Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Denver Police Department
View on WikipediaThis article contains an excessive amount of intricate detail. (October 2025) |
| Denver Police Department | |
|---|---|
Chest patch (No shoulder patches are worn.) | |
Badge of Denver Police Department | |
| Abbreviation | DPD |
| Agency overview | |
| Employees | 1,824 (2020) |
| Annual budget | $229 million (2021)[1] |
| Jurisdictional structure | |
| Operations jurisdiction | Denver, Colorado, United States |
| Map of Denver Police Department's jurisdiction | |
| Size | 154.9 square miles (401 km2) |
| Population | 716,492 (2018) within the city & county of Denver. 2,552,195 in the metro area. |
| General nature | |
| Operational structure | |
| Police officers | Administrative = 110 (2025) Airport Operations = 132 (2025) Investigative = 344 (2025) Patrol = 1,053 (2025) Total = 1,639 (2025)[2] |
| Civilian employees | 307 |
| Agency executives |
|
| Parent agency | Denver Department of Public Safety |
| Facilities | |
| Districts | 6 |
| Patrol cars | Ford Crown Victoria, Ford Expedition, Chevrolet Impala, GMC Yukon/Chevrolet Tahoe, Dodge Durango, Awaiting Ford Utility Interceptor and Pursuit Interceptor to replace aging Crown Victoria |
| Air units | 1 - 1998 Bell 407 |
| K-9 Units | Belgian Malinois and Dutch Shepherd |
| Website | |
| https://denvergov.org/content/denvergov/en/police-department.html | |
The Denver Police Department (DPD) is the full service police department jointly for the City and County of Denver, Colorado, which provides police services to the entire county, including Denver International Airport, and may provide contractual security police service to special districts within the county. The police department is within the Denver Department of Public Safety, which also includes the Denver Sheriff Department and Denver Fire Department. The DPD was established in 1859.[3] The current police chief is Ron Thomas.
Specialized units
[edit]- Denver Police Department Mounted Patrol
- S.W.A.T. Special Weapons And Tactics
- The SWAT Team deals with hostage negotiation, drug busts and counter-terrorism
- METRO SWAT operates 2 LENCO Bear Cats and a new Freightliner Command Post
- AIR SUPPORT UNIT (1) Bell 407
http://www.thedenverchannel.com/news/29625574/detail.html AIR1 over Denver.
- HALO (High Activity Location Observation) Program
- The HALO Program is a collaborative effort between Denver Police, community groups and local businesses. Established in 2006, the program utilizes networked video cameras through surveillance to deter crime and enhance public safety through faster response to incidents. Monitored locations include high-traffic intersections, areas where drug activity and street crime are prevalent, and public facilities and parks. Cameras are also used to protect tourist sites, healthcare facilities and areas with homeland security importance. Mobile cameras are used to help manage crime hotspots. Police point to successes, including HALO's help in controlling major drug and street crime issues on notorious East Colfax Avenue.[4]

Rank Structure and Insignia
[edit]The Patrol Division is made up of 6 patrol districts. Within each patrol district, there are up to 3 different sectors. Each sector is made up of numerous precincts. Each precinct has one patrol car with 1–2 officers assigned it. Officers assigned to patrol work four 10-hour shifts.
Recruits begin the DPD Academy as a recruit officer. Upon graduation, officers are classified as "police officer 4th class." After the completion of 3 years of service, officers are classified as "police officer 1st class."
| Title | Description | Insignia |
|---|---|---|
| Chief of Police | The Chief of Police is the overall person in charge of leading the department. | |
| Deputy Chief | Appointed by the Chief of Police from Division Chief, Commander and Captain ranks. | |
| Division Chief | Appointed by the Chief of Police from Commander, Captain and Lieutenant ranks. | |
| Commander | Appointed by the Chief of Police from Lieutenant and Captain ranks. | |
| Captain | Promotion based on panel interview/departmental assessment. Current rank is no longer used it now goes from Lieutenant to Commander.[citation needed] | |
| Lieutenant | Promotion based on a written examination and panel interview/departmental assessment. | |
| Sergeant | Promotion based on a written examination and panel interview/departmental assessment. | |
| Corporal | At least one year service as a technician before eligibility for promotion to corporal (after an additional written examination and interview). | |
| Technician | At least three years service as a police officer before eligibility for promotion to Technician (after an additional written examination and interview). | |
| Police Officer | 4th–1st Class |
Demographics
[edit]Breakdown of the makeup of the rank and file of DPD as of the 2007 annual report:[5]
- Male: 89%
- Female: 11%
- White: 68%
- Hispanic: 20%
- African American/Black: 9%
- Asian: 2%
- Native American: 1%
Controversies and criticisms
[edit]This article may be unbalanced toward certain viewpoints. (January 2011) |
Denver Police have met with controversy and protest over several high-profile incidents that have led them to include citizens in their Disciplinary Review Board and Use of Force Review Board.[6] During this period, 86 people were shot by Denver police officers, resulting in 40 deaths.[7] In most of the 86 shootings, “the individual was clearly pointing a gun at officers.” A 2015 review of past court cases observed that Denver juries almost always acquit police officers charged with excessive force. “They realize police have to make split-second decisions to protect their own safety, and can make an honest mistake. If an officer’s version is even remotely plausible, he'll probably get the benefit of the doubt.”[8]
During the 1920s, a number of DPD officers were members of the Ku Klux Klan in Denver. William J. Candlish, who was police chief of the DPD from 1924 to 1925 was a Grand Dragon in the KKK.[9][10][11][3] Ledgers of KKK members show that at least 53 Denver police officers were members of the KKK in the 1920s.[10]
1953
[edit]In 1953 the Denver Police Department began to gather information on individuals and groups regarding activities that might pose a threat to public safety. The files came to be known as the Spy Files during the publicity surrounding an American Civil Liberties Union class action lawsuit in 2002. According to the lawsuit, as many as 3,200 individuals and 208 organizations had been targeted for intelligence gathering operations. These groups and individuals included not only criminal elements but also peace activists and education and human rights organizations. The lawsuit was settled in 2003 with the city revising its policies governing the gathering of this type of information. Mayor John Hickenlooper ordered the records be archived at the Denver Public Library and preserved for study. Part of the archive is currently available to the public and part is a restricted collection, accessible only by those individuals and organizations specifically named in the documents. The complete collection will open to the public in the year 2055.[12][13]
1960
[edit]In 1960, the largest police corruption scandal in the U.S. to date began to unfold. More than 50 area law-enforcement personnel - almost entirely Denver Police Officers - were caught in a burglary ring. Cops had stolen over a quarter of a million dollars from businesses they were supposed to be protecting on their beats over a ten-year period. Police cars would close down a few blocks of a major business avenue, such as University or Broadway, then burgle and steal the safes from the businesses along the closed down portion of the street. Alarms would be going off all up and down the street, they would take their loot, then respond to the alarms and take the reports. It all came to a crashing halt when an officer named Art Winstanley literally had a safe fall out of the back of his police cruiser. He testified against his fellow officers and by the end of 1961, 47 police officers had lost their badges.[14]
1979
[edit]In 2008, a 1979 video that showed Sergeant Arthur Hutchinson addressing a group of police recruits drew attention. He used the terms "niggers", "beaners", "greasers" and "homos" to describe them. He asked one woman in the class "is the real reason you came on here is because you just wanted to have access to 1,400 guys to fuck?"[15] Sergeant Hutchinson went on to serve as the chief of police in Eagle, Colorado, for a year, and then as the chief in Black Hawk, Colorado, from 1996 to 2006.[16]
1999
[edit]In September 1999 a Denver Police SWAT team performed a no-knock raid on the home of 45-year-old Mexican national, Ismael Mena, believing there to be drugs in the house. Police said that Mena pulled a gun on officers and opened fire, necessitating deadly force be used. Allegations of a police coverup of the shooting were never substantiated. Information from Mexican authorities indicated that Mena was a suspect in a homicide there. No drugs were found on the premise. Media and critics of the police department's handling of the situation have pointed out inconsistencies in officers' stories.[17] Joseph Bini, the officer who gave the address to the SWAT team, was charged with first-degree official misconduct, and sentenced to 12 months probation. The city of Denver later settled a lawsuit filed by Mena's family for $400,000. It was later determined that police targeted the wrong house having gotten the information from an unreliable informant who claimed to have purchased $20 of crack cocaine on the premises.[18]
2006
[edit]In February 2006 Amy Shroff was attacked by her estranged husband as she tried to enter a Denver police station. She showed Officer Frank Spellman the restraining order that protected her from the man. Officer Spellman then arrested Shroff. On 28 June 2010, the Denver City Council agreed to pay $175,000 to settle a civil suit on the matter.[19]
2007
[edit]In September 2009, Denver paid $225,000 to the family of Alberto Romero. Romero died after being beaten and repeatedly tasered by city police officers in 2007.[20][21]
2008
[edit]On April 4, 2008, John Heaney was riding his bicycle past the stadium and allegedly ran a red light. He was stopped by Detective Micheal Cordova who was in plainclothes because he was working a sting operation against ticket scalpers. Cordova testified in court under oath that Heaney swung and punched at him several times, forcing Cordova to punch back. Cordova said Heaney “continued to throw wild punches at me, hitting me in the chest area several times forcing me to punch him in the face several times”. When he was asked how Heaney's two front teeth were broken, Cordova responded, “I have not a clue.” John Heaney was charged with assault on a police officer and faced a minimum 3-year sentence, before a video tape surfaced showing it was Detective Cordova who attacked Heaney, tackling him, punching him in the face several times, and finally smashing his teeth into the pavement; the district attorney's office then dropped all charges against Heaney. A jury acquitted Detective Cordova on the assault charges and no charges were filed for perjury. The video was found to be edited prior to airing on the news channel and being given to the court. The video showed only the middle of fight and not the entire event.[22]
