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Greg Palast
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Greg Palast
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Gregory Allyn Palast (born June 26, 1952)[1] is an author and a freelance journalist who has often worked for the BBC and The Guardian. His work frequently focuses on corporate malfeasance. He has also worked with labor unions and consumer advocacy groups.

Key Information

Early life, family, and education

[edit]

Palast was born in Los Angeles, growing up in the San Fernando Valley community of Sun Valley. Geri Palast is his sister.

Palast said his desire to write about class warfare is rooted in his upbringing in what he describes as the "ass-end of Los Angeles," a neighborhood wedged between a power plant and a dump. He said that kids in that neighborhood had two choices: Vietnam or the auto plant. "We were the losers," he said. He was saved from the war by a favorable draft number. "A lot of people didn't make it out. Because I made it out, and my sister (Geri, a former Clinton administration assistant secretary of labor) made it out, I feel I have this obligation to tell these stories on behalf of all of those people who didn't make it out."[2]

He attended John H. Francis Polytechnic High School, and transferred to San Fernando Valley State College (now California State University, Northridge) in 1969 before completing his senior year of high school. Palast said about high school: "Basically they were melting my brain, and I had to save myself. Before I finished high school, I talked my way into college. Before I finished college, I talked my way into graduate school."[1] Palast then attended the University of California, Los Angeles, University of California, Berkeley, and University of Chicago, from which he graduated in 1974 with a Bachelor of Arts in economics and in 1976 with a Master's of Business Administration. Palast majored in economics at Chicago from the advice of a Weather Underground member he met at Berkeley who suggested Palast "familiarize himself with right-wing politics and learn about the 'ruling elite' from 'the inside.'"[1]

Career

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Since 2000, Greg Palast has made more than a dozen films for the BBC program Newsnight with the Investigations Producer Meirion Jones, which have been broadcast in the UK and worldwide. In addition to the films on US elections they have investigated oil companies, the Iraq War, the attempted coup against Hugo Chávez, and the vulture funds which target the poorest countries.

Palast spoke at a Think Twice conference held at Cambridge University[3] and lectured at the University of São Paulo.[4]

Presidential elections

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Palast's investigation into the Bush family fortunes for his column in The Observer led him to uncover a connection to a company called ChoicePoint. In an October 2008 interview Palast said that before the 2000 election, ChoicePoint "was purging the voter rolls of Florida under a contract with a lady named Katherine Harris, the Secretary of State. They won a contract, a bid contract with the state, with the highest bid."[5] After subsequently noticing a large proportion of African-American voters were claiming their names had disappeared from voter rolls in Florida in the 2000 election, Palast launched a full-scale investigation into election fraud, the results of which were broadcast in the UK by the BBC on their Newsnight[6] show prior to the 2004 election. Palast claimed to have obtained computer discs from Katherine Harris' office, which contained caging lists of "voters matched by race and tagged as felons."[5] Palast appeared in the 2003 documentary film, Florida Fights Back! Resisting the Stolen Election, along with Vincent Bugliosi, former Los Angeles Deputy District Attorney and author of The Betrayal of America. Palast also appeared in the 2004 documentary Orwell Rolls in His Grave, which focuses on the hidden mechanics of the media.[citation needed]

In May 2007, Palast said he'd received 500 emails that former White House Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove exchanged through an account supplied by the Republican National Committee. Palast says the emails show a plan to target likely Democratic voters with extra scrutiny over their home addresses, and he also believes Rove's plan was a factor in the firing of U.S. Attorneys.[7]

After Palast was invited by Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to appear on his Air America talk show to discuss, among other things, election fraud, the pair teamed up to publish a report in October 2008 in Rolling Stone, concluding that the 2008 election had already been stolen. "If Democrats are to win the 2008 election, they must not simply beat John McCain at the polls -- they must beat him by a margin that exceeds the level of GOP vote tampering", Palast and Kennedy summarized.[8] To combat the extensive acts of voter suppression that Palast and Kennedy uncovered, the duo launched a campaign called Steal Back Your Vote,[9] which features a website and free downloadable voter guide / adult comic book.

Palast has conducted a multi-year investigation into Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach's Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program (commonly referred to as "Crosscheck"). The program utilizes states' voter registration lists to match possible "double voters," using their first and last names and the last four digits of their Social Security number. In 2014, Palast investigated Crosscheck for Al Jazeera America, finding that the program was inherently biased toward removing minority voters from states' voter rolls. In 2016, he followed up with a documentary film, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, along with an article. [10]

Energy companies

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In 1988, Palast directed a U.S. civil racketeering investigation into the Shoreham Nuclear Power Station project, under construction by Stone & Webster and Long Island Lighting Company. A jury awarded the plaintiffs US$4.8 billion; however, New York's federal judge Jack B. Weinstein, reversed the verdict, and the case was later settled for $400 million.[11] The racketeering charges stemmed from an accusation that LILCO filed false documents in order to secure rate increases. LILCO sought a dismissal of these charges on the grounds that Suffolk County lacked authority under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act and that the allegations of a history of racketeering did not qualify as a continuing criminal enterprise.[12]

Palast has also taken issue with the official story behind the grounding of the Exxon Valdez, claiming the sobriety of the Valdez's captain was not an issue in the accident. According to Palast, the main cause of the Exxon Valdez oil spill in 1989 was not human error, but an Exxon decision not to use the ship's radar in order to save money. The Raytheon Raycas radar system would not have detected Bligh Reef itself - as radar, unlike sonar, is incapable of detecting submerged objects. The radar system would have detected the radar reflector, placed on the next rock inland from Bligh Reef for the purpose of keeping vessels on course via radar.[13] Palast points out that the original owners of the land, the local Alaska Natives tribe, took only one dollar in payment for the land with a promise not to pollute it and spoil their fishing and seal hunting grounds.[13]

In An Open Letter to Greg Palast on Peak Oil[14] Richard Heinberg offers friendly criticism of Palast, saying he conflates the "amount of oil left" with "peak (maximal) flow rates" for oil, the latter being key to the Peak Oil concept.

