Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly

The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly (GBA) is the unicameral legislative body of Gilgit-Baltistan, an administrative territory of Pakistan located in the northern regions formerly part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, consisting of 33 members with 24 directly elected via first-past-the-post in single-member constituencies and 9 reserved seats allocated proportionally for women (6) and technocrats/professionals (3).^[1][2] Established in its current form by the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order of 2009, which superseded earlier advisory councils dating back to the 1970s, the assembly holds authority to legislate on matters devolved to it, such as local governance and development, subject to the overriding powers of Pakistan's federal government and Prime Minister.^[2][3][4] Its powers remain circumscribed compared to Pakistan's provincial assemblies, lacking full fiscal autonomy—evident in recent impositions of direct taxes without equivalent representation in national bodies—and constitutional parity, fueling ongoing demands for provincial status amid disputes over the territory's legal status under international claims by India.^[5] The assembly convenes in Gilgit, holds sessions to pass bills and budgets, and has enacted laws on education, health, and disaster management, though federal assent is required for many measures, reflecting the territory's semi-autonomous but federally subordinate structure.^[6][4] Elections occur every five years, with the fourth assembly elected in 2020 comprising diverse political parties, underscoring the body's role in local representation despite structural limitations.^[6]

Overview

Composition and Electoral Framework

The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly is a unicameral legislature consisting of 33 seats.^[1] These include 24 general seats filled through direct elections, 6 seats reserved for women, and 3 seats reserved for technocrats and professionals, which are nominated by the government following the election of general members.^[1] The reserved seats for women are allocated proportionally among political parties based on their performance in the general elections, while the technocrat seats are selected to represent professional expertise.^[1] The assembly's term is five years, after which elections must be held for the general seats unless dissolved earlier by the governor on the advice of the prime minister of Pakistan.^[7] Voter eligibility for general seats requires Pakistani citizenship, residency in Gilgit-Baltistan, and attainment of 18 years of age, with registration managed through electoral rolls prepared by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB).^[8] The 24 general constituencies are single-member districts apportioned across Gilgit-Baltistan's ten districts, including Gilgit, Skardu, Diamer, Ghizer, Hunza, Nagar, Ghanche, Astore, Shigar, and Kharmang, based on population data from the preceding census to ensure proportional representation.^[9] The ECGB oversees delimitation, candidate nominations, polling, and result tabulation, operating under the Gilgit-Baltistan Election Rules to maintain electoral integrity.^[8] In advance of the 2025 general elections, as the current assembly's term approaches expiration on November 24, 2025, the ECGB has enforced a code of conduct prohibiting new government appointments, civil servant transfers, and initiation of development schemes to curb potential misuse of public resources for electoral advantage.^[10][11] This measure, announced on October 21, 2025, also freezes financial powers of the regional government, allowing only routine expenditures on ongoing projects.^[10][12]

Powers and Limitations

The Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly holds legislative authority to enact laws on devolved subjects outlined in the Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, such as education, health services, local governance, tourism, minerals, and infrastructure projects within the territory.^[13] These powers enable the Assembly to address regional needs, but every bill requires formal assent from the Governor of Gilgit-Baltistan, a position appointed by the President of Pakistan on the advice of the federal prime minister, introducing a layer of central executive oversight that can delay or block enactment. In practice, this assent process ensures alignment with federal priorities, as the Governor's discretion cannot be overridden by the Assembly itself.^[14] Federal supremacy further constrains the Assembly's effective autonomy, with Pakistan's Constitution and federal laws prevailing over any conflicting regional legislation, particularly on concurrent matters like criminal law or economic planning.^[5] The Assembly lacks jurisdiction over core federal domains, including defense, foreign affairs, national security, and currency, which remain exclusively under Islamabad's control, reflecting Gilgit-Baltistan's ambiguous constitutional status outside full provincial integration.^[15] The Gilgit-Baltistan Council, a federal body comprising Pakistani officials and regional representatives, retains residual veto-like influence on strategic issues such as major resource exploitation and security-related policies, even after the 2018 Order devolved some prior Council functions to the Assembly.^[13][16] Budgetary authority is similarly limited, as the Assembly approves an annual budget overwhelmingly reliant on federal grants-in-aid, which constituted over 90% of expenditures in fiscal year 2022-2023, curtailing independent fiscal policy.^[5] While the Order permits legislation on taxation for devolved subjects, the region historically lacked robust own-source revenue mechanisms, with attempts to impose sales taxes and property levies in 2023 sparking widespread protests and partial rollbacks, underscoring causal dependencies on federal funding and the practical barriers to taxation autonomy.^[13] Empirical evidence of these constraints includes the Assembly's passage of 22 bills in its first two years post-2009 reforms (many on local matters like wildlife protection and money-lending), contrasted with ongoing federal interventions that have overruled or amended at least a handful of initiatives on resource and administrative grounds since 2018, though comprehensive veto statistics remain opaque due to limited public disclosure.^[17][18] This structure perpetuates a dynamic where local legislative output is viable only within federal tolerances, limiting causal self-determination.