On 18 April 2008 16-year-old Juan Vasquez ran from members of the Denver Police Department, an officer shouted for him "to stop or he would shoot him in the back." When Vasquez fell in the alley, one officer jumped on his back. Other officers began to punch and kick him as Vasquez "begged" them to stop. Two of the arresting officers testified that Officer Charles Porter began jumping up and down on the teen's back while he was handcuffed and lying face-down on the ground. Vasquez, who is 5-foot-6 and 130 pounds, was hospitalized with a lacerated liver, a ruptured spleen, damage to both kidneys and bruised or fractured ribs. He spent three days in intensive care handcuffed to the bed. Porter was charged and acquitted of felony assault charges, he was the only witness at his defense and claimed the other officers who testified against him caused the injuries during the arrest and conspired to pin the blame on him. Vasquez filed a lawsuit for 1.3 million dollars, and the city settled for "just under $1,000,000".[23][24]
In 2008 Officer Eric Sellers and two unnamed Denver police officers attacked Jared Lunn. Lunn had tried to report that he had been assaulted earlier in the evening. In August 2010, Sellers was suspended for 45 days over the incident.[21] The case was later reopened, presenting the possibility of additional punishment.[25]
2009
[edit]
In January 2009, Alexander Landau was beaten by three Denver police officers and received a $795,000 settlement in 2011, one of the largest settlements in Denver history to resolve a police brutality case. The police officers involved in the case were Officers Kevin Devine, Ricky Nixon, Tiffany Middleton, and Corporal Randy Murr. Officer Middleton continues to serve with the department.[26][27] In September 2013, the department fired Officers Nixon and Devine for lying during the investigation.[28] The two were later reinstated by the Denver Civil Service Commission.[29] Officer Nixon was fired again in 2015 during an employment rights battle between Nixon and the City of Denver.[30]
In April 2009, Corporal Murr and Officer Sparks threw Michael DeHerrea to the ground during an arrest outside of a downtown nightclub. The two were fired for lying during the subsequent investigation but returned to their jobs as a result of a hearing by the Denver Civil Service Commission. In September 2012, the panel reversed itself and fired the two men again. The city paid $15,000 to settle the matter. Murr was the same officer involved in the Landau beating three months before.[31]
Sergeant Perry Speelman and Officers Tab Davis and Jesse Campion stopped two men in 2009 and subjected them to a barrage of racial insults after they were illegally forced from their car. The judge in the case called the policemen's action "extreme, profane and racially motivated." In July 2012, the city council agreed to pay $60,000 to the two men beaten by three police officers.[32]
2010
[edit]A press report shows that in March 2010, Officer Hector Paez used threats of arrest to force himself on a woman. In December 2012, Officer Paez was found guilty of sexual assault, kidnapping and filing a false report.[33][34] In 2013, he was sentenced to eight years in prison.[35]
In May 2010, the city agreed to settle an excessive force lawsuit paying Eric Winfield $40,000. Officers Glenn Martin, Antonio Milow, and Thomas Johnston beat Winfield when he was mistakenly identified as a person who had previously caused trouble at a nightclub.[21][36]
In June 2010, Denver police Officer Derrick Saunders was sentenced to 5 days in jail, fined $300, and ordered to perform 100 hours of community service after he had been arrested driving at 143 mph in a 55 mph zone. Press reports indicated that Saunders had a blood-alcohol level of .089 percent; the legal limit is .08 percent. In 2012, Saunders was returned to the police department by the city's civil service commission.[37]
On August 18, 2010, the Denver Post reported about another alleged beating by the Denver Police. On March 16, 2010, Mark Ashford was walking his two dogs near the streets of 20th and Little Raven when he saw a police officer pull over a driver who had run a stop sign. Ashford claiming that he saw the man stop at the stop sign approached the police car to volunteer information and to appear in court about the incident. Ashford claims that the officer "didn't like it at all" and asked Ashford his ID, which he provided. Afterwards, another Denver Police officer arrived on scene and Ashford, who claims he was nervous, began taking photos of the two officers on his cell phone. In the HALO surveillance video released by the city & county of Denver, a Denver Police officer appears to hand Ashford back his ID and a piece of paper. Afterwards, Ashford pulls out his cell phone to photograph the two officers. The two officers approach Ashford and one of the officers grabs Ashford's hand in an attempt to get Ashford's cell phone. Ashford is then attacked by both officers in fear that their abuses and violations of constitutional amendments would be reported. Video clearly shows Ashford unable to defend himself with leashes in his hand and a phone in the other. After being handcuffed for some time Officer Cook was seen smashing Ashford's head against the concrete sidewalk, once again showing extreme police brutality and abuses of the law. Ashford's attorney, William Hart, claims that his client was arrested on suspicion of interference and resistance. After the incident, Ashford was taken to St. Andrew's Hospital where he was treated for a cut on his eye and a concussion. All charges have been dropped by the Denver City Attorney's office. The officers were cleared following an investigation by Denver Police and Independent Monitor, Richard Rosenthal. Rosenthal found the officers' actions were justified.[38] The city awarded Ashford $35,000, citing that they believed the officers used excessive force and criticized Rosenthal for ruling their actions justified. One officer retired after the incident and one remains on the job.
In August 2010, the city agreed to pay $20,000 to James Watkins to settle a civil lawsuit. In the suit, Watkins claimed Officers John Ruddy and Randy Penn slammed his face into the pavement repeatedly after hearing him say, "cops suck" to a friend.[21]
2013
[edit]In April 2013, there was controversy surrounding the involvement of the Denver Police in a speech by President Obama in support of gun control. There were complaints by Denver Police officers that they were encouraged (or coerced) to participate in President Obama's rally, while they were forbidden from participating in a counter-rally by more than a dozen Colorado county sheriffs.[39][40]
2014
[edit]On July 2, 2014, Ryan Ronquillo was killed after running over a Denver Police detective while trying to escape arrest in a stolen car.[41][42] Denver District Attorney Mitch Morrissey declared the shooting justified amid protests.[43][44]
On December 7, 2014, North Denver News published a story claiming Denver had the 2nd highest per-capita rate of death from law enforcement in the country during the period 1999–2012. This was the result of their independent research of Center for Disease Control data, showing Denver 2nd only to Baltimore.[45]
2017
[edit]The Denver Police Union passed a vote of no confidence in Chief Robert White's leadership after multiple misconduct investigations yielded no corrective action.[46] During the investigations, Mayor Hancock revoked the Office of the Independent Monitor's ability to provide civilian oversight for these investigations. Mayor Hancock declared that the mayor's office would have sole responsibility for oversight of investigations involving Chief White despite the Independent Monitor's involvement in previous Chief of Police investigations.[47] Following these events, Chief White announced he would retire as soon as a replacement could be selected.[48]
2020
[edit]In the midst of the George Floyd protests the department has come under increased scrutiny by elements of the community within the city. On July 5, 2020, the police department was placed under a federal injunction limiting their use of non-lethal projectiles and tear gas against protesters.[49] Particular attention has been paid to the departments repeated failure to abide by its own "Use of Force" policy.[50]
The collective bargaining agreement (CBA) of the department was also up for vote by the city council, which was rejected on its first pass under pressure from protestors seeking to defund the department.[51]
2022
[edit]On July 17, 2022, while pursuing an armed suspect on foot near a crowded area in front of Larimer Beer Hall in the Lower Downtown neighborhood of Denver, three Denver Police officers shot at the suspect, who was handling his firearm by the slide on the top of the gun,[52][53] injuring him and six other people who were behind the suspect and were bystanders to the shooting. Officers involved were subsequently placed on administrative leave, pending a separate internal investigation. Denver District Attorney Beth McCann launched a probe.[54] A jury found that the crowd was visible from the position of officer Brandon Ramos, who shot five of the injured victims, and that he was negligent in firing at the suspect from that position. Ramos later pleaded guilty to third degree assault and was sentenced to 18 months probation in January 2024. Ramos was also stripped of his peace officer certification, meaning that he can no longer work in law enforcement in Colorado.[55]
Co-responder Program
[edit] A major contributor to this section appears to have a close connection with its subject. (February 2022) |
The Denver Police Department, the Mental Health Center of Denver and Denver Human Services’ Office of Behavioral Health Strategies partner on a successful co-responder program that first launched as a pilot program in 2016 with four co-responders. This program pairs licensed professional behavioral health clinicians with police officers to respond together to calls involving people experiencing behavioral health issues and/or co-occurring substance use issues. The clinicians are trained to assist people in crisis and provide the most effective services for resolution. The co-responder program has been implemented in all six Denver Police Districts. As of January 2022, DPD is nearing 11,000 co-responder contacts since inception on April 1, 2016. In 2021, there were 3,179 encounters and of those, 1% resulted in arrest and 3% with a citation. The program now includes 40 staff members, 36 of which are co-responders.[56][57]
Support Team Assisted Response (STAR)
[edit]On June 1, 2020, the Denver Police Department implemented the Support Team Assisted Response (STAR) pilot program, which sent a paramedic and a mental health provider to low-risk behavioral health and medical calls for service in lieu of a police officer. This mobile crisis response unit assists residents who are experiencing problems related to mental health, poverty, homelessness and/or substance abuse. The STAR team responded to more than 700 calls for service during the pilot program, which operated from June 1 to November 30, 2020. Denver Mayor Michael B. Hancock allocated $1.4M in the city's 2021 budget to fund an expanded program. The STAR program is now under the Department of Public Health and Environment.[58][59]
Outreach Case Coordinators
[edit]The Denver Police Department created the Outreach Case Coordinator (OCC) program with the goal of improving long-term outcomes for individuals following the initial crisis response. Coordinators provide follow-up services for individuals and families who were initially contacted by police officers. The DPD case managers are assigned to the six police districts and the Special Operations Response Team.