On October 27, 2010, Palast wrote, "The Petroleum Broadcast System Owes Us an Apology. ... BP has neglected warnings about oil safety for years! ... But so has PBS. The Petroleum Broadcast System has turned a blind eye to BP perfidy for decades. If the broadcast had come six months before the Gulf blow-out, after [major accidents in 2005 and 2006 or after years of government fines], I would say, “Damn, that Frontline sure is courageous.” But six months after the blow-out, PBS has shown us it only has the courage to shoot the wounded. ... The entire hour told us again and again and again, the problem was one company, BP, and its 'management culture.' ... Unlike Shell Oil’s culture which has turned Nigeria into a toxic cesspool; unlike ExxonMobil’s culture which remains in denial about the horror it heaped on Alaska. And unlike Chevron’s culture, which I witnessed in the Amazon. Chevron culture left Ecuadoran farmers with pustules all over their bodies and a graveyard of children dead of leukemia.[15]

"LobbyGate" scandal

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In 1998, working as an undercover reporter for The Observer, Palast, posing as an American businessman with ties to Enron, caught on tape two Labour party insiders, Derek Draper and Jonathan Mendelsohn, boasting about how they could sell access to government ministers, obtain advance copies of sensitive reports, and create tax breaks for their clients.[16]

Draper denied the allegations.[17] At Prime Minister's Question Time July 8, 1998 British Prime Minister Tony Blair claimed that all the specific claims had been investigated and found groundless: "every allegation made in The Observer has been investigated and found to be untrue".[18]

Vulture funds

[edit]

Starting in 2007 Palast published a series of investigations on what aid groups and investors call "vulture funds". A vulture fund is a private equity or hedge fund where companies or people buy the debt of a poor country and litigate to recover the funds, often at the expense of aid and debt relief. Prime Minister Gordon Brown commented on the practices saying "We particularly condemn the perversity where Vulture Funds purchase debt at a reduced price and make a profit from suing the debtor country to recover the full amount owed - a morally outrageous outcome".[19]

In 2014 Palast detailed the workings of vulture funds during the crisis of the American automotive industry:

Singer, through a brilliantly complex financial manoeuvre, took control of Delphi Automotive, the sole supplier of most of the auto parts needed by General Motors and Chrysler. Both auto firms were already in bankruptcy. Singer and co-investors demanded the US Treasury pay them billions, including $350m (£200m) in cash immediately, or – as the Singer consortium threatened – "we'll shut you down" by ending GM's supply of parts. GM and Chrysler, with only a few days' worth of parts in stock, would have shut down and permanently forced into liquidation. Obama's negotiator, Treasury deputy Steven Rattner, called the vulture funds' demand "extortion" ... Ultimately, the US Treasury quietly paid the Singer consortium a cool $12.9bn in cash and subsidies from the US Treasury's auto bailout fund. Singer responded to Obama's largesse by quickly shutting down 25 of Delphi's 29 US auto parts plants, shifting 25,000 jobs to Asia. Singer's Elliott Management pocketed $1.29bn of which Singer personally garnered the lion's share.

— Palast 2014[20]

2024 US presidential election suppression

[edit]
See also: Voter suppression in the United States § 2020s, and Republican efforts to restrict voting following the 2020 presidential election

In January 2025, Palast wrote an article for The Hartmann Report in which he claimed that Donald Trump lost the 2024 United States presidential election.[21] His claims were also repeated on his personal investigative journalism website and Thom Hartmann's podcast.[22][23] He asserted that if all legal ballots had been counted in Georgia, Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin then Kamala Harris would have won the election, attributing her loss to voter suppression, which he compared to Jim Crow, as well as restrictive state voting laws, explaining that the rejection of a postal vote was 400% more likely to occur if the voter was Black.[21]

The methods of voter suppression he outlined included vote purging, a legal process usually used to clean up voter rolls by deleting people from registration lists, voter challenges, the disqualification of ballots for minor clerical errors, the rejection of provisional ballots, and the disproportionately high vote rejection rates for Black voters.[24] According to Palast, the Election Assistance Commission stated that 4,776,706 voters were wrongfully purged. He linked the voter challenges to "vigilante" vote-fraud hunters who targeted people to challenge and block the counting of their ballots, claims he previously made in his documentary Vigilantes Inc.[25] He claimed that by August 2024, the rights of 317,886 voters were challenged with over 200,000 challenges occurring in Georgia.

Works

[edit]

Books

[edit]
  • The Best Democracy Money Can Buy. London: Pluto Press. 2002. ISBN 0-452-28391-4.
  • Greg Palast; Jerrold Oppenheim; Theo MacGregor (2003). Democracy and regulation : how the public can govern essential services. Pluto Press. ISBN 0-7453-1943-2. LCCN 2002015669. Wikidata Q132171022.
  • Armed Madhouse. New York, NY: Dutton. 2006. ISBN 0-525-94968-2.[26]
  • Vultures' Picnic. New York: Dutton. 2011. ISBN 978-0-525-95207-7.[27]
  • Billionaires and Ballot Bandits: How to Steal an Election in 9 Easy Steps. New York: Seven Stories Press. 2012. ISBN 978-1-609-80478-7.[28]
  • The Best Democracy Money Can Buy: A Tale of Billionaires & Ballot Bandits. New York: Seven Stories Press. 2016. ISBN 978-1609807757.[29]
  • How Trump Stole 2020. New York: Seven Stories Press. 2020. ISBN 978-1644210567.

