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Nakota
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| Nakota / Nakoda / Nakona // Îyârhe "ally / friend" // "mountain" | |
|---|---|
| Person | Assiniboine: Nakóda Stoney: Îyethka |
| People | Assiniboine: Nakón Oyáde Stoney: Îyethkabi / Îyethka Oyade |
| Language | Assiniboine: (oral): Nakón Iyábi (sign): Nakón Wíyutabi Stoney: (oral): Îyethka Îabi / wîchoîe (sign): Îyethka Wowîhâ |
| Country | Assiniboine: Nakón Mąkóce Stoney: Îyethka Makóce |
Nakota (or Nakoda or Nakona)[1] is the endonym used by those Native peoples of North America who usually go by the name of Assiniboine (or Hohe), in the United States, and of Stoney, in Canada.
The Assiniboine branched off from the Great Sioux Nation (aka the Oceti Sakowin) long ago and moved further west from the original territory in the woodlands of what is now Minnesota into the northern and northwestern regions of Montana and North Dakota in the United States, and Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta in Canada. In each of the Western Siouan language dialects, nakota, dakota and lakota all mean "friend".[citation needed]
Linguistic history
[edit]Historically, the tribes belonging to the Sioux nation known as the Oceti Sakowin (Seven Council Fires) have generally been classified into three large regional groups:[2]
- Lakota (Thítȟuŋwaŋ; anglicized as Teton), who form the westernmost group;
- Eastern Dakota (Isáŋyathi; anglicized as Santee), consisting of the four eastern bands: Mdewakanton, Sisseton, Wahpeton, Wahpekute;
- Western Dakota (Wičhíyena), previously designated the Nakota, consisting of the two central bands: Yankton and Yanktonai.
The Assiniboine separated from the Yankton-Yanktonai grouping around 1640.[3] All tribes of Sioux use the term Dakóta, or Lakóta, to designate those who speak one of the Dakota/Lakota dialects, except the Assiniboine. The latter include themselves under the term Nakóta.[4]
For a long time, very few scholars criticized this classification. Among the first was the Yankton/Lakota scholar Ella Deloria.[4]
In 1978, Douglas R. Parks, A. Wesley Jones, David S. Rood, and Raymond J. DeMallie engaged in systematic linguistic research at the Sioux and Assiniboine reservations to establish the precise dialectology of the Sioux language.[5] They ascertained that both the Santee and the Yankton/Yanktonai referred (and refer) to themselves by the autonym Dakota. The name of Nakota (or Nakoda) was (and is) exclusive usage of the Assiniboine and of their Canadian relatives, the Stoney. The subsequent academic literature, however, especially if it is not produced by linguistic specialists, has seldom reflected Parks and DeMallie's work.[6][7] The change cannot be regarded as a subsequent terminological regression caused by the fact that Yankton-Yanktonai people lived together with the Santee in the same reserves.[8]
Currently, the groups refer to themselves as follows in their mother tongues:
- Dakota people – Dakota, Santee, Yankton and Yanktonai
- Lakota people – Lakota or Teton Sioux
- Nakota – the Assiniboine[9] and the Stoney[9]
Present trends
[edit]Recently the Assiniboine and, especially, the Stoney have begun to minimize the historic separation from the Dakota, claiming a shared identity with the broader Sioux Nation. This can be seen on Alberta's Stoney official Internet sites, for example, in the self-designation of the Alexis Nakota Sioux First Nation,[10] or in the claim of the Nakoda people to their Sioux ancestry and the value of their native language: "As descendants of the great Sioux nations, the Stoney tribal members of today prefer to conduct their conversation and tribal business in the Siouan mother tongue".[11] Saskatchewan's Assiniboine and Stoney tribes also claim identification with the Sioux tradition.[12]
The Assiniboine-Stoney tribes have supported recent "pan-Sioux" attempts to revive the native languages. Their representatives attend the annual "Lakota, Dakota, Nakota Language Summits." Since 2008, these have been sponsored by Tusweca Tiospaye (Dragonfly Community), the Lakota non-profit organization for the promotion and strengthening of the language.[13] They promote a mission of "Uniting the Seven Council Fires to Save the Language".[14]
Notes
[edit]- ^ For the usage of the term "nakona" by Fort Peck's Assiniboine, cf. http://fpcctalkindian.nativeweb.org/ and http://www.neh.gov/grants/guidelines/hisamples/HI-TCU-FortPeck.pdf Archived 2011-06-15 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ See, as examples, Frederick W. Hodge (ed.), Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, 2 Pts./vols., Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30, Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, U.S. GPO, 1907/1910 (1:376), and Robert H. Lowie, Indians of the plains, American Museum of Natural History. Anthropological Handbook 1, New York: McGraw Hill, 1954 (8)
- ^ "The Assiniboine". Fort Union Trading Post National Historic Site (U.S. National Park Service). April 24, 2021. Retrieved August 8, 2023.
