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Vowel
Vowel
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A vowel is a speech sound pronounced without any stricture in the vocal tract.[1] Vowels are one of the two principal classes of speech sounds, the other being the consonant. Vowels vary in quality, loudness, and length. They are usually voiced and are closely involved in prosodic variation such as tone, intonation and stress. The nucleus, or "center", of a syllable typically consists of a vowel sound (though this is not always the case).

The word vowel comes from the Latin word vocalis, meaning "vocal" (i.e. relating to the voice).[2] In English, the word vowel is commonly used to refer both to vowel sounds and to the written symbols that represent them: ⟨a⟩, ⟨e⟩, ⟨i⟩, ⟨o⟩, ⟨u⟩, and sometimes ⟨y⟩, and ⟨w⟩.[3]

An idealized schematic of vowel space, based on the formants of Daniel Jones and John Wells pronouncing the cardinal vowels of the IPA. The scale is logarithmic. The grey range is where F2 would be less than F1, which by definition is impossible. [a] is an extra-low central vowel. Phonemically it may be front or back, depending on the language. Rounded vowels that are front in tongue position are front-central in formant space, while unrounded vowels that are back in articulation are back-central in formant space. Thus [y ɯ] have perhaps similar F1 and F2 values to the high central vowels ʉ], being distinguished by rounding (F3); similarly ɤ] vs central ɵ] and ʌ] vs central ɞ].

Definition

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There are two complementary definitions of vowel, one phonetic and the other phonological.

  • In the phonetic definition, a vowel is a sound, such as the English "ah" /ɑː/ or "oh" //, produced with an open vocal tract; it is median (the air escapes along the middle of the tongue), oral (at least some of the airflow must escape through the mouth), frictionless and continuant.[4] There is no significant build-up of air pressure at any point above the glottis. This contrasts with consonants, such as the English "sh" [ʃ], which have a constriction or closure at some point along the vocal tract.
  • In the phonological definition, a vowel is defined as syllabic, the sound that forms the peak of a syllable.[5] A phonetically equivalent but non-syllabic sound is a semivowel. In oral languages, phonetic vowels normally form the peak (nucleus) of many or all syllables, whereas consonants form the onset and (in languages that have them) coda. Some languages allow other sounds to form the nucleus of a syllable, such as the syllabic (i.e., vocalic) l in the English word table [ˈtʰeɪ.bl̩] (when not considered to have a weak vowel sound: [ˈtʰeɪ.bəl]) or the syllabic r in the Serbo-Croatian word vrt [ʋr̩̂t] "garden".

The phonetic definition of "vowel" (i.e. a sound produced with no constriction in the vocal tract) does not always match the phonological definition (i.e. a sound that forms the peak of a syllable).[6] The approximants [j] and [w] illustrate this: both are without much of a constriction in the vocal tract (so phonetically they seem to be vowel-like), but they occur at the onset of syllables (e.g. in "yet" and "wet") which suggests that phonologically they are consonants. A similar debate arises over whether a word like bird in a rhotic dialect has an r-colored vowel /ɝ/ or a syllabic consonant /ɹ̩/. The American linguist Kenneth Pike (1943) suggested the terms "vocoid" for a phonetic vowel and "vowel" for a phonological vowel,[7] so using this terminology, [j] and [w] are classified as vocoids but not vowels. However, Maddieson and Emmory (1985) demonstrated from a range of languages that semivowels are produced with a narrower constriction of the vocal tract than vowels, and so may be considered consonants on that basis.[8] Nonetheless, the phonetic and phonemic definitions would still conflict for the syllabic /l/ in table or the syllabic nasals in button and rhythm.

Articulation

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X-rays of Daniel Jones' [i, u, a, ɑ]
The original vowel quadrilateral, from Jones' articulation. The vowel trapezoid of the modern IPA, and at the top of this article, is a simplified rendition of this diagram. The bullets are the cardinal vowel points. (A parallel diagram covers the front and central rounded and back unrounded vowels.) The cells indicate the ranges of articulation that could reasonably be transcribed with those cardinal vowel letters, [i, e, ɛ, a, ɑ, ɔ, o, u, ɨ], and non-cardinal [ə]. If a language distinguishes fewer than these vowel qualities, [e, ɛ] could be merged to ⟨e⟩, [o, ɔ] to ⟨o⟩, [a, ɑ] to ⟨a⟩, etc. If a language distinguishes more, ⟨ɪ⟩ could be added where the ranges of [i, e, ɨ, ə] intersect, ⟨ʊ⟩ where [u, o, ɨ, ə] intersect, and ⟨ɐ⟩ where [ɛ, ɔ, a, ɑ, ə] intersect.