Films

[edit]

Newsnight

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  • "Microsoft" (2000)[40]
  • "US Election 2000" (2001)[41]
  • "Bush dances with Enron" (2001)[42]
  • "Bush and the Bin Ladens" (2001)[43]
  • "Stiglitz" (2001)[44]
  • "Chavez and the Coup" (2002)[45]
  • "Iraq – Jay Garner's story" (2004)[46]
  • "US Election 2004" (2004)[47]
  • "Secret US plans for Iraq's oil" (2005)[48]
  • "Chavez and Oil" (2006)[49]
  • "Vulture Funds attack Zambia" (2007)[50]
  • "Tim Griffin" (2007)[51]
  • "Bush and the Vultures" (2007)[52]
  • "Chevron and Ecuador" (2007)[53]
  • "US Election 2008" (2008)[54]
  • "Vulture Funds attack Liberia" (2010)[55]

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Greg Palast

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from Grokipedia
Gregory Allyn Palast (born , 1952) is an American investigative , author, and filmmaker who has focused on corporate , , and voter suppression tactics. Initially trained as a investigator for labor unions and governments, Palast transitioned to , producing undercover reports across five continents on issues in oil, , and finance sectors. He achieved prominence through his examination of the 2000 U.S. in , where he documented a voter list that erroneously targeted thousands of eligible minority voters, an action later scrutinized for its methodological flaws and partisan implementation. Palast's books, such as the bestseller The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (2002), critique policies and electoral manipulations, while his contributions to outlets including , , and have highlighted systemic disenfranchisement via interstate voter database cross-checks like the controversial Interstate Crosscheck program. Among his accolades are the George Orwell Courage in Journalism Award for the BBC documentary Bush Family Fortunes and the Global Editors Award for , though some analyses of his election claims have been contested for overstating causal impacts amid limited empirical verification of widespread or suppression altering outcomes.

Personal background

Early life and family

Gregory Palast was born on June 26, 1952, in , . His father, Gilbert L. "Gil" Palast, worked as a furniture salesman and served in the U.S. military during in the Pacific theater, where he experienced combat and later reflected critically on wartime and . Palast's mother, Gladys E. Palast (née Kaufman, 1921–2018), married Gil during the war; she outlived her husband and remained a figure until her death at age 96. He has one sibling, a named Geri. Palast grew up in , attending local schools, though specific details on his childhood experiences beyond influences from his parents' wartime era remain limited in public records.

Education and initial career

Palast received a degree in in 1974 and a in 1976 from the , where he studied under the . Prior to his transition to , Palast spent over two decades as a forensic and investigator of corporate and , working on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice, attorneys general in 20 states, labor unions, and governments in and . His early investigations targeted multi-billion-dollar schemes in the oil, nuclear power, and finance sectors, including probes into related to the on behalf of Alaska's natives and by nuclear plant constructors. In one notable case, Palast directed the U.S. government's largest civil investigation, securing a $4.3 billion jury award against perpetrators of . As co-founder of the Chicago-based labor union consulting firm Union Associates, Palast specialized in analyzing , , and undercover operations for legal and regulatory actions against corporate misconduct. These experiences equipped him with expertise in dissecting financial irregularities, which he later applied to journalistic exposés.

Professional career

Pre-journalism investigations

Prior to entering journalism, Greg Palast served as a forensic and investigator focusing on corporate , , and multi-billion-dollar schemes in sectors including oil, , and . Over two decades, he conducted probes on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice, attorneys general across 20 states, labor unions, and governments in nations such as and . These efforts spanned continents and targeted systemic deceptions by multinational entities, leveraging undercover methods and economic analysis honed from his degree at the . A prominent early investigation occurred in 1988, when Palast directed a U.S. civil racketeering case against Long Island Lighting Company (LILCO) over cost inflations and misrepresentations tied to the Shoreham nuclear power plant construction. The suit, brought by Suffolk County, yielded an initial $4.3 billion jury verdict against the utility and its builders for fraudulent practices, though appeals led by Judge Jack Weinstein overturned it, culminating in a $400 million settlement. This marked the largest racketeering award in U.S. history at the time and exposed how utilities concealed overruns to secure ratepayer funding. Palast also investigated oil company fraud allegations surrounding the 1989 Exxon Valdez grounding for Alaska's Native corporation, scrutinizing claims of deliberate negligence and cost manipulations to evade liability. His work extended to nuclear industry , including the Suffolk County v. LILCO case, where evidence revealed builders' systematic overbilling and safety data falsification. These pre-journalism endeavors established Palast's expertise in dismantling corporate cover-ups through document analysis and witness testimony, often representing public or indigenous interests against powerful firms.

Transition to journalism and media roles

Prior to entering journalism, Palast spent over two decades as a fraud investigator, forensic economist, and consultant for governments and labor unions, specializing in corporate malfeasance and regulatory issues. In the mid-1990s, facing professional setbacks described by Palast himself as "bad luck," he redirected his undercover investigative expertise toward media exposés. This shift culminated in 1998 when, at age 46, he conducted an undercover operation for The Observer, posing as a U.S. businessman linked to Enron to infiltrate lobbying networks connected to Tony Blair's Labour government. The resulting "Lobbygate" series, co-authored with Antony Barnett and published in July 1998, revealed how former Blair aides like Derek Draper and Jon Mendelsohn offered access to government ministers in exchange for corporate donations and influence, sparking a scandal that damaged Labour's early reputation for ethical governance. This breakthrough marked Palast's entry into full-time journalism, earning him acclaim in the UK press as the first reporter in decades banned from Downing Street premises due to the story's impact. Building on this, Palast secured freelance roles with BBC Television's Newsnight program, where he produced investigative segments on corporate and political corruption, and The Guardian, contributing in-depth reports on deregulation and energy sector abuses. These media affiliations allowed Palast to expand his scope internationally, leveraging his prior forensic skills for on-camera stings and document-based probes often overlooked by U.S. outlets. By the early , his work had extended to outlets like , establishing him as a transatlantic freelance focused on systemic rather than daily . While Palast's reports frequently critiqued powerful institutions, their evidentiary basis—drawn from leaked documents and insider recordings—distinguished them from partisan commentary, though U.S. media adoption remained limited, prompting his primary orientation toward European broadcasters.