- ^ a b The inaccuracy of the scheme was also discussed, in 1976, in Patricia A. Shaw's PhD Dissertation, Dakota Phonology and Morphology, University of Toronto (cited by Parks & Rankin, p. 97). For a non-linguist point of view, cf. also E. S. Curtis (The North ... , vol. 3, The Teton Sioux. The Yanktonai. The Assiniboin, p. 142 [1])
- ^ A summary of the research can be found in Parks/DeMallie, 1992.
- ^ See the works by G. E. Gibbon and J. D. Palmer cited among the sources of the present article or Paul B. Neck's book about Dakota chief Inkpaduta (Inkpaduta. Dakota Leader, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 2008, ISBN 978-0-8061-3950-0)
- ^ Raymond DeMallie reports that the word 'nakota' had "become a symbol of self-identification for Yankton and Yanktonai young people that distinguished them from the Santee-Sisseton and Teton ..." ("Sioux ...", p. 750).
- ^ A like thesis is held by James H. Howard. While admitting that, in modern times, all the oriental and central Sioux groups use the term Dakhóta to designate themselves (and the whole nation), he suggests that the form Nakhóta has just "fallen into disuse'" among the Yankton and the Yanktonai (The Canadian ... , p. 4)
- ^ a b The endonym includes both the Assiniboine/Stoney and the Lakota/Dakota.
- ^ Cf. http://www.alexisnakotasioux.com/
- ^ Cf. "Bearspaw, Chiniki, Wesley Nakoda Nations (Stoney)". Treaty 7 Nations. Archived from the original on 2017-10-16. Retrieved 2017-10-15.
- ^ Cf. "Hohe Nakoda History & Background". Saskatchewan Indigenous Cultural Centre. Archived from the original on 2011-09-27. Retrieved 2013-02-12.. According to the Saskatchewan Indian Cultural Centre (SICC), some elder Stoney say they can understand Lakota better than Assiniboine. They believe they may be "Rocky Mountains Sioux" rather than descendants of the Hohe ("Rebels," as the Assiniboine used to be called).
- ^ Thuswéčha Thióšpaye
- ^ Cf. "Lakota Dakota Nakota Language Summit". Tusweca Tiospaye : Uniting the Seven Council Fires to Save Our Language. Archived from the original on 2009-08-13. Retrieved 2009-10-01.. The Lakota promoters acknowledge a common origin with the Nakota peoples: 2008's Language Summit was an effort to unite the Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota ("Sioux") oyate (peoples) in both the United States and Canada to revive the Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota languages. In the program of the 2009 summit, the list of the tribes forming the "Seven Council Fires" included the Assiniboine and Stoney in the "Fire" of the Yanktonai. (This was the group from which they are said to have separated historically.) Later, the two Nakota tribes were shifted to the end of the list. The wording, "Also includes the Stoney and Assiniboine People," was retained.2009 Summit Archived 2009-12-11 at the Wayback Machine
Sources
[edit]- Curtis, Edward Sheriff, The North American Indian : being a series of volumes picturing and describing the Indians of the United States, and Alaska (written, illustrated, and published by Edward S. Curtis; edited by Frederick Webb Hodge), Seattle, E. S. Curtis [Cambridge, Mass. : The University Press], 1907–1930, 20 v. (Northwestern University)
- DeMallie, Raymond J., "Sioux until 1850"; in Raymond J. DeMallie (ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Plains (Vol. 13, Part 2, p. 718–760), William C. Sturtevant (Gen. Ed.), Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., 2001 (ISBN 0-16-050400-7)
- Guy E. Gibbon, The Sioux: the Dakota and Lakota nations, Malden, Blackwell Publishers, 2003 (ISBN 1557865663)
- Howard, James H., The Canadian Sioux, Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 1984 (ISBN 0-8032-2327-7)
- Lewis, M. Paul (ed.), 2009. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition, Tex.: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/
- Palmer, Jessica D., The Dakota peoples: a history of the Dakota, Lakota, and Nakota through 1863. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2008 (ISBN 0786431776)
- Parks, Douglas R., DeMallie, Raymond J., "Sioux, Assiniboine and Stoney Dialects: A Classification", Anthropological Linguistics, Special Issue, Florence M. Voegelin Memorial Volume, Vol. 34:1-4 (Spring - Winter, 1992), pp. 233–255 (accessible online at JSTORE.
