and Pre-Modern Eras

In , documented instances of suicide were infrequent, with one of the earliest known suicide notes to around 1900 BCE, penned by a man expressing over rejection by his lover's family despite his offerings. Literary and historical records provide scattered examples, such as officials or lovers ending their lives amid personal crises, but archaeological evidence remains sparse, indicating it was not normalized or prevalent. In , self-inflicted death appears even less attested, though elite retainer sacrifices—where servants were killed to accompany rulers to the —reflect a cultural of coerced death for hierarchical continuity, distinct from voluntary suicide. Ancient Greek attitudes toward suicide varied across philosophical schools and literary depictions. Deniers, emphasizing societal disruption, opposed it broadly, while proponents allowed it in cases of incurable pain or dishonor. Tragedies by and portrayed suicides as responses to madness, shame, or heroic despair, such as Ajax's self-stabbing after humiliation or Heracles' death following torment by . Prevention was prioritized over condemnation, viewing it as a controllable impulse rather than inherently shameful. Roman views elevated suicide as an act of agency and virtue, particularly for free citizens facing defeat, trial, or enslavement. Notable examples include slashing his veins in 46 BCE to defy and Seneca ordering his forced suicide in 65 CE under , both framed as stoic assertions of autonomy. Lucretia's stabbing in response to around 509 BCE symbolized civic honor, inspiring republican ideals. Slaves and certain outcasts faced restrictions, underscoring its privilege as a marker of status. In ancient , practices like sati—widows self-immolating on husbands' pyres—emerged as ritually sanctioned, often altruistic acts tied to , though texts like the prohibited general self-killing. , mass suicides by women during sieges to evade capture, exemplified collective honor preservation from medieval periods onward. Ascetic traditions permitted , voluntary fasting to death for spiritual purification, distinguishing it from impulsive suicide. Feudal institutionalized among by the 12th century as a means to atone for failure or restore , involving ritual followed by . This contrasted with broader East Asian views, where Confucian emphasis on generally discouraged , though isolated honorable deaths occurred in Chinese annals. Pre-modern shifts under Abrahamic dominance imposed prohibitions. rejected suicide as violating the sanctity of life granted by , with Talmudic rulings equating it to . , drawing from Augustine's 5th-century condemnation as theft from , entrenched it as a barring . In medieval Europe, denied to suicides, while secular authorities confiscated goods and permitted public shaming or mutilation of corpses, reflecting fears of demonic influence. paralleled this, deeming suicide a grave offense against Allah's will, punishable eternally in hadiths. These frameworks supplanted pagan rationales for self-killing, prioritizing communal and divine order over individual resolve.

19th to 20th Century Developments

During the , suicide rates appeared to rise across , particularly between 1860 and 1880, coinciding with improved vital registration systems that enabled more accurate enumeration through coroners' inquests and official statistics in countries like starting from 1861. This empirical data collection facilitated the first large-scale analyses, revealing patterns such as higher male rates peaking at 28 per 100,000 in during the , and prompted a reconceptualization of suicide from a criminal or sinful act to a social or pathological condition. Émile Durkheim's 1897 book Suicide utilized these statistics from European nations to argue that suicide rates inversely correlated with , categorizing them into egoistic (low integration), altruistic (excessive integration), anomic (normative deregulation), and fatalistic (excessive regulation) types, thereby founding suicide as a subject of sociological inquiry independent of . In psychiatry, early 19th-century French alienists like Jean-Étienne Esquirol framed suicide as a symptom of or partial insanity, broadening the in legal contexts and contributing to the of the act, though lay juries often determined verdicts rather than medical experts. By the early 20th century, Sigmund Freud's 1917 essay "" advanced a psychoanalytic model, positing suicide as an internalized stemming from toward lost love objects, where the ego attacks itself as a surrogate, resolving the of self-directed . This theory influenced subsequent psychiatric views, emphasizing unconscious conflicts over purely somatic or environmental factors, though it lacked empirical validation through controlled studies. Legal attitudes evolved unevenly; while suicide remained a in until the Suicide Act of 1961 decriminalized attempts, 19th-century reforms softened punishments by expanding insanity pleas and allowing daytime burials from 1882, reflecting amid rising reported incidents. The saw attempted suicide increasingly treated as a psychiatric emergency rather than a , with institutional responses in places like , , integrating community oversight by 1950, though self-harm methods like cut-throats persisted as concerns into due to their and social . These shifts laid groundwork for mid-century efforts, influenced by Durkheim's legacy, prioritizing social and clinical interventions over punitive measures.