Key methodologies and techniques

Palast's investigative work draws on techniques developed during his prior career in forensic financial investigations, adapting methods such as document analysis and chain-of-evidence tracing to journalistic pursuits. A cornerstone of his approach involves aggressive use of Act (FOIA) requests to access non-public records, including internal memos, logs, and policy drafts that expose discrepancies between official narratives and operational realities. For example, in probing post-invasion oil policies, he obtained via FOIA a suppressed State Department draft advocating of Iraqi assets, contradicting public assurances of national control. Similarly, FOIA disclosures revealed internal machine logs in during the 2000 presidential contest, highlighting uncounted ballots and procedural irregularities. Undercover operations form another key technique, where Palast assumes false identities to capture candid admissions or evidence. In the "Lobbygate" exposé, he posed as a U.S. executive with connections to secretly record British Labour Party officials admitting to accepting improper fees, leading to resignations and policy shifts. This method extends to contemporary probes, involving resource-intensive fieldwork like in industrial or remote settings to verify whistleblower claims against corporate or governmental targets. For stories, Palast emphasizes data-driven forensics, compiling and cross-referencing vast datasets, records, and manifests to detect systematic disenfranchisement. Through the Palast Investigative Fund, teams analyze state-level databases—such as Georgia's 2019 lists affecting over 500,000 registrations—to quantify erroneous removals based on minor data mismatches, often cross-verified against U.S. Postal Service records for out-of-state addresses. This quantitative rigor, supplemented by legal challenges and on-site audits, underpins claims of millions of suppressed votes in U.S. elections, prioritizing empirical patterns over anecdotal reports. He integrates whistleblower sourcing with these tools, cultivating networks in , , and to initiate leads, then corroborating via independent verification rather than relying solely on . This multi-layered validation—combining legal document retrieval, surreptitious recording, and statistical modeling—distinguishes Palast's output, though it demands prolonged timelines and has drawn scrutiny for selective emphasis on institutional malfeasance.

Major investigations

UK political scandals

In 1998, Greg Palast conducted an undercover investigation into lobbying practices within Tony Blair's newly elected government, posing as a representative of American firms interested in influencing policy on and sectors. His work, primarily for , involved phone calls and meetings with lobbyists who boasted of privileged access to government insiders. Key findings revealed lobbyists providing advance copies of confidential policy documents and insider predictions on decisions, such as a 2.75% public spending cap and the creation of a inspectorate, which clients like could exploit for financial gain. Central to the exposé, dubbed "Lobbygate," was a recording of , a former special adviser to and lobbyist for GPC Market Access, claiming intimate connections to 17 pivotal figures in Blair's administration: "There are 17 people that count. To say that I am intimate with every one of them is the understatement of the century." Other lobbyists, including Karl Milner of GJW Government Relations, supplied pre-release reports, such as an energy policy document to on June 8, 1998, while firms like Lawson Lucas Mendelsohn offered insights into ministerial thinking to secure business advantages, including facilitating the PowerGen-Reliant merger despite Trade Minister Margaret Beckett's reservations. Beckett denied any secret deals in the merger case. The revelations, published in July 1998, triggered public scrutiny of New Labour's ethical standards shortly after its , prompting to assert that his government must be "purer than pure." Draper resigned from his position, denying wrongdoing but acknowledging the recordings' impact, and received a payout from his firm. No prosecutions followed, though the highlighted vulnerabilities in access to policy units, with figures like Roger Liddle confirming Draper's prior influence. Palast later detailed these events in his 2003 book The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, framing them as evidence of systemic influence peddling in 's agenda.

Corporate and energy sector exposés

Palast's investigations into the energy sector prominently featured Enron's role in California's 2000–2001 electricity crisis, where he documented how the company exploited deregulated markets through tactics such as "Fat Boy," a scheme involving the shutdown of generating plants to create artificial shortages, followed by sales of power at inflated prices over transmission lines with insufficient capacity, like delivering 500 megawatts via a 15-megawatt line. These manipulations contributed to rolling blackouts affecting millions and price spikes exceeding 800% in some instances, with Enron traders reportedly referring to the crisis as "gaming the system" in internal recordings later revealed in federal probes. Palast argued that the crisis stemmed not from a genuine power shortage but from deregulatory policies influenced by Enron lobbyists, which dismantled oversight and enabled market distortions, a view supported by subsequent U.S. Federal Energy Regulatory Commission findings of Enron's abusive practices. In the oil industry, Palast exposed systemic safety lapses at , linking them to the 2010 Deepwater Horizon disaster that released approximately 4.9 million barrels of crude into the . His reporting highlighted 's prior incidents, including a 2006 Alaska pipeline rupture spilling over 200,000 gallons due to unaddressed corrosion from cost-cutting, and a 2010 blowout in Azerbaijan's where concealed a cement failure similar to the one implicated in Deepwater Horizon. Palast detailed how 's "operational excellence" program prioritized profits over maintenance, with internal documents showing ignored warnings about Halliburton's faulty cementing jobs, which the company later admitted destroying evidence of in a 2013 guilty plea. These patterns, Palast contended, reflected broader corporate negligence enabled by lax regulatory enforcement under prior administrations. Palast also scrutinized the 1989 Exxon Valdez spill, serving as lead investigator for Chugach Alaska Corporation, the Native American owners of the tanker. He uncovered that the disaster, which released 11 million gallons of oil into , resulted from Exxon's failure to install a required double-hulled tanker—mandated but delayed by industry lobbying—along with falsified safety logs and inadequate crew training. His findings challenged oil industry narratives blaming human error alone, instead emphasizing structural corporate shortcuts and , as evidenced by subsequent U.S. reports confirming equipment and oversight deficiencies. These exposés, often disseminated through Palast's books like Vultures' Picnic (2011), connected energy firms' profit-driven risks to environmental and economic harms, drawing on leaked documents, whistleblowers, and forensic analysis.