- Parks, Douglas R. & Rankin, Robert L., "The Siouan languages", in Raymond J. DeMallie (ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Plains (Vol. 13, Part 1, p. 94–114), William C. Sturtevant (gen. ed.), Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 2001.
- Christopher Westhorp, Pocket guide to native Americans, Salamander Books, Londra, 1993 (ISBN 1856000230) – Italian edition consulted: Indiani. I Pellerossa Tribù per Tribù, Idealibri, Milan, 1993 (ISBN 88-7082-254-0).
Nakota
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Terminology and Classification
Etymology of Nakota
The term Nakota functions as the autonym for the Yankton and Yanktonai subgroups of the Sioux, denoting their self-designation in the Nakota dialect of the Siouan languages.[11] This word is cognate with Dakota (spoken by eastern Sioux groups) and Lakota (spoken by western Teton groups), all sharing a semantic core meaning "friend," "ally," or "one who considers another as friendly."[5][12] The distinctive /n/ initial sound in Nakota (as opposed to /d/ in Dakota and /l/ in Lakota) reflects systematic phonological correspondences across the dialects, stemming from innovations in the Mississippi Valley branch of the Siouan family where proto-d underwent nasalization in the Nakota varieties.[11][13] Alternative spellings such as Nakoda or Nakhota appear in historical and linguistic records, often tied to the Yankton pronunciation, while Nakoda may also denote Assiniboine and Stoney speakers whose dialect preserves similar /n/ forms but diverged earlier from the core Sioux continuum.[11] These variations underscore the fluid dialectal boundaries rather than discrete linguistic separations, with no evidence of a separate etymological origin beyond the shared Siouan autonym.[13] The term's application to specific peoples postdates pre-contact oral traditions, emerging prominently in 19th-century ethnographies as Europeans documented dialectal differences.[5]Relation to Sioux Dialect Continuum
The Nakota language constitutes one of the three primary dialects within the Sioux language complex, alongside Dakota and Lakota, forming a dialect continuum spoken by the Oceti Sakowin confederacy across the northern Great Plains. This continuum reflects gradual phonological and lexical variations tied to geographic separation, with high mutual intelligibility among speakers; for instance, the self-referential term meaning "allies" or "friendly" appears as dakóta in eastern Dakota dialects, lakȯ́ta in western Lakota, and nakȯ́ta in central Nakota, stemming from proto-Siouan d reflexes that shifted to /d/, /l/, and /n/ respectively over centuries of divergence. Nakota is principally associated with the Yankton and Yanktonai subgroups, occupying intermediate territories between Dakota heartlands in Minnesota and the Dakotas and Lakota ranges in the western Plains.[5][14] Linguistically, the Sioux dialects, including Nakota, belong to the Mississippi Valley branch of the Siouan family, exhibiting shared grammatical structures such as subject-object-verb word order, polysynthetic verb morphology, and extensive use of enclitics for tense and evidentiality. The continuum's coherence is evidenced by historical records from the 19th century, where traders and missionaries noted comprehensible communication across dialect boundaries, though comprehension decreases with distance—e.g., Santee Dakota speakers in the east understanding Yanktonai Nakota more readily than Teton Lakota in the west. This setup parallels other Indigenous North American continua, where isolation by terrain and migration patterns fosters subdialects without full linguistic rupture.[15] The broader continuum incorporates Assiniboine and Stoney (often labeled Nakoda), which branched from Sioux proper around the 17th century amid westward migrations, introducing further innovations like additional vowel shifts and vocabulary borrowings from Algonquian neighbors, yet retaining core Siouan typology. Scholarly classifications emphasize this extended chain over rigid dialect tripartition, cautioning that "Nakota" as applied to Yankton-Yanktonai may overstate the /n/-shift prevalence, as their phonology often preserves /d/-like or affricated variants (e.g., /t/ or /č/) rather than consistent /n/, a pattern more pronounced in Assiniboine-Stoney; this nomenclature emerged prominently in 20th-century ethnolinguistic revival efforts rather than pre-contact self-appellation. Such nuances underscore the continuum's dynamic evolution, influenced by oral transmission and limited early documentation.[15]Peoples Associated with Nakota
Historical Subgroups and Migrations