Contemporary Shifts Post-2000

Globally, suicide rates have declined by approximately 35% since , with the age-standardized rate falling from around 13 per 100,000 in to about 9 per 100,000 by 2019, according to estimates, reflecting improvements in some low- and middle-income countries through interventions like restrictions and . However, this trend masks regional variations, including persistent or rising rates in parts of and , where socioeconomic factors, service gaps, and cultural shifts have counteracted broader gains. In the United States, suicide rates rose steadily by 30-35% from 10.4 per 100,000 in 2000 to a peak of 14.2 per 100,000 in 2018, before a temporary dip to 13.5 in 2020 amid , rebounding to over 14 per 100,000 by 2022, with more than 49,000 deaths recorded in 2023. This increase has disproportionately affected middle-aged men, linked to factors such as following the recession, the peaking in the , and , though causal mechanisms remain debated with pointing to multifactorial drivers rather than singular psychiatric explanations. Among youth, adolescent suicide rates climbed across all methods from 1999 to 2020, with a 95% surge for ages 10-14 and notable rises for females using suffocation, coinciding temporally with widespread adoption and proliferation around 2012, which studies associate with heightened risks through mechanisms like , sleep disruption, and exposure to content, though direct causation requires further longitudinal validation. Shifts in suicide methods post-2000 reflect adaptations to availability and lethality, with and suffocation overtaking in many high-income settings due to restrictions on toxic substances like pesticides and , while use remained dominant in the , accounting for over half of male suicides by the 2010s. Means restriction policies, such as Sri Lanka's 1990s-2000s bans on highly toxic pesticides extended into broader enforcement, demonstrated effectiveness in reducing overall rates without full method substitution, averting an estimated 20-30% of potential deaths in affected populations. In response, strategies evolved toward changes, including bridge barriers and storage counseling, alongside digital interventions to curb online contagion, though overall efficacy has been uneven, with US rates persisting amid debates over underlying social and economic contributors.

Cultural and Religious Perspectives

Abrahamic Religions

In Judaism, suicide is prohibited as a violation of the sanctity of life, which is viewed as belonging to rather than the individual. Although the contains no explicit command against self-killing, rabbinic authorities derive the ban from verses such as Genesis 9:5, which demands accountability for shedding one's own blood, interpreting the against (Exodus 20:13) to encompass self-destruction. The does not directly forbid it but implies condemnation through discussions of life's divine ownership, with post-Talmudic texts like Semahot reinforcing that the body is merely entrusted by , precluding or termination. Rare historical exceptions appear in cases of imminent forced transgression of severe commandments, such as or sexual violation during , as in the martyrdoms of figures like the mother and seven sons in (accepted in some Jewish traditions), but these are distinguished from despair-driven acts and not endorsed as normative. Christian doctrine uniformly condemns suicide as a grave sin against God's sovereignty over human life. Early , particularly in (Book I, circa 413–426 CE), argued that it contravenes ("," Exodus 20:13) by usurping divine authority and failing to love oneself as a neighbor (Mark 12:31), even in cases of suffering or shame. This view solidified through Church councils and , equating suicide with self-murder and barring ecclesiastical burial until reforms in the 19th–20th centuries allowed pastoral discretion for mental distress. Distinctions persist between suicide and martyrdom, where death results from fidelity to faith under rather than self-initiated escape, as exemplified by early Christian saints facing execution. Protestant traditions, drawing from the same scriptural base, generally echo this prohibition, though some Reformers like Luther emphasized God's mercy potentially overriding human judgment on eternal fate. In , suicide constitutes a major sin (kaba'ir), explicitly forbidden in the (4:29: "Do not kill yourselves or one another") and elaborated in as meriting eternal punishment in Hellfire replicating the method of —such as perpetual stabbing for one who stabs himself. The Prophet Muhammad warned that "he who commits suicide by throttling shall keep on throttling himself in the ," underscoring its gravity as despair against divine decree, with no redemptive exceptions even under duress. This stance reflects the belief that life is a trust (amanah) from , to be preserved until natural , barring entry to Paradise for the perpetrator absent before , though ultimate judgment rests with . Martyrdom in defensive differs fundamentally, as it involves against aggressors rather than self-inflicted harm for personal relief.