International financial issues

Palast has extensively investigated the policies of international financial institutions such as the (IMF) and World Bank, arguing that their programs exacerbated economic crises in developing nations through forced , capital , and measures. In a article based on interviews with former World Bank chief economist , Palast outlined the IMF's "four steps to damnation": first, of state assets often sold at undervalued prices to cronies; second, of capital markets leading to speculative inflows and outflows; third, imposition of market-based pricing that raised costs for essentials like food and fuel; and fourth, fiscal that cut social spending, triggering recessions and riots. These steps, Palast contended, were not mere errors but deliberate designs that benefited multinational corporations and creditors at the expense of local populations, as evidenced by Stiglitz's internal World Bank documents and whistleblower accounts. Specific cases highlighted in Palast's reporting include Argentina's 2001 economic collapse, where IMF-mandated debt repayments and spending cuts amid capital flight left one in six workers unemployed and the peso devalued by over 70% against the dollar, prompting widespread protests and default on $100 billion in obligations. In Brazil, he linked 1998-1999 blackouts affecting 95 million people to World Bank demands for utility privatization that prioritized foreign investors over infrastructure investment, resulting in a $42 billion credit line conditional on such reforms. Palast also examined Ecuador's 1999 structural adjustment loan, which required selling state oil fields despite domestic opposition, contributing to a banking crisis that wiped out 20% of GDP and hyperinflation exceeding 90%. These investigations drew on leaked IMF conditionality agreements and economic data showing regression: the IMF later conceded that nearly one-fifth of the global population experienced declining living standards under such programs in the late 20th century. Beyond adjustment programs, Palast exposed "vulture funds"—distressed debt speculators that purchase sovereign bonds from impoverished nations at discounts and sue for full repayment plus interest, recovering multiples of their investment. In 2011 reporting, he detailed how U.S.-based funds like Elliott Management targeted countries such as and , extracting $400 million from alone on a $30 million bond purchase, funds that could have supported health and education amid epidemics. Palast's work, informed by court documents and debt audits, advocated for odious debt repudiation and influenced campaigns like the Jubilee Debt Coalition, though vulture practices remained legal in the U.S. despite bans elsewhere. Later, in 2013, he critiqued IMF/ in , where loan conditions halved public employment and deepened a 25% GDP contraction, based on troika memos prioritizing bank recapitalization over recovery.

Electoral processes and voter access

Palast gained prominence for his investigations into alleged voter disenfranchisement , focusing on systematic purges of voter rolls and barriers to that he argued disproportionately affected minority and low-income voters likely to support Democratic candidates. His work emphasized forensic analysis of government databases and contracts with private firms to identify patterns of exclusion, often attributing these to Republican-led state administrations seeking electoral advantage through legal but flawed maintenance of voter registries. In the lead-up to the 2000 presidential election, Palast examined Florida's purge of approximately 57,700 names from voter rolls, contracted to Database Technologies (DBT), which targeted alleged felons ineligible to vote under state law. Analyzing the list obtained through investigative reporting, he reported that up to 90% of removals in certain categories involved errors, such as matching common names like "John Smith" or purging individuals based on outdated or out-of-state convictions, with African American voters overrepresented at nearly 40% of those affected despite comprising 11% of the electorate. These findings, aired on BBC Newsnight and published in The Guardian, suggested thousands of legitimate voters were disenfranchised, potentially swaying the state's razor-thin margin of 537 votes for George W. Bush over Al Gore. Palast extended similar scrutiny to the 2004 Ohio election, where he investigated the handling of over 200,000 provisional ballots cast due to registration challenges or polling place issues, claiming that more than 100,000—predominantly from urban, Democratic-leaning precincts—were rejected or never counted because of strict verification rules imposed by Secretary of State Kenneth Blackwell. His reporting highlighted delays in machine allocation in minority-heavy areas and widespread voter challenges using flawed address lists, arguing these tactics suppressed turnout in ways that contributed to Bush's 118,000-vote victory in the state. Later investigations targeted interstate voter roll maintenance programs like and Crosscheck, which Palast accused of erroneously purging millions by cross-referencing names and birthdates across states, often flagging naturalized citizens or those with common surnames as duplicates. In a report commissioned by the ACLU of Georgia, his team identified errors in that state's purge process that likely removed nearly 11,000 eligible voters shortly before the election, primarily affecting and low-income communities. Palast's methodologies involved data matching against and demographic analysis, consistently framing such practices as "Jim Crow in cyberspace" rather than routine list hygiene.

Published works

Books and writings

Greg Palast has authored multiple books centered on investigative reporting into , corporate malfeasance, and geopolitical manipulations, often expanding on his journalism for outlets like and . These works, several of which achieved New York Times bestseller status, emphasize data-driven exposés of systemic issues in U.S. and . His debut major book, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, was initially published in 2002 by Pluto Press in the UK and released in the U.S. in 2003 by Plume, with updated editions including a 2016 version from retitled A Tale of Billionaires & Ballot Bandits. The volume scrutinizes the 2000 U.S. presidential election in , alleging voter purges and corporate influence skewed outcomes, alongside critiques of and high-finance fraud. In 2006, Palast published Armed Madhouse through Dutton, a New York Times bestseller compiling dispatches on the , the 2004 U.S. election, response, and economic policies under the Bush administration. The book contends that U.S. interventions served oil interests and domestic vote suppression tactics persisted across elections. Vultures' Picnic: In Pursuit of Petroleum Pigs, Power Pirates, and High-Finance Carnivores appeared in 2011 from Dutton, detailing Palast's undercover probes into the oil industry, including BP's spill and predatory lending practices tied to energy giants. It portrays interconnections between corporations and financial predation on developing nations. Billionaires & Ballot Bandits: How to Steal an in 9 Easy Steps, co-authored with and Jerrold Oppenheim and issued in 2012 by , became another New York Times bestseller outlining mechanisms of voter disenfranchisement, such as database purges and ID laws, purportedly benefiting wealthy donors. The text includes nine steps for election interference drawn from Palast's field investigations. Palast's 2020 release, How Trump Stole 2020: The Hunt for America's Vanished Voters from , analyzes voter roll purges and suppression tactics ahead of the U.S. , estimating millions of disenfranchised ballots based on state data audits. It builds on prior works by focusing on interstate "crosscheck" programs and their demographic impacts. Beyond books, Palast's writings include regular columns for and , as well as contributions to and , where he has reported on topics like Enron's collapse and international debt vulture funds since the late . These pieces often prefigure themes in his books, relying on leaked documents and FOIA requests for .