The Nakota-speaking peoples, comprising the middle division of the Oceti Sakowin, consist primarily of two historical bands: the Yankton (Ihanktunwan, "those who dwell at the end of the village") and the Yanktonai (Ihanktunwanna, "little ones who dwell at the end of the village").[16] These bands differentiated from the eastern Dakota groups through distinct settlement practices in semi-permanent villages, where families positioned at the camp circle's periphery formed the basis for band identity.[17] The Yanktonai further subdivided into the Upper Yanktonai (Ihanktonwana, northern-oriented bands) and Lower Yanktonai (Ihanktowana), reflecting geographic and adaptive variations in hunting territories.[17][18] Ancestral to these subgroups, the proto-Sioux inhabited the upper Mississippi Valley woodlands, including southern Minnesota and adjacent areas, prior to the 17th century, relying on wild rice harvesting, maize agriculture, and seasonal hunts.[19] Pressures from Ojibwe expansion—facilitated by French-supplied firearms—and the westward draw of expanding bison herds prompted the initial divergence of Yankton-Yanktonai groups in the mid-17th century, marking the first wave of Sioux migration onto the prairies.[20] This movement separated them from the Santee Dakota, who remained more eastern, while positioning the Nakota bands intermediately before the later Lakota advance.[20] By the early 18th century, the Yankton had consolidated in southeastern South Dakota along the James River and lower Missouri, establishing fortified villages and controlling trade routes for bison products.[19] The Yanktonai, originating from pre-1800 territories in southern Minnesota, extended into the Drift Prairies of southern North Dakota and eastern South Dakota, adapting to nomadic bison pursuits with increased mobility after acquiring horses around 1730.[18][21] Upper Yanktonai bands pushed northward toward Devils Lake and the Red River by the late 1700s, while Lower Yanktonai trailed the Lakota westward, reaching areas between the Red and Missouri Rivers by the early 1800s amid escalating intertribal competitions.[18][19] These shifts solidified Nakota subgroups' central positions but exposed them to early European influences, including smallpox epidemics in the 1780s that reduced Yankton populations by an estimated 50%.[16]Distinction from Dakota and Lakota Groups
The primary distinction among the Nakota, Dakota, and Lakota lies in their dialects of the Sioux language, which form a continuum with mutual intelligibility but systematic phonological differences. Nakota speakers replace intervocalic /d/ with /n/ (e.g., self-referring as Nakóta meaning "allies"), whereas Dakota speakers retain /d/ (Dakóta) and Lakota speakers shift it to /l/ (Lakóta).[5] This variation emerged from geographic separation and gradual divergence within the Oceti Sakowin alliance, with no evidence of fundamental cultural or genetic divides separating them as distinct peoples prior to European contact.[14] Tribal subgroups further delineate these categories: the Dakota include eastern bands such as the Santee (Bdewakantunwan, Wahpetonwan, Wahpekute, and Sissetonwan), who historically inhabited areas east of the Missouri River in present-day Minnesota, eastern South Dakota, and Nebraska.[22] In contrast, the Lakota encompass the western Teton divisions (Oglala, Brulé, Hunkpapa, Miniconjou, Sans Arc, Two Kettle, and Blackfeet Sioux), dominant in the western Dakotas and Montana following 18th-century expansions westward.[14] Nakota affiliation centers on the central Yankton and Yanktonai bands, who occupied intermediate territories along the Missouri River in South Dakota and North Dakota, with the Assiniboine (Nakoda speakers) branching off northward into Montana and Canada around the late 17th century due to intertribal conflicts and resource pressures.[14] Historically, these groups maintained unity through the Seven Council Fires council but diverged in migrations: Dakota remained more stationary in woodland-prairie interfaces until displaced by U.S. expansion post-1862, while Lakota pursued nomadic bison hunting on the high plains, achieving military prominence in conflicts like the 1876 Battle of Little Bighorn. Nakota bands, positioned centrally, experienced hybrid lifestyles blending agriculture and hunting, with Yanktonai engaging in earlier alliances with traders and later resistances, such as the 1862 uprising alongside Dakota.