Eastern Traditions

In Hinduism, suicide is generally prohibited as a violation of ahimsa (non-violence) and the duty to preserve life across reincarnations, with texts like the Manusmriti equating it to murder and prescribing penalties such as wandering as a ghost for years. However, exceptions existed for religiously motivated acts, including sati (widow self-immolation on her husband's funeral pyre, practiced historically until banned by British colonial law in 1829 and reinforced in independent India in 1987) and prayopavesa (voluntary fasting by the terminally ill or ascetics under strict ritual conditions). These were viewed as paths to spiritual merit rather than despair-driven suicide, though modern Hindu interpretations overwhelmingly condemn all forms due to karmic repercussions and ethical evolution. Jainism distinguishes sallekhana (or santhara), a voluntary fast unto death by gradually reducing food and water intake, as a non-violent spiritual purification rather than suicide, undertaken by ascetics or laypersons facing inevitable death to shed karma and attachments. Documented since at least the 5th century BCE in texts like the Acaranga Sutra, it requires guru approval, mental resolve, and detachment from worldly ties, with an estimated 200-300 cases annually in as of 2015, though courts have occasionally challenged it legally as akin to suicide. Proponents argue it aligns with by avoiding harm to self or others through sudden violence, contrasting with impulsive self-killing. Buddhist doctrine, rooted in the first precept against taking , views ordinary suicide as generating negative karma due to attachment, , or , potentially leading to rebirth in lower realms, as exemplified in the Vinaya texts where monks who self-immolate face expulsion. Yet, for enlightened arhats (those free of defilements), self-ending may be neutral or meritorious, as in the case of Godhula's scriptural suicide to aid others, though such instances are rare and not prescriptive for laypersons. and traditions emphasize enduring suffering for enlightenment, with historical self-immolations in (e.g., during 1960s protests) blending protest and devotion but diverging from core precepts. In Chinese traditions, Confucianism permits suicide as a means to uphold ren (humaneness) and virtue, such as jingjie (remonstrative suicide to protest injustice) or to avoid dishonor, as seen in historical figures like (c. 340–278 BCE) who drowned himself in loyalty to his ideals, influencing rates where intellectuals faced execution. adopts a more fluid stance, viewing death as natural transformation akin to seasonal change, with texts like the Zhuangzi (4th century BCE) portraying voluntary death by enlightened sages as harmonious release from bodily constraints, though not endorsing despair-motivated acts. Japanese culture ritualized (disembowelment with a blade, often followed by by a second), emerging in the amid feudal wars as a under , influenced by Zen Buddhism's emphasis on detachment and purity. Performed by over 1,000 recorded instances during the (1467–1603), it restored family name or evaded capture, with the 1663 Yamaga Sokō treatise codifying procedures; post-Meiji Restoration (1868), it persisted until Emperor Hirohito's 1945 ban amid WWII extensions. Modern views frame it as cultural relic, not endorsement of suicide.