Films and documentaries

Greg Palast has directed and produced multiple investigative documentaries, often adapting material from his books and journalism to examine electoral irregularities, corporate exploitation, and government failures. These works typically feature undercover reporting and on-the-ground footage, distributed through platforms like BBC, YouTube, and independent releases. In 2004, Palast co-directed Bush Family Fortunes: The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, a BBC investigative film tracing connections between the Bush family, Saudi interests, and the 2000 U.S. presidential election in Florida, including allegations of voter purges and corporate data involvement. The documentary, running approximately 50 minutes, drew from Palast's reporting on ChoicePoint's role in disqualifying thousands of voters, predominantly African American, and highlighted Harken Energy's dealings. It aired on BBC Newsnight and was later made available for free download on Palast's website to support his nonprofit investigations. Palast wrote and directed The Best Democracy Money Can Buy in 2016, an 88-minute feature expanding on his of the same name, focusing on U.S. manipulations from 2000 onward, including computerized vote rigging claims and suppression tactics. The film includes interviews with affected voters and experts, arguing systemic disenfranchisement favors certain political outcomes, and premiered at film festivals before streaming release. More recently, Vigilantes Inc.: America's New Vote Suppression Hitmen (2024), with Palast as lead investigator and narrator, documents private firms and self-styled "election integrity" groups conducting voter challenges ahead of the 2024 U.S. elections, estimating over 8,500 such operatives targeting minority and low-income precincts. Directed by David Ambrose and featuring narration by , the film uses footage and data analysis to claim these efforts echo historical mechanisms, released via Palast's platform for free streaming to raise awareness. In 2025, Palast released All Washed Away: The Untold Story of the Drowning of New Orleans and , a one-hour special probing federal disaster response failures in (2005) and recent Texas floods, attributing exacerbated damages to policy decisions under the Trump administration, including proposed FEMA cuts. The documentary incorporates survivor testimonies, levee engineering data, and critiques of , made available on and with original music by New Orleans artists. Palast is also producing Long Knife: The Osage Nation, Koch Oil and the New Killers of the Flower Moon, set for 2025 release, which investigates Koch Industries' alleged underpayment for Osage mineral rights since the 1980s, linking it to broader patterns of Native American resource extraction post the historical murders depicted in Martin Scorsese's film. The project, reported by Palast and directed by David Ambrose, relies on court documents and oil field audits showing billions in undervalued royalties.

Journalism and broadcasts

Palast's investigative journalism has been broadcast extensively on public and independent media outlets, with a focus on electoral irregularities, corporate malfeasance, and international financial exploitation. His reports for BBC Television's Newsnight program, beginning in the late 1990s, gained international attention for undercover exposés, including a 2001 investigation into the purge of over 57,000 alleged felons from Florida voter rolls prior to the 2000 U.S. presidential election, which disproportionately affected African American voters and raised questions about partisan manipulation. Subsequent Newsnight segments covered topics such as the "vulture fund" debt traps ensnaring Democratic Republic of Congo in 2011, where investors purchased distressed sovereign debt at discounts and pursued aggressive litigation for full repayment plus interest, yielding profits exceeding 1,000 percent; and Liberia's debt restructuring in 2010, highlighting predatory lending practices by hedge funds. In addition to BBC, Palast's work has aired on U.S.-based platforms like Democracy Now!, where he has made multiple appearances since at least 2016 to discuss voter suppression tactics, such as Brian Kemp's purge of 534,000 voters from rolls in 2018, including 340,000 via "exact match" requirements that invalidated registrations over minor discrepancies like hyphens in names. His documentaries, including Vigilantes Inc.: America's New Vote Suppression Hitmen (2024), have been broadcast on , examining private firms contracted by Republican officials to challenge voter eligibility using interstate cross-check databases that flagged millions of potential matches, often based on partial name and birth year similarities without verifying addresses. Palast has also contributed to radio and formats, with segments on programs like KPFA's Flashpoints (e.g., August 19, 2025, episode critiquing federal emergency management policies) and his own series distributed via and , which repackage broadcast investigations into audio formats covering oil industry corruption and election integrity. These broadcasts often draw from primary documents like leaked corporate memos and government data, though critics have questioned the completeness of contextual evidence in some presentations.