[5][14] Population estimates from 19th-century records indicate Nakota as the smallest division, with Yankton numbering around 2,500 and Yanktonai about 4,000 by the 1880s, compared to larger Dakota and Lakota aggregates, reflecting their intermediary role without the expansive territorial claims of Lakota or the early reservation consolidations of Dakota. Culturally, distinctions are minimal and overlaid by shared practices like the Sun Dance and pipe ceremonies, though Nakota groups exhibited slightly less emphasis on the large-scale horse-mounted warfare that defined Lakota identity after acquiring equestrianism from Spanish introductions circa 1730.[14] Linguistic evidence from 19th-century ethnographies confirms the dialect continuum's continuity, with no isolated "Nakota" innovations warranting separate classification beyond phonology, countering some academic overemphasizes on rigid tribal boundaries that may stem from post-contact administrative categorizations by U.S. agents.[5]Linguistic Features
Phonology and Dialectal Variations
The Nakota language, spoken primarily by the Assiniboine people, features a consonant inventory of 27 phonemes, encompassing plain stops (/p, t, k/), voiced stops (/b, d, g/), aspirated stops (/pʰ, tʰ, kʰ/), ejective stops (/p', t', k'/), affricates (/t͡s, t͡ʃ/) and their aspirated and ejective counterparts, fricatives (/s, ʃ, x, h/), nasals (/m, n, ŋ/), lateral (/l/), glides (/w, j/), and glottal stop (/?/). A defining phonological characteristic distinguishing Nakota from the Dakota and Lakota dialects is the merger of voiceless and voiced stops, where contrasts such as /p/ versus /b/ are neutralized in pronunciation, reducing functional distinctions present in the broader Siouan continuum.[23][24] The vowel system comprises five oral vowels (/a, e, i, o, u/), often with length contrasts, and three nasal vowels (/ã, ĩ, ũ/), subject to processes like nasal harmony and assimilation influenced by adjacent consonants. Syllable structure is typically (C)V(C), with stress patterns favoring penultimate syllables, and phonotactic rules prohibit certain consonant clusters, such as *tl or *kw in onset positions. Ejective consonants and aspiration serve phonemic roles, as in minimal pairs differentiating meaning through articulatory force.[23] Dialectal variations within Nakota primarily manifest between Assiniboine proper (spoken in the United States and parts of Canada) and Stoney (Nakoda, spoken mainly in Alberta), with Stoney exhibiting greater lexical and phonological divergence, including innovations in vowel quality and consonant lenition that approach mutual unintelligibility in some registers. Assiniboine dialects show internal divisions, such as between Fort Peck and other Plains bands, involving subtle shifts in fricative realization (e.g., /s/ versus /ʃ/ variability) and nasal vowel duration, as documented in comparative analyses tracing innovations from a shared proto-Nakoda stage. These variations reflect geographic separation and historical contact, with Stoney preserving archaic features like distinct resonant series amid ongoing simplification.[25][26]Grammar and Vocabulary Specifics
Nakota grammar, like that of related Siouan languages, is polysynthetic and verb-centered, with intricate morphology encoding subject, object, tense, aspect, and evidentiality through prefixes, infixes, and suffixes. Verbs exhibit a split-intransitive system, where active intransitives follow nominative-accusative alignment using Type 1 affixes (e.g., wa- for first-person singular subject in "I walk," rendered as wa-mani), while stative intransitives employ Type 2 affixes akin to ergative-absolutive patterns, mirroring transitive object markers (e.g., ma- for first-person singular in "I fall," as ma-hirhpa).[27] Transitive verbs integrate Type 1 subject prefixes with Type 2 object prefixes (e.g., "I hit him" as a-ø-wa-pi), and plurality often attaches via suffixes like bi for third-person forms or animate-specific markers such as wîcha.[27] Motion verbs form a distinctive closed semantic subsystem distinguishing coming (híŋkȟa) from going (yá), with path and manner incorporated into stems, a pattern conserved across Siouan dialects but analyzed uniquely in Nakota varieties.[28] Nouns feature possessive prefixes (e.g., mi- for "my"), diminutives, and classifiers tied to animacy or shape, while syntax favors verb-initial order with postpositional phrases and enclitics for discourse functions like focus or interrogation. Kinship terminology employs a classificatory system differentiating lineal from collateral relatives, with gender-neutral terms adapting via context.[28] Vocabulary shares a core lexicon with Dakota and Lakota, reflecting the dialect continuum, but Nakota variants emphasize n-initial forms over d- or l- (e.g., náȟča for "three" in Yankton Nakota versus Lakota tȟáŋka). Revitalization materials organize terms thematically—spanning body parts, flora, fauna, and kinship—grouping by roots to reveal derivational patterns, such as motion roots extending to abstract concepts. Dialectal lexical divergence remains minor, with innovations often borrowed from English or Cree in Assiniboine-influenced Nakoda subgroups, yet preserving Siouan compounding for novel terms.[29][30]Historical Context