Historical Development

Pre-Independence and Early Administration

Prior to 1947, the territories comprising present-day Gilgit-Baltistan formed part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir under Dogra rule, following the Dogra conquest of Gilgit in 1842 after conflicts with local rulers and the Sikh Empire.^[19] The British East India Company, seeking to counter Russian influence in Central Asia, established the Gilgit Agency in 1889 as a forward defense outpost, administering the region through appointed political agents who operated under a lease arrangement with the Dogra Maharaja, initially nominal and later formalized.^[20] Governance emphasized military control and tribal alliances, with local mirs (hereditary rulers) and notables consulted on administrative matters via informal councils, but authority rested with the political agent, who enforced British paramountcy through Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) extended to Gilgit in 1901, relying on jirgas (tribal assemblies) for dispute resolution rather than codified laws or elected bodies.^[21] No legislative assembly existed; decisions on taxation, land, and justice were ad hoc, often favoring strategic imperatives over representative input. The shift to Pakistani administration began with the Gilgit Rebellion on November 1, 1947, when the Muslim-majority Gilgit Scouts paramilitary force, under British officer Major William Brown, mutinied against Dogra Governor Ghansara Singh amid reports of the Maharaja's accession to India, capturing key installations and declaring provisional independence before aligning with Pakistan due to ethnic and religious affinities with the new dominion.^{[22] [20]} Surrounding principalities like Hunza, Nagar, and Chilas followed suit, with formal accession instruments signed on November 18, 1947, integrating the region into Pakistan despite the Maharaja's suzerainty claim.^[20] Pakistan responded by dispatching political agent Muhammad Alam to Gilgit, establishing direct federal oversight under the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Frontier Regions, while extending FCR to Baltistan in 1947 to maintain tribal governance structures.^{[23] [15]} Early post-accession administration centralized power with two political agents—one for Gilgit and one for Baltistan—empowered under FCR to impose fines, blockades, or collective tribal punishments without due process, supplemented by advisory input from local leaders but lacking institutional representation.^{[15] [23]} This system prioritized security and integration into Pakistan's frontier policy, treating the area as a de facto tribal agency akin to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, with no elected assembly or legislative framework; policy implementation occurred through executive fiat and jirga-mediated customary law until the formation of the Northern Areas Advisory Council in 1970.^{[3] [24]}

Post-1947 Reforms up to 2009

Following the accession of Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan in 1947, the region was administered directly by the federal government through the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, with limited local input via unelected administrative structures.^[3] In 1970, the Northern Areas Advisory Council (NAAC) was established on November 18 as the first formal consultative body, comprising 25 members including elected representatives, to advise on local matters amid the abolition of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) and jagirdari system, which had previously entrenched tribal and feudal governance.^{[25] [15]} This council operated in an advisory capacity without legislative powers, reflecting Pakistan's cautious approach to devolution in the disputed territory to preserve claims over Kashmir.^[26] The Northern Areas Council Legal Framework Order of July 3, 1975, succeeded the NAAC by expanding the body to a Northern Areas Council with enhanced advisory roles and partial elected representation, marking the initial shift toward hybrid governance while retaining federal oversight.^{[3] [26]} Further reforms culminated in the Northern Areas Council Legal Framework Order of 1994, promulgated under Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, which transformed the council into the Northern Areas Legislative Council with 26 seats—19 elected, 5 nominated, and 2 ex-officio—introducing limited legislative functions on non-core issues like local taxation and development, though ultimate authority remained with the federal minister for Kashmir Affairs.^{[16] [23]} This order abolished remnants of feudal privileges and established a rudimentary appellate court, yet the council's powers were circumscribed, excluding control over natural resources or foreign affairs, underscoring the incremental and constrained nature of devolution.^{[3] [27]} The Gilgit-Baltistan (Empowerment and Self-Governance) Order of 2009, signed by President Asif Ali Zardari on September 8, represented the most significant reform prior to 2009 by renaming the region from Northern Areas to Gilgit-Baltistan, reconstituting the Legislative Council as a 33-seat Legislative Assembly (24 directly elected general seats, 6 reserved for women, and 3 for technocrats/professionals), and creating the position of Chief Minister with executive authority over provincial subjects akin to Pakistan's federating units.^{[28] [3]} The order extended judicial independence via a Gilgit-Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court and High Court, while granting legislative competence in areas like education, health, and agriculture, but withheld full provincial status, fiscal autonomy, or representation in Pakistan's parliament, maintaining federal veto powers to align with the unresolved Kashmir dispute.^{[29] [30]} These changes aimed at greater self-governance but were critiqued as administrative palliatives without addressing constitutional ambiguity.^[31]

Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018 and Subsequent Changes

The Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, promulgated by the President of Pakistan on May 21, 2018, replaced the 2009 Empowerment and Self-Governance Order and introduced measures to devolve administrative and legislative powers to the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly while maintaining substantial federal oversight.^[32][33] The order renamed the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly as the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, shifted legislative authority over 61 subjects—including education, health, and local governance—from the federal Gilgit-Baltistan Council to the assembly, and enabled the direct election of the Chief Minister by assembly members rather than appointment by the federal government.^[34][35] However, it preserved extensive powers for the Prime Minister of Pakistan, including the authority to suspend the assembly, assent to or veto bills, and adopt or amend federal laws applicable to the region without local consent, ensuring federal dominance in security, foreign affairs, and strategic matters tied to the ongoing Kashmir territorial dispute.^[32][5] On taxation, the order suspended most federal taxes previously levied on Gilgit-Baltistan residents and empowered the assembly to impose local levies such as sales tax, property tax, and excise duties, aiming to foster fiscal self-reliance.^[13][36] Implementation faced resistance, including protests from local groups and nationalists who viewed the new taxes as burdensome without corresponding full autonomy or representation in Pakistan's National Assembly and Senate, leading to opt-out demands and uneven enforcement.^[13] Despite these provisions, empirical data underscores persistent fiscal dependence: the 2024-25 budget totaled Rs140.17 billion, with a Rs140 billion deficit largely bridged by federal grants, comprising over 90% of revenue sources and highlighting limited revenue generation from local taxes amid economic constraints and federal control over major resources like hydropower and minerals.^[37][38] Subsequent judicial and administrative adjustments reinforced the order's framework without granting provincial status. On August 8, 2018, Pakistan's Supreme Court restored the order after its temporary suspension by the Gilgit-Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court, mandating equal rights enforcement but upholding federal primacy.^[39] Later developments, such as the 2022 Gilgit-Baltistan Revenue Authority Bill enacted under the order, expanded local tax administration but retained Prime Ministerial veto powers and federal adaptation of income tax laws, perpetuating strategic oversight to align with Pakistan's claims in the Kashmir conflict.^[40][16] These tweaks have incrementally enhanced local budgeting for development—evident in assembly-approved allocations for infrastructure—but have not altered the core federal veto mechanisms, resulting in de jure autonomy claims unaccompanied by de facto independence from Islamabad's directives.^[5][41]

Electoral Process

Voting System and Constituencies

The elections to the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly utilize a first-past-the-post system for the 24 general seats, under which the candidate receiving the plurality of votes in each single-member constituency wins representation.^[42] These constituencies, numbered GBLA-1 to GBLA-24, are delimited across the region's 14 districts in Gilgit, Baltistan, and Diamer divisions, with boundaries adjusted periodically by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB) to reflect population changes.^[8] Voter rolls are prepared and maintained by the ECGB through a computerized electoral rolls system (CERS), which facilitates door-to-door verification and registration updates to ensure accuracy ahead of polls.^[43] Eligible voters must be Pakistani citizens aged 18 or older residing in the constituency, with the ECGB responsible for displaying preliminary rolls for objections and conducting revisions.^[44] Candidates for general seats must be at least 25 years of age, hold Pakistani citizenship, and meet residency requirements in the constituency, aligning with standards for legislative eligibility in Pakistan-administered territories. The six seats reserved for women and three for technocrats or professionals are not directly elected but allocated proportionally to political parties or coalitions based on their share of general seats, with nominations submitted post-election for ECGB approval.^[45] Historical voter turnout has typically ranged from 40% to 55%, reflecting moderate participation influenced by geographic challenges and logistical factors in the mountainous region.^[46] In advance of the 2025 elections, following the assembly's dissolution on November 24, 2025, the ECGB enacted measures on October 21, 2025, prohibiting new government appointments, employee transfers, and initiation or diversion of development schemes to prevent administrative manipulation and ensure electoral integrity.^[10][11] These restrictions freeze financial powers and mandate restoration of diverted funds, addressing observed patterns of pre-poll resource allocation.^[47]