The traditional view of vowel production, reflected for example in the terminology and presentation of the International Phonetic Alphabet, is one of articulatory features that determine a vowel's quality as distinguishing it from other vowels. Daniel Jones developed the cardinal vowel system to describe vowels in terms of the features of tongue height (vertical dimension), tongue backness (horizontal dimension) and roundedness (lip articulation). These three parameters are indicated in the schematic quadrilateral IPA vowel diagram on the right. There are additional features of vowel quality, such as the velum position (nasality), type of vocal fold vibration (phonation), and tongue root position.

This conception of vowel articulation has been known to be inaccurate since 1928. Peter Ladefoged has said that "early phoneticians... thought they were describing the highest point of the tongue, but they were not. They were actually describing formant frequencies."[9] (See below.) The IPA Handbook concedes that "the vowel quadrilateral must be regarded as an abstraction and not a direct mapping of tongue position."[10]

Nonetheless, the concept that vowel qualities are determined primarily by tongue position and lip rounding continues to be used in pedagogy, as it provides an intuitive explanation of how vowels are distinguished.

Height

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Theoretically, vowel height refers to the vertical position of either the tongue or the jaw (depending on the model) relative to either the roof of the mouth or the aperture of the jaw. In practice, however, it refers to the first formant (lowest resonance of the voice), abbreviated F1, which is associated with the height of the tongue. There are two terms commonly applied to refer to two degrees of vowel height: in close vowels, also known as high vowels, such as [i] and [u], the first formant is consistent with the tongue being positioned close to the palate, high in the mouth, whereas in open vowels, also known as low vowels, such as [a], F1 is consistent with the jaw being open and the tongue being positioned low in the mouth. Height is defined by the inverse of the F1 value: the higher the frequency of the first formant, the lower (more open) the vowel.[a] In John Esling's usage, where fronted vowels are distinguished in height by the position of the jaw rather than the tongue, only the terms 'open' and 'close' are used, as 'high' and 'low' refer to the position of the tongue.

The International Phonetic Alphabet has letters for six degrees of vowel height for full vowels (plus the reduced mid vowel [ə]), but it is extremely unusual for a language to distinguish this many degrees without other attributes. The IPA letters distinguish (sorted according to height, with the top-most one being the highest and the bottom-most being the lowest):

  • close (a.k.a. high): [i y ɨ ʉ ɯ u]
  • near-close (a.k.a. near-high): ʏ ʊ]
  • close-mid (a.k.a. high-mid): [e ø ɘ ɵ ɤ o]
  • mid: [ə]
  • open-mid (a.k.a. low-mid): œ ɜ ɞ ʌ ɔ]
  • near-open (a.k.a. near-low): ɐ]
  • open (a.k.a. low): [a ɶ ɑ ɒ]

The letters ⟨e, ø, ɘ, ɵ, ɤ, o⟩ are defined as close-mid but are commonly used for true mid vowels. If more precision is required, true mid vowels may be written with a lowering or raising diacritic: ⟨e̞, ɘ̞, ø̞, ɵ̞, ɤ̞, ⟩ or ⟨ɛ̝ œ̝ ɜ̝ ɞ̝ ʌ̝ ɔ̝⟩.

The Kensiu language, spoken in Malaysia and Thailand, is highly unusual in contrasting true mid vowels with both close-mid and open-mid vowels, without any additional parameters such as length, roundness or ATR. The front vowels, /i ɪ e ɛ/, along with open /a/, make a six-way height distinction; this holds even for the nasal vowels. A few varieties of German have been reported to have five contrastive vowel heights that are independent of length or other parameters. For example, the Bavarian dialect of Amstetten has thirteen long vowels, which have been analyzed as four vowel heights (close, close-mid, mid, open-mid) each among the front unrounded, front rounded, and back rounded vowels, along with an open vowel for a fifth height: /i e ɛ̝ ɛ/, /y ø œ̝ œ/, /u o ɔ̝ ɔ/, /a/. Apart from the aforementioned Kensiu language, no other language is known to contrast more than four degrees of vowel height.