Secular and Philosophical Views

In ancient Stoic philosophy, suicide was regarded as a permissible rational choice under specific conditions, such as when life becomes incompatible with or involves intolerable suffering. Seneca, in his Letters to Lucilius, argued that the wise person may exit life voluntarily if circumstances prevent , viewing death as neither good nor evil but indifferent, with suicide serving as an "open door" to escape unendurable pain or tyranny. echoed this, permitting self-killing only in extreme cases like enslavement or loss of , emphasizing control over one's end rather than passive endurance. During the Enlightenment, challenged prevailing prohibitions in his 1783 essay Of Suicide, contending that it violates no duties to society, , or providence, as individuals possess over their lives akin to property rights. Hume reasoned that suicide could alleviate greater harms, dismissing religious objections by arguing even divine order allows rational self-exit when life yields net misery. In contrast, categorically opposed suicide in his Lectures on Ethics (circa 1770s-1790s), asserting it contravenes the by treating the self as a means to end suffering rather than an end in itself, thus undermining and moral law. Kant viewed it as self-degradation below animal instinct, permissible only hypothetically to preserve rationality in dire threats like . Nineteenth-century thinker reframed suicide positively in works like (1889), praising the "free death" chosen at one's peak as an affirmation of , while decrying Christian denaturalization of it as weakness. He saw contemplation of suicide as consoling through dark periods, enabling endurance, but advocated timing it for maximal life-affirmation rather than despair. In the twentieth century, existentialists like in (1942) posed suicide as the fundamental philosophical question amid life's absurdity, ultimately rejecting it in favor of defiant rebellion through living fully despite meaninglessness. , emphasizing radical freedom, implicitly opposed suicide as an evasion of authentic responsibility, though his framework allowed autonomy in facing nausea and contingency. Utilitarian perspectives vary: act-utilitarians like (1748-1832) might endorse suicide if it maximizes pleasure minus pain for the individual and society, such as terminating prolonged agony without dependents' undue burden. Rule-utilitarians, however, often caution against general permission, citing empirical risks of impulsive acts increasing overall harm, as evidenced by higher regret in attempts versus completions. Modern , drawing from these traditions, prioritize and harm minimization, with debates centering on rational capacity—suicide deemed permissible for competent adults in irremediable suffering but discouraged amid treatable mental illness, per evidence from longitudinal studies showing 90% of survivors do not reattempt.

Decriminalization and Regulation

In jurisdictions, suicide was historically treated as a , with successful suicide forfeiting the perpetrator's goods to and burial denied Christian rites, while attempted suicide constituted a punishable by or . This framework stemmed from medieval and secular prohibitions viewing self-killing as usurping divine authority over life. Decriminalization gained momentum in the 20th century as medical understandings of mental illness supplanted moral condemnation, recognizing attempts as symptoms of treatable conditions rather than willful crimes. The Suicide Act 1961 marked a pivotal reform in , explicitly abrogating the rule criminalizing suicide and ensuring that survivors of attempts faced no prosecution. In the United States, suicide derived from English but was progressively eliminated from state statutes, with the last decriminalizations occurring in in 1971, and in 1973, and Washington in 1976; today, no state imposes criminal penalties for attempts alone. These shifts reflected broader civil rights advancements and empirical observations that criminal sanctions deterred help-seeking without reducing rates. Globally, attempted suicide remains a criminal offense in approximately 23 countries as of 2023, primarily in regions like , the , and parts of , where penalties range from fines to imprisonment up to three years, often under penal codes labeling it as "abetting one's own death." Notable recent decriminalizations include via the Mental Healthcare Act of 2017, which repealed Section 309 of the , and in 1998, driven by advocacy highlighting how criminalization stigmatizes survivors and burdens systems. In these jurisdictions, enforcement varies, but data indicate no correlation between criminalization and lower suicide rates, as socioeconomic factors dominate incidence. Post-decriminalization regulations emphasize prevention and intervention over punishment. Assisting or encouraging suicide is prohibited in most nations, such as under Section 2 of the UK's , which carries up to 14 years' imprisonment to safeguard vulnerable individuals from coercion. Following an attempt, civil mechanisms prevail, including mandatory evaluations and potential involuntary hospitalization under criteria like imminent danger to self, as in U.S. statutes modeled on standards like California's Lanterman-Petris-Short Act (1967), which authorizes 72-hour holds for assessment. These protocols prioritize empirical via standardized tools, though critics argue they can infringe without clear causal reductions in . Coroners' inquests classify completed suicides as non-criminal deaths, informing data but excluding punitive elements.