2009 Election

The first elections to the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly were conducted on November 12, 2009, following the enactment of the Gilgit-Baltistan (Empowerment and Self-Governance) Order 2009, signed by President Asif Ali Zardari on September 7, 2009, which established the assembly with 33 seats: 24 directly elected general seats via first-past-the-post in single-member constituencies, 6 reserved for women allocated proportionally by party lists, and 3 for technocrats and professionals elected by the assembly.^[48] These polls represented a transition from appointed councils to partially elected governance, though the assembly's powers remained limited by federal oversight under the order.^[48] The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) secured the largest share of the 23 contested general seats (with one constituency postponed due to a candidate's death), winning 12, while independents took 4, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) 2, and smaller parties including PML-Q, MQM, and JUI-F one each; high voter turnout was reported amid generally peaceful polling, though marred by isolated violence such as the killing of a polling agent in Diamer district and results withheld in one constituency pending re-polling at select stations due to transparency concerns.^[49] Opposition parties, including MQM and PML-Q, alleged rigging and result manipulation favoring the ruling PPP, claims echoed in post-election protests, though the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan notified official results on November 15, 2009, enabling assembly formation.^[50][51] Incorporating reserved seats and independent support, the PPP-led coalition achieved a working majority of 16 seats in the 33-member assembly, with PML-N holding 6; this outcome allowed PPP's Mehdi Shah to become the first elected Chief Minister on November 30, 2009, marking an initial phase of stabilized elected rule despite persistent federal constraints and local demands for fuller autonomy.^[49]

2015 Election

The 2015 Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly election was held on June 8, 2015, across 24 general constituencies to elect members to the second assembly.^[52] The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) emerged as the single largest party, securing 14 seats, followed by Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM) with 2 seats, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with 1, Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 1, Islami Tehreek Pakistan (IT) with 1, and 3 independents.^[52][53] With support from independents joining its ranks and proportional allocation of the 9 reserved seats (6 for women and 3 for technocrats), PML-N achieved a working majority of approximately 21 seats in the 33-member assembly.^[54] The election followed a caretaker administration installed after the dissolution of the previous PPP-led government under Syed Mehdi Shah, which had governed since the 2009 polls.^[55] Voter participation was orderly and peaceful, with the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) observing high turnout in many areas amid procedural irregularities but no major disruptions.^[56] Campaigns emphasized local priorities such as infrastructure development, including roads and power supply in remote districts, reflecting ongoing regional challenges like geographic isolation and limited federal funding.^[57] PML-N's Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman was elected unopposed as chief minister on June 26, 2015, and sworn in, marking continuity in PML-N's influence from national politics while consolidating local stability through coalition-building. This outcome represented a shift from the 2009 PPP dominance, underscoring PML-N's strengthened organizational presence and vote consolidation in key districts like Gilgit and Skardu.^[53]

2020 Election

The 2020 Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly election was held on November 15, 2020, to elect members for 33 general constituencies. Polling occurred across 1,160 stations for approximately 745,000 registered voters, with an overall turnout of around 42-45%.^[58][59] The election followed the Gilgit-Baltistan Order of 2018, which maintained the first-past-the-post system without proportional representation. Official results announced by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan showed Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) securing 21 general seats, followed by Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 7, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) (JUI-F) with 3, and independents with 2.^[58] PTI later gained additional support through reserved seats and alliances, reaching a majority of 22 seats in the 33-member general assembly.^[58] This outcome marked PTI's first outright lead in the region's assembly elections, displacing the previous PPP-led coalition. On December 1, 2020, the assembly elected PTI's Khalid Khurshid Khan as chief minister with 22 votes, defeating PPP candidate Haji Muhammad Ismail with 13; the government relied on PTI's core seats supplemented by independents and smaller allies like the Balawaristan National Front.^[60] The administration faced immediate fragility due to narrow margins and opposition boycotts during the CM vote, amid ongoing protests by PPP and JUI-F alleging pre-poll rigging and undue federal influence.^[60] Election observers from the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) described the process as largely orderly and peaceful, noting low incidences of violence but documenting an average of three procedural irregularities per polling station, such as unauthorized canvassing and issues with voter lists.^[61][62] Opposition parties raised fraud allegations, including vote tampering and military interference, though FAFEN's preliminary report found no evidence of widespread manipulation sufficient to alter outcomes, attributing most issues to administrative lapses rather than systemic bias.^[61][63]