The parameter of vowel height appears to be the primary cross-linguistic feature of vowels in that all spoken languages that have been researched till now use height as a contrastive feature. No other parameter, even backness or rounding (see below), is used in all languages. Some languages have vertical vowel systems in which at least at a phonemic level, only height is used to distinguish vowels.

Backness

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Idealistic tongue positions of cardinal front vowels with highest point indicated

Vowel backness is named for the position of the tongue during the articulation of a vowel relative to the back of the mouth. As with vowel height, however, it is defined by a formant of the voice, in this case the second, F2, not by the position of the tongue. In front vowels, such as [i], the frequency of F2 is relatively high, which generally corresponds to a position of the tongue forward in the mouth, whereas in back vowels, such as [u], F2 is low, consistent with the tongue being positioned towards the back of the mouth.

The International Phonetic Alphabet defines five degrees of vowel backness (sorted according to backness, with the top-most one being the front-most back and the bottom-most being the back-most):

To them may be added front-central and back-central, corresponding to the vertical lines separating central from front and back vowel spaces in several IPA diagrams. However, front-central and back-central may also be used as terms synonymous with near-front and near-back. No language is known to contrast more than three degrees of backness nor is there a language that contrasts front with near-front vowels nor back with near-back ones.

Although some English dialects have vowels at five degrees of backness, there is no known language that distinguishes five degrees of backness without additional differences in height or rounding.

Roundedness

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Roundedness is named after the rounding of the lips in some vowels. Because lip rounding is easily visible, vowels may be commonly identified as rounded based on the articulation of the lips. Acoustically, rounded vowels are identified chiefly by a decrease in F2, although F1 is also slightly decreased.

In most languages, roundedness is a reinforcing feature of mid to high back vowels rather than a distinctive feature. Usually, the higher a back vowel, the more intense is the rounding. However, in some languages, roundedness is independent from backness, such as French and German (with front rounded vowels), most Uralic languages (Estonian has a rounding contrast for /o/ and front vowels), Turkic languages (with a rounding distinction for front vowels and /u/), and Vietnamese with back unrounded vowels.

Nonetheless, even in those languages there is usually some phonetic correlation between rounding and backness: front rounded vowels tend to be more front-central than front, and back unrounded vowels tend to be more back-central than back. Thus, the placement of unrounded vowels to the left of rounded vowels on the IPA vowel chart is reflective of their position in formant space.

Different kinds of labialization are possible. In mid to high rounded back vowels the lips are generally protruded ("pursed") outward, a phenomenon known as endolabial rounding because the insides of the lips are visible, whereas in mid to high rounded front vowels the lips are generally "compressed" with the margins of the lips pulled in and drawn towards each other, a phenomenon known as exolabial rounding. However, not all languages follow that pattern. Japanese /u/, for example, is an exolabial (compressed) back vowel, and sounds quite different from an English endolabial /u/. Swedish and Norwegian are the only two known languages in which the feature is contrastive; they have both exo- and endo-labial close front vowels and close central vowels, respectively. In many phonetic treatments, both are considered types of rounding, but some phoneticians do not believe that these are subsets of a single phenomenon and posit instead three independent features of rounded (endolabial), compressed (exolabial), and unrounded. The lip position of unrounded vowels may also be classified separately as spread and neutral (neither rounded nor spread).[12] Others distinguish compressed rounded vowels, in which the corners of the mouth are drawn together, from compressed unrounded vowels, in which the lips are compressed but the corners remain apart as in spread vowels.

Front, raised and retracted

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Front, raised and retracted are the three articulatory dimensions of vowel space. Open and close refer to the jaw, not the tongue.