Assisted Suicide Laws

Assisted suicide, defined as the act of intentionally providing a person with the means or knowledge to commit suicide, with the explicit intention of enabling that act, is permitted under specific legal frameworks in a limited number of jurisdictions worldwide. These laws typically restrict eligibility to mentally competent adults experiencing unbearable physical suffering from incurable conditions, often requiring multiple medical assessments, waiting periods, and reporting to authorities to prevent abuse. Empirical data from jurisdictions with longstanding laws, such as the , indicate steady increases in cases since legalization, with 9,068 and assisted suicide deaths reported in 2023, representing 5% of all deaths, though safeguards aim to ensure voluntariness. In , the was the first country to explicitly legalize both and through the Termination of Life on Request and Assisted Suicide (Review Procedures) Act of April 1, 2002, allowing it for patients aged 12 and older with unbearable suffering that cannot be alleviated, subject to review by regional committees. followed with similar legislation on September 28, 2002, extending to psychiatric conditions since 2014, with 2,966 cases in 2022 comprising 2.5% of deaths. permits assisted suicide under Article 115 of its Penal Code since 1942, exempting it from punishment if not motivated by selfish reasons, enabling non-profit organizations like Dignitas to assist both residents and foreigners without requiring , provided the patient self-administers the lethal substance; approximately 1,200 foreigners sought assistance there in 2023. Other European nations include , where a 2022 ruling decriminalized it for unbearable suffering; , following a 2020 decision allowing organized assistance without prosecution; since 2009; and , which legalized both euthanasia and assisted suicide in March 2021 for serious, incurable illnesses causing intolerable suffering.
JurisdictionYear EffectiveEligibility CriteriaKey Safeguards
2002Unbearable suffering (physical or mental), no age minimum for children under parental consentTwo physicians' approval, independent review committee
2002Unbearable psychological or physical suffering from serious disorderTwo doctors, waiting period, federal commission review
1942 (de facto)No terminal illness required; self-administration mandatoryNot for selfish motives; physician consultation optional
2016 (expanded 2021)Grievous, irremediable condition causing intolerable suffering; includes non-terminal since expansionTwo independent assessments, 10-day reflection period (waivable)
(US)1997Terminal illness with <6 months prognosis, age 18+Two oral requests, written request, two physicians' confirmation
(Victoria)2019Terminal illness <6 months, unbearable sufferingMultiple approvals, mandatory reporting
In North America, Canada's Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) framework, enacted June 17, 2016, initially for terminal patients but expanded in March 2021 to include non-terminal conditions like chronic diseases, reported 13,241 cases in 2022, or 4.1% of deaths, raising causal concerns about socioeconomic factors influencing choices amid inadequate palliative care access. The United States permits physician-assisted suicide in eleven states and Washington, D.C., as of October 2025: Oregon's Death with Dignity Act (effective 1997) pioneered self-administered lethal prescriptions for terminally ill residents; followed by Washington (2009), Montana (2009 via court ruling), Vermont (2013), California (2016), Colorado (2016), District of Columbia (2017), Hawaii (2019), New Jersey (2019), Maine (2019), New Mexico (2021), and Delaware (effective 2025 under the Ron Silverio/Heather Block End of Life Options Law for terminally ill adults). These laws emphasize patient autonomy with strict residency and competency requirements, averaging 0.4% of deaths in Oregon annually. Elsewhere, legalized it via a 2020 , effective November 7, 2021, for terminal illnesses with <6 months . In , state-level laws began with Victoria in June 2019, extending to (2021), (2022), (2023), (2023), and (2023), generally for advanced terminal conditions. decriminalized it in 1997, with full regulation in 2022 allowing both and for terminal patients. legalized both in 2023 for unbearable suffering from serious illness. Expansions in some jurisdictions to mental illness alone remain limited and contested, with courts in places like the upholding but requiring exceptional circumstances due to risks of impaired judgment.