Post-2020 Developments and 2025 Election Preparations

The third Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, elected in 2020, has held multiple sessions to address legislative matters, including budget approvals and policy debates. The 40th session was convened on September 8, 2025, at 3:00 PM in Jutial, Gilgit, focusing on ongoing governance issues amid the approaching term end.^[64][65] Earlier in 2025, a budget session occurred on June 26, 2025, where debates centered on the 2024-25 fiscal allocations, highlighting fiscal constraints and development priorities in the region.^[64][66] The assembly's five-year term expires on November 24, 2025, triggering dissolution procedures under the Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, with elections required within 60 days thereafter to maintain continuity.^[67] The Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB) initiated preparatory measures, including voter verification via SMS to 8301 for eligibility checks and timelines for local council delimitation to update constituency boundaries.^[67][68] On October 21, 2025, the ECGB froze the regional government's financial and administrative powers, prohibiting new appointments, transfers, and development schemes to curb potential pre-poll manipulation, such as diversion of funds to politically motivated projects.^[10][11] This action prompted unified opposition from the government and opposition parties seeking a review, arguing it hampers routine administration, while ECGB Chief Election Commissioner Raja Khalik Humayun defended it as essential for electoral integrity.^[69] Preparations continue amid concerns over governance resets, with analysts viewing the polls as a chance to address accumulated administrative lapses.^[70]

Leadership and Key Positions

Speakers

The Speaker of the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly is elected by the members from among themselves during the first session following general elections or upon a vacancy, and presides over proceedings while upholding procedural neutrality.^[4] The role entails maintaining order, ruling on points of order, summoning sessions upon requisition by at least one-quarter of members, and certifying bills as enacted before transmission to the Governor for assent.^[4] Mir Wazir Baig, affiliated with the Pakistan Peoples Party, served as the inaugural Speaker from December 2009 until the 2015 elections, overseeing the assembly's initial term amid its transition to legislative functions under the 2009 Empowerment Order. Haji Fida Muhammad Nashad, representing Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), held the position from June 2015 to November 2020, administering oaths to incoming members post-2020 polls while navigating governance amid regional autonomy debates.^[71] Following the 2020 elections, Amjad Hussain Zaidi of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf was elected Speaker in November 2020 but faced a no-confidence motion from within his party, leading to his removal on June 7, 2023.^[72][73] Nazir Ahmed Advocate, also of PTI and representing Ghizer-II, succeeded him unopposed on the same day, taking oath immediately and continuing to chair sessions as of 2025.^[73][74]

Chief Ministers

The first Chief Minister, Syed Mehdi Shah of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), served from 11 December 2009 to 11 December 2014, following the empowerment reforms that established the position.^[55] His tenure coincided with initial infrastructure initiatives, including the inauguration of new districts and efforts to combat public sector corruption, which he identified as a barrier to economic progress.^{[75] [76]} However, his administration faced criticism for failing to curb rising sectarian violence despite his Shia background, highlighting challenges in maintaining stability amid ethnic and religious divides.^[77] Shah's government relied on PPP's federal dominance for legislative support, underscoring how regional executives in Gilgit-Baltistan often depend on Islamabad's backing to navigate fragile assembly majorities. After a brief caretaker period under Sher Jehan Mir, Hafiz Hafeez ur Rehman of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) assumed office on 26 June 2015, holding it until 30 November 2020.^[78] Rehman's term emphasized infrastructure and social sector advancements, including upgrades to hospitals, schools, roads, water supply systems, and tourism facilities, alongside integration with China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects.^[79] These efforts aligned with PML-N's national focus on mega-developments, such as enhanced connectivity, though critics later accused his post-tenure opposition role of prioritizing political maneuvering over substantive governance.^[80] Like predecessors, Rehman's stability was tied to federal PML-N influence, which provided fiscal and political leverage amid coalition dependencies that frequently led to short-lived governments. Muhammad Khalid Khurshid Khan of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) served from 1 December 2020 to 4 July 2023, benefiting from PTI's 2020 election majority and federal resources that enabled a Rs370 billion development package targeting hydropower, tourism, and IT infrastructure like Hunza's first IT park.^{[81] [82]} His executive actions focused on resource allocation amid economic pressures, but the tenure ended in disqualification amid controversies, including allegations of a fabricated law degree and inflammatory speeches against state institutions, leading to a 34-year sentence in 2024.^{[83] [84]} Coalition fragility was evident as Khurshid publicly blamed federal delays for local crises like wheat shortages, illustrating how Gilgit-Baltistan's chief ministers often attribute governance shortfalls to Islamabad's inconsistent support.^[85] Haji Gulbar Khan, also from a PTI faction, took office on 13 July 2023 and continues as of October 2025, prioritizing development working groups for regional projects and addressing disputes like forest encroachments.^[86] His administration has navigated post-PTI federal shifts through ad-hoc coalitions, reflecting persistent instability where executive survival hinges on balancing local majorities with federal aid, often resulting in delayed infrastructure and public discontent over economic policies.^[87] Overall, chief ministers' terms demonstrate causal reliance on Pakistan's central government for funding and political viability, with successes in roads, bridges, and energy overshadowed by recurrent coalition breakdowns and accusations of federal neglect.^[88]