Since the program began in July 2020, the OCCs have assisted more than 1,300 individuals and families by connecting them to a wide variety of resources such as housing, government assistance, employment navigation, navigating health systems, disability services, and much more.[60][61]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "CITY AND COUNTY OF DENVER MAYOR'S BUDGET" (PDF). denvergov.org. Retrieved November 11, 2025.
- ^ "MAYOR'S 2025 BUDGET" (PDF). denvergov.org. Retrieved November 11, 2025.
- ^ a b yongli (January 25, 2021). "The Denver Police Department, 1859–1933". coloradoencyclopedia.org. Retrieved June 6, 2021.
- ^ DPD 2006 Annual Report Archived 2011-07-23 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Denver Police Department 2007 Annual Report Archived 2009-04-12 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "City Seeks Volunteers For Police Review Boards". City of Denver. March 20, 2007. Archived from the original on November 10, 2007. Retrieved March 20, 2007.
- ^ Charles Porter, "Cop involved in Juan Vasquez stomping, fired by outgoing manager of safety," Westword, by Michael Roberts, June 30, 2010
- ^ Carroll, Vincent (January 3, 2015). "Why aren't cops prosecuted?". The Denver Post. Retrieved December 17, 2015.
- ^ Stallworth, Ron (June 5, 2018). Black Klansman: Race, Hate, and the Undercover Investigation of a Lifetime. Flatiron Books. ISBN 978-1-250-29903-1.
- ^ a b "The KKK ruled Denver a century ago. Here's how the hate group's legacy is still being felt in 2021". The Denver Post. June 6, 2021. Retrieved June 6, 2021.
- ^ "The Walsenburg World July 16, 1925 — Colorado Historic Newspapers Collection". www.coloradohistoricnewspapers.org. Retrieved June 6, 2021.
- ^ "ACLU of Colorado: Spy Files". American Civil Liberties Union. Archived from the original on November 20, 2009. Retrieved December 17, 2015.
- ^ Berlet, Chip; Scher, Abby. "Political Profiling". Amnesty International. Archived from the original on November 12, 2008. Retrieved December 17, 2015.
- ^ Denver cop and robber reconciles his troubled past, by Kevin Simpson, 16 February 2010, the Denver Post
- ^ Cite error: The named reference
Hutchinsonwas invoked but never defined (see the help page). - ^ Tone, Joe (August 22, 2008). "Seventies-era Denver Police video shows racist, homophobic and sexist training practices". Westword. Retrieved October 30, 2025.
- ^ Alan Prendergast (February 24, 2000). "Unlawful Entry". Westword. Retrieved March 20, 2007.
- ^ Alan Prendergast (February 24, 2000). "Unlawful Entry". Westword. Retrieved June 15, 2014.
- ^ Top 5 Police Blunders: Amy Shroff Wins $175,000 For Wrongful Arrest, True Crime Report dot Com, by Denise Grollmus, 1 July 2010
- ^ "Death after Taser use shocks kin," by Mike McPhee, July 2007, Denver Post
- ^ a b c d Is There a Police Brutality Problem in Denver?, by David Packman, the Cato Institute, National Police Misconduct Reporting Project
- ^ Greg Prinkey (February 16, 2010). "UAffidavit: Police Brutality Case At Coors Field". 9News. Retrieved December 17, 2015.
- ^ Alan Gathright (May 15, 2008). "Teen sues over alleged beating by Denver cops". Rocky Mountain News. Retrieved March 12, 2009.
- ^ Fox 31 News (May 18, 2007). "Denver cop found not guilty of assaulting handcuffed teen". KDVR. Retrieved March 12, 2009.
{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Denver police's alleged brutality tops Top 5 Police Blunders list on TrueCrimeReport.com, Denver Westword, by Michael Roberts August 27, 2010
- ^ Gurman, Sadie. "Denver police officers won't be charged in the 2009 Landau beating case," The Denver Post, 8 February 2013
- ^ Alex Landau frustrated by cop reinstatement, latest delay in bloody beating investigation, by Michael Roberts, Denver WestWorld, 27 February 2013
- ^ Two Denver cops plan to appeal firing in Denver Diner beating case, by Sadie Gurman, Denver Post, 27 September 2013
- ^ Denver Diner case's $360K settlement exposes culture of police brutality, attorney says, by Michael Roberts, 24 September 2013, Denver WestWorld
- ^ Roberts, Michael. "Ricky Nixon, Denver Cop Fired Multiple Times, May Get Job Back Again". Retrieved June 7, 2022.
- ^ 2 Officers Fired In Beating, Then Reinstated, Are Fired Again; Devin Sparks, Randy Murr Fired For Videotaped Beating Of Michael DeHerrea, thedenverchannel.com, 4 September 2012
- ^ Tegan Hanlon, "Denver council OK's police settlement amount," Denver Post, 16 July 2012
- ^ Denver Police Officer Found Guilty Of Sexually Assaulting Woman, 18 December 2012 http://denver.cbslocal.com/2012/12/18/denver-police-officer-found-guilty-of-sexually-assaulting-woman/
- ^ Denver police officer Hector Paez convicted of sex assault, kidnapping, 19 December 2012, Thedenverchannel.com
- ^ Former Denver cop Hector Paez gets 8 years for assault, kidnapping, the Denver Post, 1 March 2013
- ^ Eric Winfield: Artist beaten by Denver cops gets cash, no apology, Denver Westword, By Alan Prendergast, May 4, 2010
- ^ Derrick Saunders, Denver Police Officer, Could Be Reinstated After Driving Drunk At 143 Miles Per Hour, Huffington Post, Posted: 05/23/2012 6:16 pm Updated: 05/23/2012 6:27 pm
- ^ "Another alleged beating involving Denver police surfaces". Denver Post. Retrieved on Jan. 17, 2011
- ^ Parker, Ryan (April 3, 2013). "Colorado sheriffs protest President Obama's Denver visit". Denver Post.
- ^ Sheriffs duel Obama over anti-gun laws. 7 News. April 3, 2013. Archived from the original on December 14, 2021.
- ^ Denver police report
- ^ Roberts, Michael (July 3, 2014). "Denver cops say man they killed at funeral home rammed cruisers, injured officer". Denver Westword.
- ^ Roberts, Michael (August 12, 2014). "Ryan Ronquillo Shooting Deemed Justified, But Family Says Police Murdered Him". Denver Westword.
- ^ "Denver protestors march to State Capitol to mark police shootings". Denver Post. August 30, 2014.
- ^ "Denver has the second highest rate of death from Law Enforcement in Country". North Denver News. December 7, 2014.
- ^ Phillips, Noelle (2017). "Denver police union passes "no confidence" vote on Chief Robert White". Denver Post.
- ^ Phillips, Noelle (2018). "Denver's police watchdog no longer allowed to investigate Chief Robert White after mayor's office reverses past practices". Denver Post.
- ^ Phillips, Noelle (2018). "Denver Police Chief Robert White will retire and be replaced from within the department". Denver Post.
- ^ "Federal judge orders Denver police to limit firing tear gas, projectiles at peaceful protesters". June 6, 2020.
- ^ "Fractured skulls, lost eyes: Police often break their own rules when using "rubber bullets"". June 22, 2020.
- ^ "City Council Gives Thumbs Down to Collective Bargaining Agreement with Denver Police". September 15, 2020.