Pre-Columbian Origins
The Nakota people, primarily comprising the Yankton and Yanktonai subgroups of the Sioux (Oceti Sakowin), trace their pre-Columbian origins to proto-Siouan populations in the upper Mississippi River valley and Great Lakes region, encompassing present-day Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, and Iowa. These ancestral groups maintained a semi-sedentary lifestyle centered on riverine villages, where they cultivated maize, beans, and squash; hunted deer, elk, and small game; and gathered wild rice and other resources. This Woodland-period adaptation, spanning roughly 500 BCE to 1000 CE, reflected a balanced economy suited to the deciduous forests and prairies transition zone, with evidence of trade networks extending to copper from the Great Lakes and shells from the Gulf Coast.[31][22] Archaeological findings link these early Siouan speakers to the Oneota cultural complex, which emerged around 900 CE and persisted until approximately 1650 CE, featuring shell-tempered ceramics, large village sites with palisade fortifications, and intensified maize horticulture alongside bison hunting as groups shifted westward. Sites such as those in the Red Wing locality of Minnesota demonstrate continuity in material culture and subsistence patterns that align with linguistic evidence for the Siouan dialect continuum, including proto-forms of Nakota speech. Population estimates for these ancestral communities vary, but regional densities suggest clusters of several thousand individuals organized in kin-based bands.[32][31] In the centuries immediately preceding European contact, the Yankton and Yanktonai ancestors diverged from eastern Dakota groups, migrating toward the prairie-woodland ecotone in what is now eastern South Dakota and southern Minnesota. This movement, driven by resource competition and environmental shifts favoring bison herds, positioned them along tributaries of the Missouri River, where they established seasonal camps and fortified settlements. Oral traditions preserved among descendant communities describe this era as one of alliance formation within the Oceti Sakowin confederacy, emphasizing kinship ties and shared rituals amid intertribal pressures from Algonquian neighbors. By circa 1400–1500 CE, these proto-Nakota bands exhibited dialectal distinctions in phonology—such as the nak- prefix for first-person plural—foreshadowing their later cultural separation from Santee Dakota to the east and Teton Lakota to the west.[33][18]European Contact and Early Interactions
The Nakota-speaking Yankton and Yanktonai bands, inhabiting regions along the upper Missouri River and adjacent prairies by the late 18th century, engaged in initial fur trade interactions with French and British traders who ventured westward from the Great Lakes and Mississippi Valley. These exchanges introduced metal tools, firearms, and cloth in return for beaver pelts and buffalo robes, fostering economic dependencies and altering traditional hunting practices among the groups. Traders such as Pierre Dorion, Sr., a French-Canadian voyageur, integrated deeply by marrying Yankton women around 1792 and establishing trading posts, which facilitated ongoing commerce and cultural exchange prior to American ascendancy following the Louisiana Purchase in 1803.[34] A pivotal documented encounter occurred during the Lewis and Clark Expedition on August 27–31, 1804, when the Corps of Discovery camped near Calumet Bluff (present-day Yankton, South Dakota) and convened a formal council with Yankton leaders, including Chief Black Buffalo's brother. Expedition members presented medals, flags, and other gifts while delivering speeches promoting peace, trade with the United States, and alliances against rival tribes like the Arikara; in response, Yankton representatives smoked the peace pipe, requested rifles and ammunition for defense, and expressed willingness to facilitate American commerce along the Missouri. This interaction highlighted the Yankton's strategic position in riverine trade networks and their adaptation to European diplomatic protocols.