International Variations

As of 2024, attempted suicide remains a criminal offense in 23 countries, including the Bahamas, Bangladesh, Brunei Darussalam, Guyana, Kenya (prior to its 2025 decriminalization), Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone, Singapore, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Trinidad and Tobago, and several others predominantly in Africa and Asia, where penalties can include fines, imprisonment up to three years, or corporal punishment. In nations adhering to Sharia law, such as Brunei and parts of Nigeria and Pakistan, suicide attempts may incur additional religious-based sanctions, including potential death penalties under strict interpretations, though enforcement varies. These laws often stem from colonial-era penal codes or religious doctrines that view self-harm as a moral or societal transgression, contrasting with the decriminalization trend in over 170 countries, driven by human rights arguments and recognition that criminalization hinders prevention efforts. Recent reforms include Kenya's High Court ruling on January 9, 2025, striking down Section 226 of its Penal Code as unconstitutional, and the United Arab Emirates' 2025 amendments removing criminal penalties for attempts while maintaining prohibitions on facilitation. Legal frameworks for and exhibit greater variation, with permissive regimes in approximately 15 jurisdictions as of mid-2023, primarily in , , and , while remaining strictly prohibited elsewhere. In the , and physician-assisted suicide have been legal since for patients experiencing unbearable suffering with no prospect of improvement, regardless of terminal status, with over 8,000 cases annually by 2022 under strict procedural safeguards including second medical opinions. legalized both in , extending eligibility to minors with since 2014 and to psychiatric conditions, reporting around 2,900 euthanasia deaths in 2022. permits since 1942 under organizations like Dignitas, without residency requirements, attracting international cases but prohibiting direct . authorized medical assistance in dying (MAiD) in 2016, expanding in 2021 to non-terminal patients with grievous and irremediable conditions, resulting in 13,000 deaths in 2022, though debates persist over safeguards amid rising utilization. In contrast, assisting suicide carries severe penalties in most jurisdictions, such as up to 14 years imprisonment in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, or life sentences in some U.S. states and many Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia, where it is equated with murder under religious law. Australia demonstrates subnational variation, with voluntary assisted dying legalized in all six states by 2022-2025 but not federally, featuring residency requirements and terminal illness criteria in most. Latin American exceptions include Colombia's 1997 Constitutional Court decriminalization of euthanasia for terminal patients, expanded in 2021 to non-terminal cases, though implementation lags due to regulatory gaps. These divergences reflect cultural, religious, and ethical priorities: permissive laws often emphasize autonomy and suffering relief in secular contexts, while prohibitions prioritize sanctity of life, with empirical data showing no consistent spike in overall suicide rates post-legalization in jurisdictions like the Netherlands.
RegionCriminalization of AttemptsAssisted Dying Status
Europe (select)Decriminalized in most (e.g., EU nations)Legal in Netherlands, Belgium, Switzerland, Spain (2021), Portugal (decriminalized 2023)
North AmericaDecriminalizedLegal in Canada (federal); U.S. states like Oregon (1997), varying by jurisdiction
Asia/Middle EastCriminal in ~10 countries (e.g., Malaysia, UAE pre-2025)Prohibited; exceptions rare (e.g., Japan decriminalized assistance in some contexts but no formal euthanasia)
AfricaCriminal in several (e.g., Nigeria, Sierra Leone)Prohibited universally
OceaniaDecriminalizedLegal in New Zealand (2021), Australian states