Leaders of the Opposition

In the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, the Leader of the Opposition heads the largest non-ruling parliamentary group and plays a key role in legislative oversight, including leading question hours to scrutinize executive actions, proposing no-confidence motions against the chief minister, and influencing committee assignments for accountability.^[4] This position facilitates checks on the government, particularly in a unicameral body with limited powers under Pakistan's federal oversight. Following the 2020 elections, in which Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) won 22 of the 33 seats (24 general, 6 reserved for women, and 3 for technocrats), the opposition—primarily Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 3 general seats, alongside independents and smaller parties like Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) (JUI-F)—collectively held 11 seats, enabling coordinated challenges to ruling policies on taxation and autonomy.^[58] Amjad Hussain Azar, a PPP member from GBA-1 (Gilgit-I), assumed the role on November 30, 2020, focusing strategies on alliances with JUI-F and other groups to amplify dissent during sessions on economic grievances and constitutional status.^[89] He resigned from the assembly on July 11, 2023, ahead of a chief minister election, citing internal party dynamics.^[89] Muhammad Kazim Maisam of Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM), representing GBA-8 (Skardu-II) since November 25, 2020, was elected Leader of the Opposition on July 19, 2023, maintaining opposition tactics such as unified critiques of government appointments and resource policies in assembly debates.^[90] In earlier terms, opposition seat shares varied: the 2009–2015 assembly saw non-ruling groups hold around 10–12 seats against a PML-led coalition, while 2015–2020 opposition under PML-N allies controlled roughly 15 seats amid shifting independents. These dynamics underscore the Leader's role in consolidating fragmented opposition votes for procedural leverage, though limited by reserved seat allocations favoring larger parties.^[91]

Current Assembly (2020–2025)

Member Composition

The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly for the 2020–2025 term consists of 33 members: 24 directly elected from general constituencies, 6 reserved for women, and 3 reserved for technocrats and professionals, allocated proportionally based on the performance of political parties in the general election.^[1] The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) holds a majority with 22 seats, enabling it to form the government without formal coalition partners, while the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) secured 5 seats, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) obtained 3, and independents hold the remaining 3.^[58] PTI's dominance includes the allocation of 4 women seats and 2 technocrat seats, with PPP receiving 1 each and PML-N securing 1 women seat.^[58] Representation is distributed across 10 districts, with Gilgit District (constituencies GBLA-1 to GBLA-3) contributing 3 seats, primarily to PTI; Skardu District (GBLA-10, GBLA-11) showing stronger PPP influence in its Shia-majority Baltistan region; and Diamer District (GBLA-8) electing independents amid local dynamics.^[92] Other districts like Ghizer (GBLA-6, GBLA-7, PTI wins), Ghanche (GBLA-12, PPP), and Shigar (GBLA-14, PTI) reflect varied party strongholds shaped by geographic and ethnic factors, including Balti in Baltistan and Shin in Gilgit areas.^[93] Demographically, the assembly mirrors the region's diverse composition, with members from ethnic groups such as Burusho, Balti, and Dardic peoples, and a sectarian balance featuring Shia plurality (approximately 39% regionally), Sunni (32%), Ismaili (17%), and Noorbakhshi (10%) affiliations among elected representatives, though exact member breakdowns are not officially tabulated and sectarian tensions have historically influenced voting patterns without formal quotas.^[94] Women constitute about 18% of members via reserved seats, exceeding general election candidacy rates but limited by cultural barriers to broader participation.^[61]

Major Legislative Actions

The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly approved a budget of Rs. 140.17 billion for the fiscal year 2024–25, presented on June 25, 2024, with Rs. 86.6 billion allocated to non-development expenditures and the remainder supporting development initiatives.^[37] This fiscal plan emphasized infrastructure and public services amid ongoing economic challenges in the region.^[95] On May 21, 2025, the assembly passed the Gilgit-Baltistan Land Reforms Act, 2025, following its tabling on May 19 amid an opposition walkout.^[96] The legislation categorizes land as either common or government-owned, grants proprietary rights to local inhabitants over common partible land, and eliminates the colonial-era Khalisa framework to facilitate transparent allocation and utilization.^[97] It establishes bodies such as the Gilgit-Baltistan Land Apportionment Board to manage distribution and address illegal occupations by evicting unauthorized holders.^[98] In response to persistent power shortages, the assembly unanimously passed a resolution on September 10, 2025, urging swift implementation of the Gilgit-Baltistan Energy Development Organization Act, 2025, and related regulations on electricity generation and distribution.^[99] This measure sought to mitigate over 20 hours of daily load-shedding by promoting local energy projects and organizational reforms.^[100]