- ^ "Denver police officer pleads guilty in LoDo shooting that wounded six bystanders". The Denver Post. January 23, 2024. Retrieved February 21, 2024.
- ^ Rose, Alex (July 20, 2022). "Denver Police open fire in 3 shootings in a week". Retrieved August 18, 2022.
- ^ Bedayn, Jesse (August 17, 2022). "Probe opened into Denver police shooting that injured 6". boston25news.com. Retrieved August 18, 2022.
- ^ McRae, Jennifer (January 23, 2024). "Denver Police Officer Brandon Ramos pleads guilty in 2022 LoDo shooting - CBS Colorado". www.cbsnews.com. Retrieved February 21, 2024.
- ^ "Co-Responder Program". Mental Health Center of Denver. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
- ^ "Denver's police partnership with mental health professionals likely to extend through 2020". Colorado Politics. December 19, 2019. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
- ^ "Denver's STAR program sees promising results in first six months". KUSA.com. February 11, 2021. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
- ^ Hauck, Grace. "Denver successfully sent mental health professionals, not police, to hundreds of calls". USA TODAY. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
- ^ Frank, John (June 8, 2021). "Denver puts community outreach at forefront of gang violence prevention". Axios. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
- ^ "Denver man (and his dog) find a home for the holidays — thanks to some friends in blue". KUSA.com. December 18, 2020. Retrieved February 7, 2022.
External links
[edit]Denver Police Department
View on GrokipediaThe Denver Police Department (DPD) is the primary law enforcement agency for the consolidated City and County of Denver, Colorado, tasked with maintaining public safety, preventing crime, and enforcing laws within its jurisdiction.[1]
Established on December 19, 1859, as a small cadre of marshals amid the chaos of a frontier mining settlement, the DPD has grown to encompass over 1,500 sworn officers and support personnel serving roughly 729,000 residents across 155 square miles.[2][3][4][5]
Led since 2022 by Chief Ron Thomas, the department emphasizes data-driven policing, community partnerships, and technological innovations such as drone programs and public transparency dashboards to address violent crime and build trust.[1][6][7][8]
While achieving successes in specialized operations like firearm recoveries and suspect apprehensions, the DPD's history includes episodes of corruption and brutality in its formative period, the early 2000s "spy files" controversy entailing unauthorized surveillance of over 200 political groups and individuals, and persistent scrutiny over officer-involved shootings—totaling at least 44 fatal incidents since 2000—spurring internal reforms, civilian oversight enhancements, and ongoing debates about accountability amid broader national policing challenges.[3][9][10][11]
History
Founding and Early Development (1859–1900)
The Denver Police Department originated on December 19, 1859, following the consolidation of the settlements of Denver City, Auraria, and Highland into a single municipal entity amid the Colorado Gold Rush, with Wilson E. "Bill" Sisty appointed as the first city marshal to establish order in the burgeoning mining camp plagued by lawlessness.[12][3] This formalization came shortly after the territory's first recorded major homicide on November 20, 1859, when John Stoeffel shot and killed his brother-in-law Thomas Biencroff over a bag of gold dust, leading to Stoeffel's swift execution by hanging the following day under Sisty's oversight, which underscored the nascent force's role in curbing vigilante justice and mob violence.[12] Sisty, noted for his strong character and public popularity, served in the position until transitioning to other roles, including Colorado's first fish commissioner in 1876.[12] In its initial years, the department functioned primarily as a small cadre of marshals focused on maintaining public order in a city rife with saloons, gambling dens, and transient miners, enforcing ordinances against drunks, thieves, street brawls, and prostitution, which proliferated in areas like Market Street where the early headquarters was located near vice districts.[3] A city charter in 1859 and subsequent council directives in 1860 aimed to build a "well regulated and judicious police system," appointing P. P. Wilcox as the first police magistrate to handle judicial matters.[3] By 1862, George E. Thornton became the first individual to hold the title of chief of police, marking a shift toward more structured leadership, while the force remained modest, expanding to approximately 13 officers by 1874 as Denver's population grew.[3][13] Professionalization accelerated in the 1870s and 1880s with the introduction of standardized uniforms and badges in 1873, reflecting efforts to instill discipline and visibility in a force combating urban disorder.[3] The department hired its first Black officer, Isaac Brown, in 1880, amid a city population exceeding 35,000, supporting 15 regular officers and 11 special deputies by 1881; technological aids like patrol wagons and call boxes were adopted in 1886 to improve response times.[3] Sadie Likens joined as the first matron in 1888 to oversee female prisoners, coinciding with intensified raids on brothels under ordinances from the 1860s–1870s, though enforcement often prioritized containment over eradication of vice.[3] Notable figures like David Cook, who served as marshal from 1866 to 1868 and later as chief in 1880, contributed to detective operations, including private agencies that supplemented municipal efforts.[14] By the close of the century, the department had evolved from ad hoc marshals into a rudimentary urban police force, though it faced persistent challenges from Denver's rapid growth and criminal elements, culminating in tragic events such as the August 13, 1899, shooting deaths of officers Thomas J. Clifford and William Griffiths—the first simultaneous line-of-duty fatalities—during a confrontation in lower downtown, highlighting the hazards of policing in a still-turbulent frontier city.[15]Expansion and Professionalization (1900–1950)
The Denver Police Department underwent significant expansion during the early 20th century, driven by rapid population growth and major events. Denver's population increased from 133,859 in 1900 to 213,381 by 1910, necessitating a larger force that grew to over 200 officers by the 1910s.[3] The 1920 Tramway Strike prompted the addition of 100 more officers to maintain order amid labor unrest involving the Denver Police Department and National Guard.[3] Prohibition, enforced statewide from 1916 to 1933, further expanded the department by hundreds of officers, including the hiring of the first female officer, Edith Barker, as enforcement demands intensified against illegal alcohol trade.[3] [16] Professionalization efforts aligned with national Progressive Era reforms (1900–1920), introducing administrative organization, formal training programs influenced by August Vollmer's 1908 initiatives in California, and a military-style rank hierarchy.[3] Mounted patrols were adopted for better mobility in the growing urban area, while proposals like George Creel's 1912 call to end billy club use reflected attempts to modernize tactics, though not fully implemented.[3] Prohibition enforcement militarized the force, with acquisitions of armored cars equipped with machine guns by 1921 to combat armed bootleggers, enhancing operational capacity but also raising concerns over excessive force.[3] Challenges to professional standards emerged in the 1920s, exemplified by Chief William Candlish's tenure (1924–1925), during which Ku Klux Klan members infiltrated the department, directing enforcement against immigrants and leading to Candlish's dismissal amid scandal.[3] Earlier corruption under Chief Michael A. Delaney (1904–1908) prompted his resignation following graft allegations.[3] By the 1930s, the department retained its enlarged Prohibition-era force, and in 1939, it relocated to a new Art Deco headquarters at Thirteenth and Champa Streets, funded by the Works Progress Administration, symbolizing infrastructural advancement as Denver's population exceeded 320,000 by 1940.[17] These developments marked a shift toward a more structured and capable agency, though persistent issues like corruption and biased enforcement highlighted uneven progress.[17]Post-War Challenges and Reforms (1950–2000)
In the post-World War II era, the Denver Police Department grappled with internal corruption that peaked in the late 1950s and early 1960s. A major scandal erupted in 1961 when investigations revealed a burglary ring operating from 1954 to 1962, involving 54 officers who exploited their positions for thefts, including safecracking and protection rackets. By year's end, 47 officers had been implicated, with 20 pleading guilty, six convicted at trial, and two entering no-contest pleas; the episode, dubbed the city's "Year of Shame," exposed systemic failures in discipline and supervision.[18][19] In response, Chief James Childers retired, and the International Association of Chiefs of Police oversaw a reorganization program emphasizing stricter applicant screening, including lie detector tests, and a return to core patrol duties to rebuild public trust.[20][21] Civil rights tensions compounded these issues, with discriminatory practices fueling community distrust. From 1945 to 1954, Latino residents, comprising about 10% of Denver's population, accounted for 31% of vagrancy arrests under biased enforcement of loitering laws. In the 1960s, overpolicing targeted Black and Latino neighborhoods, exemplified by a 1967 Park Hill initiative mandating vehicle searches of Black youth, and escalated clashes such as the 1968 raid on the Black Panther Party headquarters amid post-Martin Luther King Jr. assassination unrest. The Chicano Movement brought boycotts, strikes, and riots in the 1960s and 1970s, including a 1973 shootout with the Crusade for Justice that killed activist Luis Martinez.[19][22][23] Surveillance practices persisted as a core challenge, with the department maintaining secret intelligence files on over 3,200 groups and individuals from the 1950s through the 1990s, often without evidence of criminality; targets included civil rights organizations like the American Indian Movement (monitored 1986–2002) and anti-war protesters. These files, later exposed in the early 2000s, reflected broader intelligence-gathering amid perceived threats but drew criticism for infringing on First Amendment rights. By the 1990s, rising violence prompted a 43-member gang unit following the 1993 "Summer of Violence," though it disproportionately focused on minority communities, leading to heightened complaints of excessive force.[19][24] Reform efforts gained traction late in the period, building on earlier professionalization. The 1961 scandal's aftermath introduced oversight mechanisms, while 1970s consent decrees like the Hogue Decree aimed to diversify hiring amid civil rights pressures. Under Chief Gerald Whitman, appointed in 1999, initial steps included overhauling use-of-force policies and creating advisory groups like the Clergy Advisory Team, responding to incidents such as the controversial 1999 SWAT raid killing Ismael Mena; these laid groundwork for community-oriented policing, though implementation faced resistance from entrenched practices.[25][19]Contemporary Era (2000–Present)