[35][36] Subsequent early American efforts emphasized treaties to regulate trade and land use, with the Yankton signing the Treaty of Portage des Sioux on June 19, 1815, affirming peace after the War of 1812 and pledging fidelity to the United States in exchange for protection and annuities. These interactions, while initially cooperative, sowed seeds of territorial encroachment, as American traders increasingly competed with British influences and pushed for concessions amid growing settler pressures. For the Assiniboine, another Nakota-speaking group that had diverged eastward into Canadian prairies, contacts began earlier with French explorer Pierre Gaultier de La Vérendrye in the 1730s–1740s, involving alliances against the Dakota and Cree, though these were more alliance-oriented than the trade-focused engagements of the Yanktonai.[37]Cultural and Social Aspects
Traditional Practices and Warfare
The Nakota, comprising the Yankton and Yanktonai bands, maintained a semi-nomadic lifestyle centered on buffalo hunting as the primary subsistence activity, with seasonal migrations to follow herds and gather resources. Buffalo provided food through fresh meat consumption and preserved forms like pemmican, as well as materials for tipis, clothing, and tools; hunts involved communal drives, such as pushing herds off bluffs into rivers for easier killing.[38] Women processed hides using brains, fat, and liver pastes for tanning, while also engaging in quillwork and later beadwork featuring geometric patterns like rectangles and triangles, often created in specialized guilds.[39] Housing consisted of buffalo-hide tipis or bark lodges, erected by women, and clothing included deerskin robes, leggings, and quill-decorated moccasins.[38] Social organization revolved around kinship groups known as tiyospaye, which dictated daily interactions, resource sharing, and values like respect for elders.[39] Spiritual practices emphasized harmony with Wakan Tanka (the Great Spirit) and reciprocity with nature, featuring ceremonies such as the hanbdeceya vision quest, where young men fasted and used sweat lodges for purification and guidance.[38] The sacred pipe ritual, taught by White Buffalo Calf Woman, was central to prayers and decision-making, often using red pipestone pipes adorned with eagle feathers.[38] Sun Dances involved communal renewal through dance and self-sacrifice, while giveaways (wopila) honored achievements or the deceased; these were suppressed under U.S. policies until revival in the late 20th century.[39] The akicita warrior societies enforced camp discipline and organized hunts via soldiers' lodges, blending spiritual and practical roles.[38] Nakota warfare focused on raids for prestige, horses, and defense of hunting territories rather than large-scale annihilation, aligning with broader Plains traditions of outsmarting foes through mobility after acquiring horses around the 18th century.[17] Tactics emphasized bravery via "counting coup"—touching an enemy with a coup stick or hand without killing, which ranked higher in honor than scalping or death inflicted, as it demonstrated superior skill and proximity in combat.[40] Warriors, selected by akicita groups, conducted hit-and-run raids against rivals like the Ojibwe, Arikara, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Assiniboine to protect expansive hunting ranges from Granite Falls to the Missouri River.[38] Unlike the more militant Lakota, Nakota bands, positioned as prairie intermediaries, prioritized diplomacy with Europeans and avoided major uprisings, though they faced intertribal clashes and occasional U.S. violence, such as the 1862 attack on Yankton hunters at Fort Randall.[39] Intermarriage, trade, and warfare influenced cultural exchanges, incorporating curved floral motifs into Nakota art from eastern interactions.[41]Intertribal Relations and Conflicts
The Nakota, consisting of the Yankton and Yanktonai bands, maintained cooperative relations within the Oceti Sakowin (Seven Council Fires) confederacy, sharing linguistic, kinship, and territorial ties with the Dakota and Lakota divisions despite dialectal distinctions.[1] These alliances facilitated mutual defense and resource sharing across the Plains, though subgroups occasionally competed over annuity distributions from U.S. treaties, with Yankton and Yanktonai leaders claiming eastern Santee bands had appropriated funds and property rightfully theirs.[42] Prior to their westward expansion in the 1700s, the Nakota engaged in protracted conflicts with Algonquian tribes in Minnesota, including the Ojibwe—who derogatorily named them "Nadouessioux" (little snakes)—and Cree, over hunting grounds and wild rice territories; these wars displaced Nakota bands southward and westward.