Controversies and Criticisms

Constitutional and Autonomy Disputes

Gilgit-Baltistan lacks formal provincial status within Pakistan's constitution, remaining in administrative limbo as a federally controlled territory since its accession in 1947, with governance primarily through executive orders rather than constitutional provisions.^[101][102] Residents hold no seats in Pakistan's National Assembly and cannot vote in federal elections, underscoring its exclusion from full federative integration.^[103] The Gilgit-Baltistan Order of 2018, promulgated on May 21, 2018, and upheld by Pakistan's Supreme Court on August 8, 2018, devolved certain legislative powers to the assembly on provincial subjects while empowering a federally dominated Gilgit-Baltistan Council—comprising the federal minister for Kashmir affairs, ex-officio members, and appointees—to legislate on 61 key areas, including minerals and hydropower, thereby retaining significant federal oversight.^[33][39] Debates over provincialhood reflect competing local interests: proponents argue integration as Pakistan's fifth province would secure constitutional rights, parliamentary representation, and access to federal resources, with surveys indicating majority support among residents for such merger to resolve the ongoing denial of fundamental political entitlements.^[104] Opponents, including nationalists wary of federal exploitation, contend it could erode the region's distinct ethnic and cultural autonomy, potentially prioritizing external economic interests over local self-rule, and advocate instead for enhanced internal governance without full absorption.^[101] Pakistan's reluctance stems from the territory's linkage to the unresolved Jammu and Kashmir dispute, where granting provincial status might imply de jure sovereignty, complicating claims to the broader region and any future plebiscite under UN resolutions.^[105][106] India maintains territorial claims over Gilgit-Baltistan as integral to Jammu and Kashmir, viewing Pakistan's administration as occupation of disputed land, a position reinforced by parliamentary resolutions since 1994 and heightened rhetoric amid developments like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.^[107][108] This external contention exacerbates internal disputes, as Pakistan's interim governance—tied to the Kashmir stalemate—perpetuates constitutional ambiguity, denying residents equal citizenship while invoking the dispute to justify federal controls.^[102] Federal dominance manifests empirically in the assembly's constrained legislative efficacy, where bills require gubernatorial assent from a federally appointed official, and the council's veto authority has historically limited enactments; for instance, between 2010 and 2011, only one of approximately 14 assembly-passed bills became law, highlighting systemic barriers to autonomous policymaking.^[109] Such structures prioritize national security and dispute resolution over local agency, fueling ongoing autonomy grievances despite incremental reforms like the 2018 Order.^[5]

Economic Policies and Public Protests

The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly has pursued fiscal policies aimed at enhancing regional revenue, including efforts to impose and collect taxes such as sales tax, income tax, and federal excise duty, which have faced significant local opposition for increasing economic burdens without corresponding improvements in public services. Proponents argue these measures boost government revenue to fund infrastructure and development in the resource-constrained region, yet traders and residents contend that Gilgit-Baltistan's status as a non-tariff area under historical agreements exempts it from such levies, leading to widespread protests that disrupted cross-border trade with China along the Karakoram Highway in September 2025. Demonstrators halted operations at key border points like Sost, demanding tax exemptions and policy reforms to alleviate the financial strain on local commerce reliant on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).^{[110][111][112]} In May 2025, the Assembly passed the Gilgit-Baltistan Land Reforms Act during its 36th session, categorizing land into common and government types to grant proprietary rights over partible common lands to locals, replacing colonial-era frameworks like Khalisa lands that had enabled state dispossession. Supporters, including government officials, hailed the act as a historic step toward equitable ownership and efficient land utilization through bodies like the Land Apportionment Board, potentially reducing disputes and promoting agricultural productivity. However, opposition parties and community leaders criticized it as a bureaucratic power grab that centralizes control under district land committees, potentially facilitating elite capture rather than genuine redistribution, amid concerns over inadequate consultation and risks to traditional communal tenure systems.^{[97][113][114]} Persistent power outages, exacerbated by winter shortfalls and inadequate infrastructure despite the region's hydropower potential, have triggered multiple protests in 2025, highlighting perceived inaction by the Assembly in addressing energy policy failures. In January 2025, residents in Hunza blocked the Karakoram Highway for six days, stranding hundreds of trucks and disrupting Pak-China trade, as outages reached 22 hours daily without sufficient thermal backups or grid enhancements. Similar demonstrations in April and June across districts like Shigar decried blackouts lasting up to 20 hours, linking them to stalled projects like Thak and Gawari hydropower removals from federal development programs, with the Assembly responding by adopting a unanimous resolution in September 2025 to urge federal intervention but facing accusations of insufficient proactive legislation to mitigate economic losses from halted tourism, trade, and daily productivity.^{[115][116][117]}