Criticisms and controversies

Disputes over factual accuracy

Palast's investigative reporting on the 2000 Florida gubernatorial purge of voter rolls prior to the presidential election drew significant criticism for allegedly overstating the scale of wrongful removals. In a November 2000 article for The Observer, Palast asserted that state officials had stricken approximately 57,000 names—disproportionately African American and likely Democratic voters—from the rolls using a felon identification list from contractor DBT Online, which included a warning memo about potential high false-positive rates from inexact name matching. Florida Division of Elections records indicate that the 57,700-name list was distributed to county election supervisors for local verification against state records, resulting in only 5,643 confirmed felons being purged statewide, with about 2,800 African Americans affected; critics, including state spokesperson Carrie Levine, argued Palast conflated the preliminary screening list with actual removals, as counties rejected thousands of unconfirmed matches and provisional voting allowed challenged individuals to cast ballots. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights' June 2001 report corroborated flaws in the , including reliance on outdated data and inadequate safeguards leading to erroneous inclusions, with a noted on minority voters, but concluded the errors disenfranchised far fewer than claimed—potentially hundreds rather than tens of thousands—and did not demonstrably decide the given George W. Bush's 537-vote certified margin after recounts. Palast countered in his 2002 book The Best Democracy Money Can Buy that the process constituted intentional "Jim Crow in ," citing the DBT memo's 15% error estimate as evidence of foreseen inaccuracies ignored by Republican-led officials. Conservative analysts, such as those from , further contended Palast's figures ignored that even maximal assumptions of innocent purges favoring would not have overcome Bush's lead, labeling the narrative as sensationalized to imply without causal proof. Disputes extended to Palast's coverage, particularly in , where he reported in TomPaine.com and BBC Newsnight that over 90,000 provisional ballots—many from urban, Democratic-leaning precincts—were rejected due to registration challenges and machine shortages, potentially suppressing votes. Kenneth Blackwell's office and subsequent federal investigations, including by the House Judiciary Committee Democrats, acknowledged irregularities like long lines and ballot discards but found verified rejections totaled around 24,000 statewide, with no evidence of partisan bias or outcome-altering ; audits confirmed Bush's 118,000-vote win held under scrutiny. Palast attributed rejections to a deliberate "challenge" program by Republican operatives, but courts dismissed related lawsuits for lack of substantiation, highlighting methodological reliance on anecdotal precinct data over comprehensive voter file cross-checks. In reporting on electronic voting systems, such as Diebold machines in 2006, Palast highlighted leaked vulnerabilities enabling potential tampering, as detailed in his book Armed Madhouse. While security experts like Princeton researchers validated exploitable flaws in Diebold's AccuVote-TS systems, critics including the Election Assistance Commission argued Palast's implications of widespread 2004 vote flipping lacked , as no forensic audits uncovered altered tallies in contested jurisdictions; post-election hand recounts in matched machine results within minimal discrepancies attributable to , not hacking. Palast's defenders noted his work prompted vendor patches and paper-trail mandates, but detractors viewed it as fearmongering unsubstantiated by chain-of-custody proofs or statistical anomalies in vote shares.

Allegations of bias and sensationalism

Critics, particularly from conservative commentators and election analysts, have accused Palast of partisan bias, arguing that his investigations disproportionately target Republican-led initiatives on voter integrity while overlooking comparable issues under Democratic governance. For example, Palast's extensive focus on voter roll purges in states with Republican secretaries of state, such as Florida in 2000 and Georgia in recent years, is seen as selectively framing routine maintenance of voter lists—required to remove ineligible voters like felons or those who have moved—as deliberate suppression aimed at benefiting conservatives. This perspective holds that Palast's work aligns with left-leaning narratives, as evidenced by his contributions to outlets like The Guardian and Rolling Stone, which share ideological affinities, potentially amplifying unverified partisan angles over balanced empirical assessment. Allegations of center on Palast's rhetorical style and claims that exceed verifiable evidence, such as his assertion in The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (2002) that the 2000 of approximately 57,000 suspected felons systematically disenfranchised Democratic-leaning voters to secure George W. Bush's victory by 537 votes. While the list, compiled by contractor Database Technologies, contained documented errors—including overmatching on names leading to wrongful inclusions of non-felons and restored-rights individuals—the actual number of pre- removals was far lower, estimated at under 2,000 by state audits, with many counties declining to act due to inaccuracies identified in August 2000. Critics contend Palast inflates these flaws into a causal of , ignoring that erroneous purges affected voters across parties and that turnout shows no decisive swing from the limited affected pool; the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights confirmed procedural failures disenfranchising thousands of eligible voters, predominantly minorities, but stopped short of concluding they determined the outcome. Similar critiques apply to Palast's recent claims of massive suppression flipping the 2024 , which skeptics dismiss as overstated based on incomplete matching without for voter or verification rates. These allegations are often voiced in partisan media and online forums rather than peer-reviewed outlets, reflecting broader polarization where Palast's supporters view his exposés as vital checks on power, while detractors see methodological shortcuts—like reliance on cross-state database matches prone to false positives—for dramatic effect. Palast maintains his analyses are data-driven and non-partisan, citing successful lawsuits reinstating voters as validation, though opponents argue such legal wins address errors without proving intent or scale sufficient for claims.

Transparency and methodological challenges

Palast's investigative reports, particularly on voter roll purges, have faced scrutiny for limited transparency in data handling and methodological details. In a September 2020 report co-produced with the ACLU of Georgia, the Palast Investigative Fund claimed that the state erroneously removed 198,351 registrations in 2019, citing a 63% error rate in a sample of 313,243 cancellations based on cross-checks with a USPS-licensed vendor's address database. However, Georgia's Secretary of State office repeatedly requested the release of the underlying dataset and matching criteria to verify the findings, which neither the ACLU nor Palast provided despite initial assurances, leading officials to label the claims as unsubstantiated and potentially misleading. Methodological challenges arise from Palast's frequent reliance on proprietary commercial databases and algorithms for voter analysis, which obscure replicability. For instance, his examinations of interstate voter cross-check programs, such as in a 2016 Rolling Stone article co-authored with Robert F. Kennedy Jr., highlighted error-prone matching that risked disenfranchising eligible voters, but without disclosing specific error thresholds or raw matching logs, critics from state election offices argued that such assessments overstated systematic bias absent peer-reviewed validation or public datasets. Election administrators have countered that Palast's error rate extrapolations fail to account for built-in safeguards, like multi-step confirmation processes before final removal, rendering his projections unverifiable without full methodological disclosure. These issues extend to Palast's broader practice of using anonymous sources and undercover techniques in exposés, as detailed in his books like The Best Democracy Money Can Buy (2002), where claims of corporate and electoral malfeasance rely on protected whistleblowers without corroborating . While such approaches protect informants, they impede independent , prompting accusations from outlets like responses that Palast prioritizes narrative over empirical auditability, particularly in high-stakes contexts where methodological opacity can amplify unverified suppression narratives.