The conception of the tongue moving in two directions, high–low and front–back, is not supported by articulatory evidence and does not clarify how articulation affects vowel quality. Vowels may instead be characterized by the three directions of movement of the tongue from its neutral position: front (forward), raised (upward and back), and retracted (downward and back). Front vowels ([i, e, ɛ] and, to a lesser extent [ɨ, ɘ, ɜ, æ], etc.), can be secondarily qualified as close or open, as in the traditional conception, but this refers to jaw rather than tongue position. In addition, rather than there being a unitary category of back vowels, the regrouping posits raised vowels, where the body of the tongue approaches the velum ([u, o, ɨ], etc.), and retracted vowels, where the root of the tongue approaches the pharynx ([ɑ, ɔ], etc.):

Membership in these categories is scalar, with the mid-central vowels being marginal to any category.[13]

Nasalization

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Nasalization occurs when air escapes through the nose. Vowels are often nasalised under the influence of neighbouring nasal consonants, as in English hand [hæ̃nd]. Nasalised vowels, however, should not be confused with nasal vowels. The latter refers to vowels that are distinct from their oral counterparts, as in French /ɑ/ vs. /ɑ̃/.[14]

In nasal vowels, the velum is lowered, and some air travels through the nasal cavity as well as the mouth. An oral vowel is a vowel in which all air escapes through the mouth. Polish and Portuguese also contrast nasal and oral vowels.

Phonation

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Voicing describes whether the vocal cords are vibrating during the articulation of a vowel. Most languages have only voiced vowels, but several Native American languages, such as Cheyenne and Totonac, have both voiced and devoiced vowels in complementary distribution. Vowels are devoiced in whispered speech. In Japanese and in Quebec French, vowels that are between voiceless consonants are often devoiced. Keres is disputed to have phonemic voiceless vowels but no language is confirmed to have them phonemically.

Modal voice, creaky voice, and breathy voice (murmured vowels) are phonation types that are used contrastively in some languages. Often, they co-occur with tone or stress distinctions; in the Mon language, vowels pronounced in the high tone are also produced with creaky voice. In such cases, it can be unclear whether it is the tone, the voicing type, or the pairing of the two that is being used for phonemic contrast. The combination of phonetic cues (phonation, tone, stress) is known as register or register complex.

Tenseness

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Tenseness is used to describe the opposition of tense vowels vs. lax vowels. This opposition has traditionally been thought to be a result of greater muscular tension, though phonetic experiments have repeatedly failed to show this.[citation needed]

Unlike the other features of vowel quality, tenseness is only applicable to the few languages that have this opposition (mainly Germanic languages, e.g. German), whereas the vowels of the other languages (e.g. Spanish) cannot be described with respect to tenseness in any meaningful way.[citation needed]

One may distinguish the English tense vs. lax vowels roughly, with its spelling. Tense vowels usually occur in words with the final silent ⟨e⟩, as in mate. Lax vowels occur in words without the silent ⟨e⟩, such as mat. In American English, lax vowels [ɪ, ʊ, ɛ, ʌ, æ] do not appear in stressed open syllables.[15]

In traditional grammar, long vowels vs. short vowels are more commonly used, compared to tense and lax. The two sets of terms are used interchangeably by some because the features are concomitant in some varieties of English.[clarification needed] In most Germanic languages, lax vowels can only occur in closed syllables. Therefore, they are also known as checked vowels, whereas the tense vowels are called free vowels since they can occur in any kind of syllable.[citation needed]

Tongue root position

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Advanced tongue root (ATR) is a feature common across much of Africa, the Pacific Northwest, and scattered other languages such as Modern Mongolian.[16] The contrast between advanced and retracted tongue root resembles the tense-lax contrast acoustically, but they are articulated differently. Those vowels involve noticeable tension in the vocal tract.

Secondary narrowings in the vocal tract

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Pharyngealized vowels occur in some languages like Sedang and the Tungusic languages. Pharyngealisation is similar in articulation to retracted tongue root but is acoustically distinct.

A stronger degree of pharyngealisation occurs in the Northeast Caucasian languages and the Khoisan languages. They might be called epiglottalized since the primary constriction is at the tip of the epiglottis.

The greatest degree of pharyngealisation is found in the strident vowels of the Khoisan languages, where the larynx is raised, and the pharynx constricted, so that either the epiglottis or the arytenoid cartilages vibrate instead of the vocal cords.

The terms pharyngealized, epiglottalized, strident, and sphincteric are sometimes used interchangeably.

Rhotic vowels

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Rhotic vowels are the "R-colored vowels" of American English and a few other languages.