Suicide in Other Species

Observed Behaviors

Self-destructive behaviors resembling suicide have been anecdotally reported in various non-human , predominantly in captive environments or under extreme stress, though for intentional self-termination driven by despair or is lacking. Naturalists have not documented such acts in wild populations despite extensive field studies of thousands of . In captivity, where animals face , social disruption, or experimental conditions, behaviors such as head-banging, refusal of food leading to , or deliberate injury have been observed, potentially indicating a continuum of maladaptive responses rather than volitional . Among cetaceans, captive dolphins and porpoises have exhibited repetitive , including ramming enclosure walls or tanks. A notable case involved a named Kathy, who performed in the 1960s television series Flipper and reportedly ceased breathing and rammed her tank after her trainer's departure, interpreted by the trainer as depression-induced suicide. Similar incidents include dolphins in aquaria bashing their heads against concrete until fatal injury, often linked to isolation or loss of social bonds, though alternative explanations such as echolocation disorientation or neurological issues predominate. Mass strandings of whales and dolphins on beaches, while dramatic, are not classified as suicidal; investigations attribute them to navigational errors, underwater topography, sonar interference, disease, or strong social following of a disoriented leader, with no evidence of premeditated intent. In terrestrial mammals, dogs have been observed refusing sustenance and starving after the of an owner or companion, sometimes persisting until despite nutritional availability. Captive bears, such as those in Chinese bile farms, have reportedly engaged in followed by self-strangulation or refusal to eat, as in a 2011 incident where a bear killed her cub before dying herself amid prolonged exploitation. under laboratory stress, including rhesus monkeys separated from , have shown self-mutilation like hair-pulling or biting, escalating to fatal outcomes in severe cases. These behaviors, while empirically noted, are typically framed as stress responses or failures of adaptive mechanisms rather than equivalents to human suicide, given the absence of demonstrated or future-oriented despair in non-human .

Comparative Insights

While true suicide—defined as the intentional termination of one's own with of its lethality—has not been empirically verified in non- animals, certain self-destructive behaviors have prompted comparisons to patterns. Field observations across thousands of reveal no confirmed instances of volitional self-killing, with reported cases often anecdotal and attributable to misinterpretation, , or instinctual responses rather than deliberate intent. In , suicide frequently involves premeditation, reflective despair, and disruption of survival drives, facilitated by metacognitive abilities absent in most animals; by contrast, animal behaviors like prolonged in domesticated dogs following owner loss or self-injury in stressed captive typically abate with intervention and lack evidence of death-directed purpose. Cetacean mass strandings, sometimes misconstrued as collective , correlate more strongly with navigational errors from interference, echolocation failures in unfamiliar terrain, or underlying diseases than with coordinated self-destruction, as evidenced by lower mortality in assisted refloatings and absence of preparatory behaviors seen in cases. Similarly, insect "altruistic" deaths, such as worker bees stinging intruders at the cost of their lives, serve via eusocial evolution rather than individual despair, yielding net genetic benefits unlike the fitness costs of . These distinctions highlight causal divergences: often stems from psychiatric disorders overriding evolutionary , whereas animal analogs arise from acute stressors or maladaptive traits without higher-order intent. Insights from illuminate suicide neurobiology without ethical replication of lethality; for instance, rodent models of —induced by inescapable shocks—mirror and serotonin dysregulation, key endophenotypes in , enabling pharmacological testing that informs treatments like SSRIs. Evolutionarily, the near-absence of suicide in wild populations underscores its maladaptive nature, suggesting vulnerability arises from cultural amplification of cognitive traits like rumination, which amplify transient impulses into irreversible acts—a dynamic unobserved in species lacking symbolic foresight. Though some researchers posit a behavioral continuum where emotional suffering in intelligent species like or corvids could prelude suicide, empirical thresholds for intent remain unmet, emphasizing uniqueness in decoupling behavior from immediate survival cues.

References

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