[1] The Assiniboine, who originated as a Nakota splinter group in the 16th century before migrating north, represented an early schism but did not lead to sustained enmity.[1] On the Plains, Yanktonai bands clashed with sedentary Missouri River tribes such as the Arikara, Mandan, and Hidatsa, conducting raids on villages to disrupt trade dominance and secure horses and captives; these hostilities intensified as Sioux groups acquired equestrian mobility and challenged upstream control of bison hunting and commerce routes.[43] [44] Antagonism extended to the Pawnee in the central Plains, involving territorial incursions and retaliatory strikes over Republican River Valley hunting lands, though Yankton—more settled along the Missouri—participated less aggressively than nomadic Lakota counterparts.[45] [46] 19th-century dynamics revealed fractures within the Sioux: during the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862, the Yankton allied with federal forces against rebellious Santee Dakota, isolating themselves from kin and prompting claims for restitution of horses and goods stolen by "hostile bands."[47] [42] Conversely, some Upper Yanktonai joined Santee and Teton in battles like Big Mound (July 1863), where U.S. troops defeated the coalition, highlighting band-level autonomy in intertribal alignments.[48] Treaties such as those in 1865 obligated Yanktonai to mediate disputes with non-Sioux tribes, underscoring efforts to stabilize relations amid U.S. expansion.[49]Modern Developments
Demographic Distribution
The Nakota people, consisting of the Yankton and Yanktonai bands of the Western Dakota (Sioux), are distributed across several reservations in South Dakota and North Dakota, with significant off-reservation populations in urban areas of the Midwest. Enrolled membership in Nakota-affiliated tribes totals approximately 25,000–30,000 individuals, though precise counts vary due to interband marriages and shared tribal affiliations in multi-dialect reservations like Standing Rock. Many Nakota descendants live off-reservation, contributing to broader Sioux demographic trends where over 60% of enrolled members reside outside reservation boundaries, often in cities such as Sioux Falls, Rapid City, and Minneapolis–Saint Paul.[50][51] The Yankton band is centered on the Yankton Sioux Tribe's reservation in southeastern South Dakota, spanning about 685 square miles along the Missouri River. This tribe reports 11,594 enrolled members as of recent tribal records, with roughly 6,600 residents on the reservation itself according to U.S. Census data from the 2010s. The population density is higher near Marty and Lake Andes communities, where traditional lands support agriculture and limited gaming enterprises.[50][52] Yanktonai bands are more dispersed. The Lower Yanktonai primarily affiliate with the Crow Creek Sioux Tribe on the Crow Creek Reservation in central South Dakota (Buffalo and Hyde counties), with an estimated enrollment of 4,600 members across 421 square miles; reservation population hovers around 1,600–2,200. Nearby, the Lower Brule Sioux Tribe on the Lower Brule Reservation (also central South Dakota) includes Lower Yanktonai members among its approximately 3,400 enrolled individuals, with a reservation population of about 1,600 in 130 square miles focused on Missouri River valley communities.[51][53][54] Upper Yanktonai are concentrated at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation, straddling North and South Dakota along the Missouri River (3,572 square miles total), where they form a substantial portion of the tribe's 16,102 enrolled members, particularly in North Dakota communities like Fort Yates and Cannon Ball. Tribal demographics indicate Yanktonai predominance in the northern districts, comprising perhaps 40–50% of local enrolled populations based on historical band allocations, though exact breakdowns are not publicly itemized due to integrated governance. Smaller Upper Yanktonai groups appear at Spirit Lake (Devils Lake) Sioux Reservation in North Dakota and Cheyenne River Sioux Reservation in South Dakota.[55][56]| Band | Primary Reservation | Enrolled Members (approx.) | Reservation Location | Key Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Yankton | Yankton | 11,594 | SE South Dakota | Missouri River focus; agriculture dominant |
| Lower Yanktonai | Crow Creek | 4,600 | Central South Dakota | Includes Hunkpati Oyate; ~1,600 on-res |
| Lower Yanktonai | Lower Brule | 3,400 | Central South Dakota | Kul Wicasa Oyate; gaming and farming |
| Upper Yanktonai | Standing Rock | Portion of 16,102 | ND/SD border | Multi-dialect; Yanktonai in ND side |