In the early 2000s, the Denver Police Department faced significant scrutiny over internal practices and surveillance activities. In 2000, Mayor Wellington Webb appointed Gerald Whitman as chief, an 18-year veteran aimed at stabilizing the department following prior leadership issues. However, controversies soon emerged, including the "spy files" scandal, where the department maintained dossiers on over 2,000 individuals and 200 organizations, many linked to political activism, leading to ACLU lawsuits and a 2003 memorandum of understanding with the FBI's Joint Terrorism Task Force that was later challenged in court. These incidents prompted policy reviews and notifications to affected parties starting in September 2002, highlighting tensions between law enforcement intelligence gathering and civil liberties.[26][17][9] Mid-decade leadership persisted under Whitman until 2011, when Mayor Michael Hancock replaced him with Robert White, the department's first Black chief, amid ongoing concerns over use-of-force incidents; between 2000 and 2015, Denver police fatally shot at least 44 individuals. White's tenure emphasized community engagement, but challenges continued, including high-profile shootings and internal discipline lapses. Paul Pazen succeeded White in 2016, introducing data-driven strategies like hotspot policing to target high-crime areas, which correlated with efforts to reduce violent encounters. Despite these, the department grappled with persistent issues, such as officer-involved shootings and allegations of excessive force, exemplified by investigations into cases where officers violated protocols during arrests.[10][27][28] The 2020 George Floyd protests intensified calls for reform, with Denver PD facing criticism for deploying projectiles against non-combative protesters, resulting in injuries like fractured skulls, and broader accountability gaps in officer discipline. In response, the city pursued civilian oversight enhancements and data reporting mandates under state law, though implementation revealed shortcomings in tracking rogue officers who resigned under investigation. Leadership transitioned to Ron Thomas as chief by 2023, focusing on transparency and recruitment amid staffing shortages. Crime trends shifted positively in recent years; violent crime dropped 32.6% year-over-year through 2025, with homicides falling 58% in the first half of the year compared to 2024, attributed partly to targeted enforcement and post-pandemic recovery.[29][30][31][32][33]Leadership and Governance
Chiefs of Police
The Denver Police Department traces its leadership origins to the city's incorporation in 1859, when it operated under marshals rather than a formal chief of police. Wilson E. Sisty served as the inaugural city marshal, tasked with maintaining order amid frontier lawlessness, including executing the first convicted murderer in Denver City shortly after his appointment.[3][12] The title of Chief of Police emerged by 1862 with George E. Thornton's appointment, marking the professionalization of the force, which adopted star badges by 1864.[3] Early chiefs often navigated corruption, political influence, and episodic violence; for instance, Michael A. Delaney held the position intermittently from 1894–1895 and 1904–1908, a period characterized by departmental graft and aggressive tactics against vice.[3] Dave Cook, serving as both marshal and chief around 1880, exemplified the era's reliance on charismatic figures to quell riots, such as the anti-Chinese disturbances of October 31, 1880.[3] In the mid-20th century, chiefs focused on modernization amid social upheavals. George L. Seaton led from 1968 to 1972, overseeing a department with minimal minority representation (2% Black officers, 1.6% Latino) during a decade of civil rights tensions he described as societal "catharsis."[17] His successor, Art Dill, served from 1972 to 1983, expanding diversity to 6% Black and 13% Latino officers by retirement while managing post-Vietnam era challenges.[17] Thomas E. Coogan followed from 1983 to 1987, resigning amid a personal scandal involving an admitted affair with a subordinate officer.[34][35]| Chief of Police | Term | Key Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Gerald Whitman | 2000–2011 | Longest-serving modern chief (11 years); appointed post-scandal to implement reforms, including a Clergy Advisory Team and revised use-of-force policies; an 18-year department veteran praised for clean record.[17] |
| Robert C. White | 2011–2018 | First Black chief; emphasized discipline, community partnerships, and departmental turnaround; retired after over six years amid ongoing reform efforts.[36][37] |
| Paul Pazen | 2018–2022 | Rose through ranks to chief; supported post-2020 protest reforms, including marching with demonstrators; retired after four years, handing over amid recruitment challenges.[38][39] |
| Ron Thomas | 2022–present | Sworn in October 18, 2022; career officer starting as cadet; focuses on crime prevention, public trust, and staffing amid low recruitment; as of 2025, advocates education-based discipline while defending officer accountability.[1][6][40] |
Oversight Bodies and Accountability
The Office of the Independent Monitor (OIM), established in 2004, functions as the principal civilian oversight entity for the Denver Police Department (DPD) and Denver Sheriff's Department, monitoring internal investigations into public complaints against sworn personnel to promote accountability, operational effectiveness, and transparency.[45] The OIM reviews complaint investigations conducted by the DPD's Internal Affairs Bureau, assesses compliance with departmental policies, and provides recommendations on disciplinary actions and systemic reforms, though it lacks authority to directly impose discipline.[46] Complementing the OIM is the Citizen Oversight Board (COB), a nine-member panel appointed alternately by the mayor and city council, which reviews complaint processes, advises on oversight policies, and facilitates community input into accountability mechanisms, including the handling of denied or unresolved grievances. Public complaints alleging misconduct by uniformed DPD officers can be filed directly with the OIM or COB, triggering internal probes subject to external monitoring, with the OIM required to issue semi-annual reports on trends in complaints, sustainment rates, and resolution outcomes.[47] In September 2025, the Denver Auditor's Office issued a report critiquing the OIM for inadequate transparency, highlighting that it conducts much of its review work confidentially without publicly disclosing recommendations on individual misconduct cases or policy evaluations, potentially undermining public trust in the oversight process.[48] Auditor Timothy O'Brien described the opacity as providing "no visible proof of accountability" and a disservice to both law enforcement and residents, though the OIM contested the audit's conclusions, asserting that confidentiality protections are necessary to safeguard ongoing investigations and personnel privacy.[49] [46] These concerns echo broader debates over the efficacy of Denver's hybrid model of oversight, which relies on civilian review of internal affairs rather than fully independent investigations, amid historical patterns of low complaint sustainment rates reported by the OIM itself in prior years.Organizational Structure
Command and Administrative Divisions
The command structure of the Denver Police Department is headed by Chief of Police Ron Thomas, who directs overall operations, policy enforcement, and strategic initiatives aimed at crime prevention and public safety.[1] Thomas is supported by deputy chiefs, including Deputy Chief Aaron Sanchez and Deputy Chief Joseph Montoya Jr., who oversee key operational and administrative functions such as resource allocation and compliance with departmental objectives.[50] Division chiefs manage the department's primary bureaus, which encompass both command-level operations and administrative support. For example, Division Chief Rick Kyle supervises district patrol stations, major crime investigations, specialized investigative units, task forces, and special operations, integrating frontline enforcement with investigative coordination.[50] This structure ensures hierarchical accountability, with command personnel appointed based on experience in supervisory roles and aligned with the department's operational manual outlining duties for sworn personnel.[51] Administrative divisions focus on backend support, including the Administrative Management Division, which handles identification services such as fingerprint processing and criminal records maintenance through units like the Police Identification Unit. Additional administrative elements incorporate fiscal oversight, personnel recruitment, and specialized response coordination, such as the Crisis Service Division, which integrates behavioral health strategies with law enforcement for mental health crisis interventions.[52] These divisions operate under the broader command framework to sustain departmental efficiency, with policies emphasizing adherence to rules and responsibility assignment across bureaus, districts, and sections.[51]Rank Structure and Insignia
The Denver Police Department maintains a quasi-military rank hierarchy, overseen by the city's Manager of Safety, with the Chief of Police at the apex. Ranks are divided into command staff (higher leadership with collar insignia) and supervisory staff (mid-level with sleeve chevrons), while entry-level positions like patrol officers and appointed specialists such as detectives lack distinct uniform insignia beyond badges.[53] This structure facilitates clear chain-of-command delineation, with promotions based on civil service exams, performance evaluations, and appointments by the Chief for specialized roles.[53] Higher command ranks feature gold stars or bars on uniform collars: the Chief of Police wears four stars; Deputy Chiefs, three stars; Division Chiefs, two stars; and Commanders, one star.[53] Captains display two gold bars on the collar, while Lieutenants wear one gold bar; these ranks may also have designations etched on badges.[53] Supervisory ranks include Sergeants with three chevrons on upper sleeves and Corporals with two chevrons in the same position.[53]| Rank | Insignia Description | Placement |