Reduced vowels

[edit]
Common reduced vowels
(IPA provides only ⟨ə⟩ and ⟨ɐ⟩)
Near-
front
Central Near-
back
Near-close ᵿ
Mid ə
Near-open ɐ

Some languages, such as English and Russian, have what are called 'reduced', 'weak' or 'obscure' vowels in some unstressed positions. These do not correspond one-to-one with the vowel sounds that occur in stressed position (so-called 'full' vowels), and they tend to be mid-centralized in comparison, as well as having reduced rounding or spreading. The IPA has long provided two letters for obscure vowels, mid ⟨ə⟩ and lower ⟨ɐ⟩, neither of which are defined for rounding. Dialects of English may have up to four phonemic reduced vowels: /ɐ/, /ə/, and higher unrounded /ᵻ/ and rounded /ᵿ/. (The non-IPA letters ⟨⟩ and ⟨ᵿ⟩ may be used for the latter to avoid confusion with the clearly defined values of IPA letters like ⟨ɨ⟩ and ⟨ɵ⟩, which are also seen, since the IPA only provides for two reduced vowels.)

Acoustics

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Spectrogram of vowels [i, u, ɑ]. [ɑ] is a low vowel, so its F1 value is higher than that of [i] and [u], which are high vowels. [i] is a front vowel, so its F2 is substantially higher than that of [u] and [ɑ], which are back vowels.
An idealized schematic of vowel space, based on the formants of Daniel Jones and John Wells pronouncing the cardinal vowels of the IPA. The scale is logarithmic. The grey range is where F2 would be less than F1, which by definition is impossible. [a] is an extra-low central vowel. Phonemically it may be front or back, depending on the language. Rounded vowels that are front in tongue position are front-central in formant space, while unrounded vowels that are back in articulation are back-central in formant space. Thus [y ɯ] have perhaps similar F1 and F2 values to the high central vowels ʉ], being distinguished by rounding (F3); similarly ɤ] vs central ɵ] and ʌ] vs central ɞ].
The same chart, with a few intermediate vowels. Low front [æ] is intermediate between [a] and [ɛ], while [ɒ] is intermediate between [ɑ] and [ɔ]. The back vowels change gradually in rounding, from unrounded [ɑ] and slightly rounded [ɒ] to tightly rounded [u]; similarly slightly rounded [œ] to tightly rounded [y]. With [a] seen as an (extra-)low central vowel, the vowels ɐ ɑ] can be redefined as front, central and back (near-)low vowels.

The acoustics of vowels are fairly well understood. The different vowel qualities are realized in acoustic analyses of vowels by the relative values of the formants, acoustic resonances of the vocal tract which show up as dark bands on a spectrogram. The vocal tract acts as a resonant cavity, and the position of the jaw, lips, and tongue affect the parameters of the resonant cavity, resulting in different formant values. The acoustics of vowels can be visualized using spectrograms, which display the acoustic energy at each frequency, and how this changes with time.

The first formant, abbreviated "F1", corresponds to vowel openness (vowel height). Open vowels have high F1 frequencies, while close vowels have low F1 frequencies, as can be seen in the accompanying spectrogram: The [i] and [u] have similar low first formants, whereas [ɑ] has a higher formant.

The second formant, F2, corresponds to vowel frontness. Back vowels have low F2 frequencies, while front vowels have high F2 frequencies. This is very clear in the spectrogram, where the front vowel [i] has a much higher F2 frequency than the other two vowels. However, in open vowels, the high F1 frequency forces a rise in the F2 frequency as well, so an alternative measure of frontness is the difference between the first and second formants. For this reason, some people prefer to plot as F1 vs. F2 – F1. (This dimension is usually called 'backness' rather than 'frontness', but the term 'backness' can be counterintuitive when discussing formants.)

In the third edition of his textbook, Peter Ladefoged recommended using plots of F1 against F2 – F1 to represent vowel quality.[17] However, in the fourth edition, he changed to adopt a simple plot of F1 against F2,[18] and this simple plot of F1 against F2 was maintained for the fifth (and final) edition of the book.[19] Katrina Hayward compares the two types of plots and concludes that plotting of F1 against F2 – F1 "is not very satisfactory because of its effect on the placing of the central vowels",[20] so she also recommends use of a simple plot of F1 against F2. In fact, this kind of plot of F1 against F2 has been used by analysts to show the quality of the vowels in a wide range of languages, including RP,[21][22] the Queen's English,[23] American English,[24] Singapore English,[25] Brunei English,[26] North Frisian,[27] Turkish Kabardian,[28] and various indigenous Australian languages.[29]

R-colored vowels are characterized by lowered F3 values.