Reception and legacy

Support from aligned perspectives

Investigative journalist praised Palast's 2021 book How Trump Stole 2020, describing it as "a searing indictment of a rigged ." Similarly, endorsements for the work highlight Palast as "the most thorough and incisive journalist on the matter of elections," reflecting admiration from figures aligned with critiques of corporate influence and electoral processes. Palast has garnered support through repeated appearances on Democracy Now!, an independent media outlet focused on progressive issues, where host has interviewed him extensively on voter roll purges and suppression tactics, such as in Georgia ahead of the 2021 Senate runoffs, amplifying his findings to audiences concerned with voting rights disparities. In 2025, Palast collaborated with and Goodman on Protect Your Vote!, a publication aimed at countering perceived electoral manipulations, underscoring alignment with intellectuals skeptical of mainstream power structures. Voting rights organizations have drawn on Palast's research, with the ACLU of Georgia releasing his 2020 report estimating nearly 198,000 erroneous voter purges in the state, using it to challenge state practices and advocate for expanded access. Progressive publications like have lauded his documentaries, such as Vigilantes Inc.: America's New Vote Suppression Hitmen (2024), for exposing private efforts to challenge ballots, framing them as essential muckraking against anti-democratic forces. These endorsements position Palast's work as a key resource for activists combating what they view as systemic barriers disproportionately affecting minority and low-income voters.

Influence on policy and discourse

Palast's investigative reporting on voter roll purges, particularly his 2000 exposure of Florida's flawed felon list that removed an estimated 57,700 names—disproportionately from African American communities—amplified international scrutiny of U.S. election administration practices prior to widespread domestic coverage. This contributed to heightened discourse on potential disenfranchisement, informing narratives in outlets like The Guardian and , where his findings were presented as evidence of targeted exclusion. Advocacy groups subsequently referenced similar purge mechanisms in legal challenges, sustaining debates over voter list maintenance accuracy. In subsequent elections, Palast's work on interstate programs like Crosscheck and state-specific purges in Ohio (2016) and Georgia (2018–2020) shaped activist and media discussions, with his estimates of affected voters—such as over 1 million in Georgia—cited by organizations including the ACLU to critique roll maintenance policies. These reports fueled calls for federal oversight reforms, though they primarily resonated in progressive circles rather than prompting bipartisan legislative action. His analyses, often framing suppression as decisive in outcomes like the 2024 presidential race, have influenced public opinion segments focused on racial disparities in turnout, as evidenced by integrations into civil rights screenings and broadcasts. Direct causal links to policy enactment remain elusive, with Palast's contributions more evident in litigation support—such as Georgia challenges—than in statutes like the Help America Vote Act of 2002, which addressed broader 2000 election issues without explicit reference to his purges-specific findings. Empirical assessments indicate his impact on exceeds tangible reforms, as state-level voting laws post-2000 trended toward stricter ID and protocols amid counter-narratives on prevention.

Empirical evaluations of impact

Palast's investigations into voter purges, particularly the 2000 felon , garnered significant attention but had limited empirically verifiable effects on the outcome. A U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report documented irregularities including erroneous disenfranchisements affecting an estimated 1-2% of voters statewide, but subsequent analyses, such as those by the Caltech/MIT Voting Technology Project, estimated total provisional and absentee ballot disqualifications at around 1.8% without evidence that purges alone exceeded the 537-vote Bush margin or causally altered the result. Palast's reporting, which highlighted over 57,000 names on the purge with errors disproportionately impacting voters, contributed to post-election scrutiny but did not lead to measurable reversals or policy shifts directly attributable to his work; broader reforms like the Help America Vote Act of 2002 addressed machine errors and access more than purge accuracy. In later voter roll maintenance efforts, Palast's exposure of the Interstate Crosscheck program—claiming it wrongly flagged over 7 million voters by 2016, often matching common names across states—prompted legal challenges with some quantifiable outcomes. His reporting was cited by the ACLU in a 2019 lawsuit leading to a 2020 federal court injunction permanently blocking Indiana's use of Crosscheck data for purges, reducing reliance on the system in that state. Similarly, in Georgia, Palast's investigations supported a 2020 settlement in Curling v. Raffensperger, requiring audits and transparency in exact match rejections, though statewide purge volumes remained high at over 500,000 between 2017-2020 per state data. These cases demonstrate targeted methodological constraints but no widespread discontinuation of interstate verification, as 30 states continued using similar tools into 2024 per Election Assistance Commission reports. Assessments of Palast's corporate investigations, such as early warnings on Enron's California energy manipulations in 2001, show indirect awareness-raising without direct causal links to enforcement or financial recoveries. His Guardian articles preceded Enron's by months, detailing off-book entities and profiteering, yet SEC probes and convictions stemmed primarily from internal whistleblowers and Wall Street Journal reporting, with no documented regulatory actions tracing back to Palast's disclosures. Broader impact metrics, like shifts in or public trust, lack empirical quantification; for instance, California's rollback post-crisis correlated more with state legislative responses than journalistic outputs. Quantitative evaluations of Palast's overall influence remain elusive, with no peer-reviewed studies isolating his work's effects on adoption, , or discourse metrics. Citation analyses in voting rights literature show his reports referenced in documents from groups like the Brennan Center, but these do not translate to measurable outcome variances; for example, claimed suppression scales in 2016-2024 elections (e.g., 4.7 million purges per EAC data) persist despite exposures, suggesting limited deterrent effect. Awards like the 2014 Sidney Hillman Prize for Crosscheck reporting affirm niche recognition, yet sales of his books (e.g., over 100,000 copies of "The Best Democracy Money Can Buy") have not correlated with detectable spikes in litigation volumes or legislative reforms beyond incremental state-level tweaks.

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