|---|---|---|
| Chief of Police | Four gold stars | Collar |
| Deputy Chief | Three gold stars | Collar |
| Division Chief | Two gold stars | Collar |
| Commander | One gold star | Collar |
| Captain | Two gold bars | Collar |
| Lieutenant | One gold bar | Collar |
| Sergeant | Three chevrons | Upper sleeves |
| Corporal | Two chevrons | Upper sleeves |
Personnel Demographics and Recruitment
As of 2023, the Denver Police Department (DPD) employed 1,533 sworn officers, representing 89.57% of its authorized strength of 1,639 positions, with a vacancy rate of 6.47% and a turnover rate of 7.11%.[55] The department's personnel demographics reflect a predominance of white male officers, with males comprising 83.56% (1,281 officers) and females 16.37% (251 officers) of the sworn force.[55] [56] By ethnicity, the breakdown was white at 61.51%, Hispanic or Latino at 23.74%, Black or African American at 7.89%, two or more races at 3.33%, Asian at 2.02%, American Indian or Alaska Native at 0.39%, and those declining to identify at 1.11%.[55]| Demographic Category | Percentage | Approximate Number (out of 1,533) |
|---|---|---|
| White | 61.51% | 944 |
| Hispanic/Latino | 23.74% | 364 |
| Black/African American | 7.89% | 121 |
| Two or More Races | 3.33% | 51 |
| Asian | 2.02% | 31 |
| American Indian/Alaska Native | 0.39% | 6 |
| Decline to Identify | 1.11% | 17 |
Operations and Units
Patrol and District Operations
The Denver Police Department's patrol and district operations are structured around six geographic districts that collectively cover the entire City and County of Denver, with each district maintaining a dedicated station for operational coordination.[62] These districts—Districts 1 through 6—are staffed by uniformed patrol officers, specialized officers, and detectives who focus on localized crime prevention, emergency response, and community engagement to protect life and property.[62] In 2013, the department redrew district boundaries to better align patrol resources with prevailing crime patterns and population densities, aiming to enhance response efficiency without increasing overall staffing at the time.[63] Patrol officers in these districts perform core functions including proactive patrolling of assigned sectors or precincts, familiarization with local businesses and public facilities, response to calls for service, traffic enforcement, accident investigations, and initial crime scene assessments.[64] Operations emphasize rapid deployment to emergencies via 911 dispatches, with non-emergency inquiries handled through district stations or a centralized line at (720) 913-2000.[62] Officers typically work ten-hour shifts followed by three consecutive days off, allowing for sustained coverage across day, evening, and night rotations while accommodating fatigue management and work-life balance.[1] District-level activities integrate patrol with detective follow-ups and specialized units, such as community resource officers who address ongoing neighborhood concerns like property crimes or disorder.[62] For instance, patrol teams conduct targeted initiatives like "Hot Street" patrols in high-crime areas, which in 2024 resulted in over 3,300 deployments and correlated with a 58% reduction in violence at those sites after 28-day periods.[7] This data-driven approach supplements routine operations, prioritizing empirical hotspots over uniform citywide deployment to optimize limited resources amid staffing levels hovering around 1,500 sworn officers as of early 2024.[65]Specialized Investigative and Tactical Units
The Denver Police Department's Major Crimes Division conducts specialized investigations into serious offenses, including non-traffic-related homicides, robberies involving force or threats, sexual assaults and stranger child abductions, missing persons cases, bias-motivated crimes targeting protected characteristics such as race or religion, domestic violence incidents like assaults and stalking, and fraud or financial crimes involving checks, credit cards, or forgeries.[66] This division comprises dedicated units for homicide and robbery, sex crimes, sex offender registration, fraud, domestic violence, and bias-motivated crimes, operating from the Police Administration Building at 1331 Cherokee Street.[66] The Gang Unit enforces local, state, and federal laws targeting gang-related activities, including violence, drug trafficking, and recruitment, while providing training on gang awareness and response protocols to other department personnel.[50] It collaborates with community partners for prevention efforts and maintains a hotline at (720) 913-1333 for reporting gang intelligence.[67] The Vice/Narcotics Section, including the Major Narcotics Unit, investigates drug manufacturing, distribution, and sales, with recent focus on fentanyl operations; in August 2024, it dismantled a fentanyl pill press with assistance from federal partners, seizing equipment and precursors.[50][68] In February 2023, the department reallocated resources from a marijuana investigative unit to form a dedicated fentanyl team amid rising overdose deaths, reflecting shifts in drug enforcement priorities post-legalization.[69] Tactically, the METRO/SWAT Section consists of officers trained for high-risk operations such as barricades, hostage rescues, and warrant services requiring specialized equipment and entry tactics.[50] Established in March 1968 as the Special Services Unit equipped with Armalite AR-15 rifles and Thompson submachine guns, it evolved into the modern SWAT configuration to address escalating threats from armed suspects and organized crime.[70] The unit marked its 50th anniversary in 2019, continuing to integrate advanced training for urban tactical scenarios.[71]Training and Standards
Recruit Academy and In-Service Training
The Denver Police Academy, certified by the Colorado Peace Officer Standards and Training (POST) Board under certificate number 009, delivers basic recruit training exceeding 1,000 hours of instruction, encompassing classroom, practical, and physical components to prepare candidates for patrol duties.[72] This program typically spans 26 weeks, focusing on core competencies such as legal authority, patrol procedures, arrest control tactics, firearms proficiency, defensive driving, and physical fitness, with recruits required to pass the state POST certification exam upon completion.[73][74] Successful graduates then enter a field training officer (FTO) program lasting approximately four months, during which probationary officers apply academy skills under supervised patrol assignments to achieve operational proficiency.[73] Lateral hires, already POST-certified from other agencies, undergo an abbreviated four-week academy tailored to Denver-specific protocols, including use-of-force guidelines, vehicle pursuits, and local ordinances.[75] The academy incorporates data-driven fitness assessments using technologies like InBody scanners and Omega Wave devices to monitor recruit health metrics, aiming to mitigate injury risks and optimize performance amid the physically demanding curriculum.[76] Training emphasizes empirical skill validation over ideological modules, aligning with POST-mandated minimums of 556 hours for basic certification while exceeding them to address urban policing challenges.[74] In-service training, administered through the department's Continuing Education Program (CEP), mandates 24 hours annually per Colorado POST Rule 28, with at least 12 hours dedicated to perishable skills such as one hour each in arrest control, vehicle operations, and firearms requalification to maintain tactical readiness.[72][77] Additional state requirements under C.R.S. 24-31-315 compel coverage of de-escalation techniques, proper holds, community policing principles, anti-bias awareness, and interactions with individuals with disabilities, typically integrated into CEP sessions to ensure compliance without supplanting core operational drills.[78] These sessions occur department-wide, often at the academy facility, and are tracked to verify officer certification renewal, prioritizing verifiable proficiency in high-liability areas over elective topics.[77] Failure to complete hours risks certification lapse, enforcing accountability through structured, outcome-based evaluation rather than self-reported participation.Professional Standards and Internal Discipline
The Denver Police Department's internal discipline processes are managed primarily through its Internal Affairs Division (IAD), which investigates allegations of misconduct by sworn personnel.[79] Complaints may originate from community members, internal sources such as supervisors or fellow officers, or self-reports, and are triaged to determine severity, with options for informal resolution like mediation for minor police-citizen disputes.[79] Formal investigations aim to be thorough, timely, and impartial, evaluating evidence against departmental Rules and Regulations using a preponderance of evidence standard for most violations or clear and convincing evidence for deceptive conduct.[79] Possible findings include unfounded (no basis), exonerated (policy followed), not sustained (insufficient evidence), or sustained (violation confirmed).[79] Disciplinary actions, if warranted, follow a structured matrix categorizing misconduct from A (minor infractions like tardiness) to F (egregious acts like felony convictions), with penalty levels 1 through 8 escalating from oral reprimands to termination.[79] Factors such as prior disciplinary history within specified timeframes (e.g., 4 years for Category B offenses) aggravate penalties, while mitigating circumstances like cooperation may reduce them.[79] Available sanctions include counseling, written/oral reprimands, fines (1-6 days' pay), suspensions (3-90 days), demotion, or discharge, with the Chief of Police or designee approving most outcomes and the Executive Director of the Department of Safety holding final authority except for reprimands.[79] Officers may appeal decisions, potentially leading to settlements or reductions, as seen in cases where suspensions were shortened.[80] Oversight is provided by the Office of the Independent Monitor (OIM), a civilian entity that reviews investigations for fairness, recommends discipline, and publishes semiannual and annual reports on complaint handling and outcomes to promote transparency.[80] The Citizen Oversight Board (COB) also engages in reviewing internal affairs summaries and advocating for procedural improvements.[81] An online Internal Affairs Complaints Dashboard tracks allegations from 2019 onward, detailing specifications like duty to obey rules or discourtesy.[82] In 2023, the IAD opened 390 misconduct cases, leading to discipline for 341 officers across informal and formal categories, including 101 counseling instances, 131 written reprimands, 72 fined hours, 30 suspension days, and 4 terminations.[8] Common violations involved failure to obey rules (139 instances) and public responsibilities (29 instances).[8] For the first half of 2024, DPD recorded 146 community complaints (a 16% decline from 173 in the same period of 2023) and 50 internal complaints (15% decline from 59), with 18% of closed community cases sustained versus 66% of internal ones; outcomes included multiple 10- to 90-day suspensions and resignations for issues like DUI and assault.[80] In mid-2025, DPD proposed an education-based alternative for lower-level offenses, allowing officers to choose training over initial reprimands or short suspensions (up to two days), though this drew criticism from civilian watchdogs for potentially weakening accountability.[83][84]Innovative Programs and Initiatives