Human Rights and Governance Issues

The human rights landscape in Gilgit-Baltistan involves documented restrictions on freedoms of expression, assembly, and movement, frequently attributed to the area's geopolitical sensitivity stemming from the Kashmir dispute and proximity to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) reported in 2018 that residents of Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Jammu and Kashmir face systemic deprivation of fundamental freedoms, including arbitrary restrictions imposed under the guise of national security.^[118] These constraints limit public discourse on autonomy and governance, with security forces conducting operations that have led to reported arbitrary detentions of activists and protesters challenging administrative overreach.^[119] Local human rights monitors, including the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), have highlighted enforcement gaps in 2023, where security imperatives—such as protecting CPEC infrastructure—prioritize state control over individual liberties, resulting in prolonged detentions without due process for those voicing dissent against federal policies.^[120] Pakistan's government maintains that such measures are essential to counter militancy and safeguard strategic assets like CPEC routes traversing the region, which face threats from cross-border insurgencies and require dedicated forces such as the Special Security Division.^[121] The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly's role in mitigating these issues is circumscribed by its subordinate status under the 2018 Empowerment and Self-Governance Order, which vests overriding authority in federal entities and the prime minister, rendering assembly-led initiatives on rights protections largely advisory.^[5] For instance, the assembly passed a resolution on August 13, 2023, urging constitutional empowerment to bolster local governance and rights frameworks, yet implementation has stalled amid federal reluctance to alter the region's non-provisional framework, perpetuating gaps between legislative intent and practical enforcement.^[122][119] This dynamic underscores a tension where assembly resolutions advocate for enhanced civil liberties but lack the autonomy to enforce them against security-driven federal directives.

Perspectives on Integration and Self-Determination

Advocates for closer integration with Pakistan argue that granting full provincial status would deliver economic stability and development benefits, including equitable access to federal funds and infrastructure projects such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which has already facilitated road networks and hydropower initiatives in the region.^[123] This perspective posits that constitutional incorporation would resolve the current administrative limbo, providing residents with parliamentary representation and civil liberties on par with other provinces, thereby fostering long-term security amid geopolitical pressures from neighboring states.^[124] Local surveys and political discourse indicate that a significant portion of the population identifies culturally and politically with Pakistan, viewing integration as a means to counter external territorial claims and affirm accession choices made in 1947.^[125] Nationalist and autonomy-seeking factions within Gilgit-Baltistan, including some political parties and civil society groups, demand enhanced self-governance or a referendum to address perceived disenfranchisement, citing the territory's exclusion from Pakistan's constitution as a barrier to fundamental rights like judicial review and resource control.^[126] They reference UN Security Council Resolution 47 (1948), which prescribed a plebiscite for Jammu and Kashmir's accession after phased demilitarization and withdrawal of tribesmen, arguing that Pakistan's failure to implement these conditions perpetuates unresolved self-determination claims applicable to the region.^[127] Pakistan maintains that the plebiscite framework requires India's prior compliance with troop reductions, rendering unilateral integration premature without prejudicing the broader dispute.^[128] India asserts that Gilgit-Baltistan constitutes an inseparable part of Jammu and Kashmir, integrated via the 1947 Instrument of Accession and retained by Pakistan through unlawful occupation, a position reinforced in official maps and parliamentary resolutions.^[108] This view frames any Pakistani administrative reforms, such as the 2020 provisional status proposals, as attempts to legitimize control over disputed territory, potentially altering demographic balances through settlement policies.^[129] Empirical indicators of dissent include recurrent protests reflecting frustration with the status quo; in 2021, widespread demonstrations against wheat subsidy cuts and power tariffs escalated into broader calls for constitutional recognition, involving traders and residents across districts like Skardu and Gilgit, with participation estimated in the thousands halting commerce for days.^[130] Such events, while rooted in immediate economic grievances, underscore causal links between governance ambiguities and public unrest, as unresolved integration debates exacerbate vulnerabilities to inflation and underinvestment.^[101]