Crisis Intervention and Mental Health Response
The Denver Police Department mandates Crisis Intervention Training (CIT) for all sworn officers, a 40-hour curriculum focused on recognizing signs of mental illness, verbal de-escalation techniques, and appropriate resource referrals during crises.[85] This training, implemented department-wide for over 20 years, equips officers to handle behavioral health calls without defaulting to arrests or force when possible.[85] [86] Complementing CIT, the department operates a co-responder program pairing patrol officers with licensed mental health clinicians from partner agencies like WellPower to jointly respond to 911 calls involving suspected mental health or substance use issues.[87] Launched in the early 2010s and expanded post-2020, these teams prioritize connecting individuals to treatment over criminal justice involvement, with clinicians providing on-scene assessments and follow-up linkages to services.[52] [87] In fiscal year 2022, co-responders handled over 5,000 calls, diverting approximately 70% from traditional arrests or transports.[87] The Support Team Assisted Response (STAR) program, initiated in 2020, represents a further innovation by dispatching duos of mental health professionals and emergency medical technicians—bypassing police entirely—to low-risk, non-violent 911 calls related to mental distress, homelessness, or substance misuse.[88] By October 2022, STAR teams had responded to more than 3,500 such incidents, achieving a 34% reduction in targeted low-level crimes like trespassing, public disorder, and resisting arrest in serviced areas compared to similar untreated zones.[89] [88] Evaluations indicate these alternatives enhance service connections while freeing patrol resources for higher-priority enforcement, though scalability remains constrained by clinician availability.[90] [88]Community Outreach and Prevention Efforts
The Denver Police Department conducts community outreach through programs aimed at fostering partnerships and transparency, including the Community Academy, which provides civilians with insights into departmental operations, procedures, and resources via interactive sessions hosted multiple times annually.[91] A specialized Teen Community Academy, held in June 2025, targeted youth engagement with activities such as self-defense training and demonstrations of police equipment to build understanding and reduce mistrust.[92] Youth-focused initiatives include the Denver Police Explorer Program, supported by the Denver Police Foundation, which educates participants aged 15-20 from the Denver metro area on law enforcement careers through a 15-week academy and attendance at events like the annual LEAPAC Conference.[93] In March 2023, the department launched targeted interventions at six Denver Public Schools identified for high-risk youth, emphasizing crime prevention and behavioral support to curb involvement in criminal activity.[94] Additional outreach features creative engagement like the Dungeons & Dragons-based program, adapting the tabletop game for interactive community events, and the DPD Trading Card Challenge, which encourages residents to interact with officers for educational trading cards.[95] [96] Prevention efforts encompass the Neighborhood Watch Program, which promotes resident collaboration with district stations to implement local safety measures and report suspicious activity.[97] The Volunteers in Police Service (VIPS) program recruits civilians to assist with non-enforcement tasks, enhancing community cooperation and freeing officers for core duties.[98] In July 2024, a patrol-based engagement initiative was introduced to increase officer-resident interactions during routine operations, aiming to build trust and deter crime through proactive dialogue.[99] The department's 2023-2027 Strategic Plan directs systematic, evidence-based crime prevention strategies across all patrol districts, including evaluations of effectiveness to prioritize interventions with demonstrated impact.[100] Events such as Crime Prevention Tune-Ups offer practical advice on home security and awareness, while the Foundation-backed school supply giveaways distribute resources to over 2,500 children annually to support at-risk families.[101] [93]Technology Integration and Data-Driven Policing
The Denver Police Department (DPD) has integrated body-worn cameras (BWCs) as a core technology since finalizing its policy in 2015, with a $6.1 million five-year implementation program requested that year to equip officers and support evidence collection and accountability.[102] By July 1, 2023, Colorado state law mandated BWCs for all officers statewide, including DPD, to capture interactions comprehensively, though automatic activation policies were recommended to ensure full recording of encounters.[103][104] DPD employs ShotSpotter, a sensor network for detecting gunshots, which has been operational since at least 2019 to provide rapid alerts and triangulation data to responding units, though its impact on overall crime reduction remains debated in independent analyses.[105] The department also maintains a Real-Time Crime Center (RTCC), supervised by personnel such as Philip Martinez, which aggregates live video feeds, license plate readers, and other surveillance data to support situational awareness and deployment decisions, with demonstrations featured at events like the 2025 International Association of Chiefs of Police conference in partnership with Motorola Solutions.[106][107] In data-driven policing, DPD's Data Analysis Bureau, led by figures including Kristen Jacoby and Seiji Nakatani, drives initiatives like the Hot Streets program, which uses crime analytics to prioritize patrol resources in high-incident areas.[108] The department participates in the Smart Policing Initiative, aiming for agency-wide implementation of the Place Network Index (PNI) to model crime hotspots through geospatial data, positioning DPD as a leader in evidence-based resource allocation.[109] Earlier efforts include Data-Driven Approaches to Crime and Traffic Safety (DDACTS), audited in 2017, which links crash and crime data for integrated enforcement, though a city auditor report that year criticized inconsistent application amid rising crime rates.[110][111] Recent advancements include a one-year pilot contract signed on August 11, 2025, with Flock Safety for AI-enabled drone first responders to automate initial scene assessments for certain calls, reflecting a shift toward unmanned aerial integration without prior public council notification.[112][113] Automation tools, such as Ansible Automation Platform approved in 2025, streamline criminal justice data integration, yielding reported savings of $4.06 million and 81,000 work hours.[114] DPD further supports public transparency via interactive crime mapping tools tracking Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) offenses like homicide and theft over six-month periods.[115] These technologies emphasize empirical targeting of resources, though audits highlight ongoing needs for rigorous evaluation to validate causal impacts on outcomes like response times and offense reductions.Performance Metrics and Achievements
Crime Reduction and Enforcement Outcomes
In recent years, the Denver Police Department (DPD) has reported notable declines in violent crime, particularly homicides, following a post-2020 spike. As of July 17, 2025, year-to-date homicides stood at 20, marking the third-lowest figure in over two decades and the lowest in a decade, with shootings dropping from 370 incidents in 2022 to 139 by May 2025.[116][117] In the first quarter of 2025, homicides fell 58%, exceeding the 21% national average decline among major cities, while overall violent crime decreased compared to the prior year in most categories, though arson and certain person offenses rose.[118][119] These trends contrast with a 32% rise in Denver's overall crime rate from 5,139.2 to 6,783.1 per 100,000 residents between 2010 and 2022, highlighting a reversal driven by targeted enforcement amid broader national fluctuations.[120] DPD attributes part of the reduction to specialized units addressing gun violence, including a dedicated team investigating nonfatal shootings with homicide-level resources, which boosted clearance rates to 53% by 2022—above many peer departments.[121] For 2024, DPD's violent crime clearance rate reached 51.88%, covering murders, sex offenses, aggravated assaults, and robberies.[122] In the second quarter of 2025 alone, officers recovered 526 firearms and made 8,148 arrests amid 127,152 calls for service and 11,301 traffic stops, metrics emphasized in DPD's transparency dashboards as indicators of proactive enforcement.[123] Historical improvements, such as a jump from 17% to 93% in homicide clearances between 2006 and 2008 via enhanced crime lab protocols, underscore the impact of resource allocation on solvability, though sustained high rates remain challenging amid staffing constraints.[124]| Metric | 2022 (or prior) | 2025 (YTD or Q1/Q2) | Source |
|---|---|---|---|
| Homicides | Higher baseline (e.g., peak post-2020) | 20 (Jul); -58% Q1 decline | Denver7, Denver7 Q1 |
| Shootings | 370 (full year) | 139 (May) | DPD Facebook |
| Nonfatal Shooting Clearance | N/A | 53% (2022 overall) | Marshall Project |
| Guns Recovered (Q2) | N/A | 526 | FOX31 |
| Arrests (Q2) | N/A | 8,148 | FOX31 |
Awards, Recognitions, and Operational Successes
The Denver Police Department bestows several internal awards to recognize officers for exceptional performance and bravery, including the Medal of Honor for actions involving extreme risk to life, the Medal of Valor for courageous acts under hazardous conditions, the Preservation of Life award for saving lives during critical incidents, the Distinguished Service Cross for superior service beyond duty requirements, the Purple Heart for injuries sustained in the line of duty, and the STAR (Superior Tactics and Response) award for tactical excellence in high-risk operations.[125] These honors are presented annually through events organized by the Denver Police Foundation, which in May 2024 recognized 25 officers with various medals for bravery and service.[126] External recognitions include awards from the nonprofit Citizens Appreciate Police (CAP), which in June 2025 honored seven Denver officers for extraordinary compassion and initiative, and in August 2025 acknowledged four others for similar acts of kindness and community service.[127][128] In March 2024, the department internally commended 15 officers for lifesaving and heroic actions exceeding standard duties.[129] Additionally, the department's Volunteers in Police Service (VIPS) program received the International Association of Chiefs of Police "Leadership in Volunteers in Police Service Award" in 2018 and 2020 for outstanding volunteer integration in policing operations.[98] Operationally, the department has reported measurable successes in crime reduction, including a 21% decrease in violent gun crimes in Denver's Lower Downtown (LoDo) neighborhood as of September 2024, attributed to targeted enforcement and strategic initiatives.[130] Quarterly metrics released in April 2025 for the first quarter and subsequent periods through 2025 highlight progress in overall crime prevention, with the department maintaining over 1,400 uniformed officers focused on data-driven strategies to lower incident rates and enhance public safety outcomes.[131][132][133] These efforts align with broader goals of preventing crime through partnerships and innovation, as outlined in departmental budget and performance reviews.Controversies and Criticisms
Historical Use-of-Force Incidents
The Denver Police Department has been involved in numerous use-of-force incidents throughout its history, many resulting in civil settlements totaling millions of dollars paid by the city without admission of liability.[134] [135] These cases often involved allegations of excessive force during arrests, raids, or traffic stops, with internal investigations frequently sustaining few or no disciplinary actions against officers.[136] Officer-involved shootings have been a recurring issue, particularly in scenarios tied to faulty no-knock warrants or perceived threats, contributing to public scrutiny and policy debates predating the 2020 protests.[135] Key officer-involved shootings include the 1999 killing of Ismael Mena, a 45-year-old Mexican immigrant, during a no-knock warrant executed at the wrong address; one officer was fired, and the family received a $400,000 settlement.[135] In 2003, 15-year-old Paul Childs, who was developmentally disabled and holding a knife outside his home, was fatally shot; the settlement reached $1.325 million, prompting the creation of the Office of the Independent Monitor to oversee complaints.[135] The 2004 shooting of 63-year-old Frank Lobato, who was in bed holding a soda can mistaken for a weapon, led to a $900,000 settlement and a 90-day suspension for the officer.[136] [135] Earlier cases, such as the 1992 fatal shooting of 20-year-old Steven Gant during a domestic disturbance call, resulted in the acquittal of Officer Michael Blake on second-degree murder charges.[135] Non-lethal excessive force allegations have also proliferated, exemplified by the January 2011 beating of Alexander Landau during a traffic stop, which caused severe injuries including a fractured cheekbone and brain hemorrhage; the city settled for $795,000.[134] That same month, officers conducted a mistaken raid on the Martinez family home, leading to assaults and a $1.8 million settlement.[134] In June 2009, multiple beatings occurred outside the Denver Diner, where officers maced and struck four women, resulting in a $360,000 settlement.[134] Video evidence from that year also captured the assault on Michael DeHerrera, settled for $17,500, highlighting patterns of force against compliant individuals.[134]| Date | Incident Summary | Outcome |
|---|---|---|
| September 2009 | Officers tased and beat Alberto Romero, contributing to his death. | $225,000 settlement.[134] |
| December 2009 | Jason Gomez shot and killed during confrontation. | $190,000 settlement; no charges.[136] |
| May 2010 | Officers beat Eric Winfield post-sports event. | $40,000 settlement.[134] |
| March 2010 | Tackling and beating of James D. Moore caused life-threatening injuries. | $860,000 settlement in 2015.[134] |
2020 Protests and Post-Floyd Reforms
Following the death of George Floyd on May 25, 2020, in Minneapolis, protests erupted in Denver starting on May 28, 2020, drawing thousands to downtown areas including the Colorado State Capitol.[138] While many demonstrations remained peaceful, others involved violence, including property destruction, arson, looting, and assaults on police officers using rocks, fireworks, bottles, and other projectiles.[139] Over the course of the unrest, more than 400 individuals were arrested, over 80 Denver Police Department (DPD) officers sustained injuries, and damages exceeded $5.5 million to public and private property, with $76,000 specifically to police vehicles.[140][141][142] DPD responded with crowd control measures, including tear gas, pepper spray, and less-lethal munitions such as rubber bullets and flash-bang devices, amid a lack of a comprehensive operational plan for large-scale demonstrations.[138] The department's independent monitor, in a December 8, 2020, report, identified deficiencies including inconsistent body-worn camera activation (with many officers failing to record interactions), inadequate tracking of less-lethal munitions, and instances of excessive force against non-violent protesters, though force was often justified by concurrent threats from violent actors.[138][139] Over 100 misconduct complaints were filed against officers, leading to multiple federal lawsuits; by 2022, juries awarded $14 million to 12 injured protesters for violations including indiscriminate use of chemical agents, with the city settling additional claims totaling millions more.[143][144] In response, DPD implemented policy changes starting June 7, 2020, banning all chokeholds and carotid compressions without exceptions, requiring officers to report instances of pointing firearms at individuals, and mandating body-worn camera use for SWAT teams during operations.[145][146] Protest-specific reforms included requirements for visible officer badge numbers, body camera activation during crowd management, and restrictions on deploying less-lethal projectiles to avoid indiscriminate or upward firing, emphasizing de-escalation and targeted responses to threats.[147] At the state level, Colorado's SB20-217, enacted in 2020, reinforced these by prohibiting chokeholds statewide, mandating intervention against unlawful force by peers, and standardizing reporting on police uses of force.[148] These measures aimed to enhance accountability and reduce escalatory tactics, though subsequent reviews noted persistent documentation gaps hindering investigations into alleged misconduct.[149]Recent Disciplinary and Policy Debates (2020–2025)
In 2025, the Denver Police Department proposed an education-based discipline (EBD) policy to address low-level officer misconduct through training rather than traditional punishments like reprimands or suspensions, targeting cases that currently represent the majority of disciplinary outcomes.[150] The initiative, presented by Chief Ron Thomas, would apply to non-serious violations excluding use of force, bias, or sexual misconduct, with full Internal Affairs investigations required and certification by the Office of the Independent Monitor before implementation.[150] Thomas argued that EBD maintains accountability by ensuring thorough probes without shortcuts, potentially reducing investigative backlogs while fostering behavioral correction.[150] Data from 2022 to 2025 indicated that 66% of misconduct allegations could qualify for EBD, reflecting that most cases involve minor infractions eligible under 48% of the department's 127 disciplinary codes.[150] Critics, including the Independent Monitor Lisabeth Castle and city council members, contended the policy's vagueness—particularly in distinguishing "mistakes of the heart or mind" from willful violations—could lead to inconsistent application and erode public trust in oversight.[150] Castle emphasized risks of interpretation disputes without explicit safeguards, while community groups and watchdogs accused the department of prioritizing officer retention over rigorous punishment post-2020 reforms.[83] The proposal drew public pushback during forums in July and September 2025, with opponents framing it as a retreat from accountability amid ongoing scrutiny of police conduct.[151] Despite the EBD debate, the department enforced terminations for serious violations, as seen in cases from 2023 onward. Corporal James Sandoval was fired on June 4, 2023, for sexually harassing a female recruit in September 2022, including inappropriate thigh touching, attempted kisses and hugs during on-duty home visits, and driving her to remote areas while avoiding body camera activation; the recruit resigned citing fear of retaliation.[152] Sandoval appealed the decision, denying some claims but admitting improper conduct.[152] Similarly, Officer Kendall Albert was terminated in October 2025 following a September 2024 domestic violence response where he texted the victim multiple times from his personal phone to ask her for coffee, accessed her social media accounts approximately 70 times over eight days, and viewed hundreds of suggestive images of women on his department-issued phone, violating policies on unprofessional conduct and equipment misuse.[153] A September 2025 audit by Denver's Auditor's Office highlighted transparency deficits in the Office of the Independent Monitor, which oversees police and sheriff disciplinary reviews but failed to publicly report recommendations on individual misconduct cases or policy audits from 2022 to 2024.[48] The audit criticized the office for conducting much work in secret, potentially undermining public confidence in post-2020 accountability mechanisms, though the Independent Monitor disputed the findings, asserting sufficient internal processes.[48] Concurrently, in August 2025, the city mandated disclosure of nonmonetary terms in police-related legal settlements—following over $40 million paid out from 2017 to 2024 primarily for misconduct—to enhance visibility into remedial actions.[154]References
- ./assets/CO_-_Denver_Police.jpg