Rounding is generally realized by a decrease of F2 that tends to reinforce vowel backness. One effect of this is that back vowels are most commonly rounded while front vowels are most commonly unrounded; another is that rounded vowels tend to plot to the right of unrounded vowels in vowel charts. That is, there is a reason for plotting vowel pairs the way they are.

Prosody and intonation

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In addition to variation in vowel quality as described above, vowels vary as a result of differences in prosody. The most important prosodic variables are pitch (fundamental frequency), loudness (intensity) and length (duration). However, the features of prosody are usually considered to apply not to the vowel itself, but to the syllable in which the vowel occurs. In other words, the domain of prosody is the syllable, not the segment (vowel or consonant).[30] We can list briefly the effect of prosody on the vowel component of a syllable.

  • Pitch: in the case of a syllable such as 'cat', the only voiced portion of the syllable is the vowel, so the vowel carries the pitch information. This may relate to the syllable in which it occurs, or to a larger stretch of speech to which an intonation contour belongs. In a word such as 'man', all the segments in the syllable are sonorant and all will participate in any pitch variation.
  • Loudness: this variable has been traditionally associated with linguistic stress, though other factors are usually involved in this. Lehiste (ibid) argues that stress, or loudness, could not be associated with a single segment in a syllable independently of the rest of the syllable (p. 147). This means that vowel loudness is a concomitant of the loudness of the syllable in which it occurs.
  • Length: it is important to distinguish two aspects of vowel length. One is the phonological difference in length exhibited by some languages. Japanese, Finnish, Hungarian, Arabic and Latin have a two-way phonemic contrast between short and long vowels. The Mixe language has a three-way contrast among short, half-long, and long vowels.[31] The other type of length variation in vowels is non-distinctive, and is the result of prosodic variation in speech: vowels tend to be lengthened when in a stressed syllable, or when utterance rate is slow.

Monophthongs, diphthongs, triphthongs

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A vowel sound whose quality does not change throughout the vowel is called a monophthong. Monophthongs are sometimes called "pure" or "stable" vowels. A vowel sound that glides from one quality to another is called a diphthong, and a vowel sound that glides successively through three qualities is a triphthong.

All languages have monophthongs and many languages have diphthongs, but triphthongs or vowel sounds with even more target qualities are relatively rare cross-linguistically. English has all three types: the vowel sound in hit is a monophthong /ɪ/, the vowel sound in boy is in most dialects a diphthong /ɔɪ/, and the vowel sounds of flower, /aʊər/, form a triphthong or disyllable, depending on the dialect.

In phonology, diphthongs and triphthongs are distinguished from sequences of monophthongs by whether the vowel sound may be analyzed into distinct phonemes. For example, the vowel sounds in a two-syllable pronunciation of the word flower (/ˈflaʊər/) phonetically form a disyllabic triphthong but are phonologically a sequence of a diphthong (represented by the letters ⟨ow⟩) and a monophthong (represented by the letters ⟨er⟩). Some linguists use the terms diphthong and triphthong only in this phonemic sense.

Written vowels

[edit]

The name "vowel" is often used for the symbols that represent vowel sounds in a language's writing system, particularly if the language uses an alphabet. In writing systems based on the Latin alphabet, the letters ⟨a⟩, ⟨e⟩, ⟨i⟩, ⟨o⟩, ⟨u⟩, ⟨y⟩, ⟨w⟩ and sometimes others can all be used to represent vowels. However, not all of these letters represent the vowels in all languages that use this writing, or even consistently within one language. Some of them, especially ⟨w⟩ and ⟨y⟩, are also used to represent approximant consonants. Moreover, a vowel might be represented by a letter usually reserved for consonants, or a combination of letters, particularly where one letter represents several sounds at once, or vice versa; examples from English include ⟨igh⟩ in "thigh" and ⟨x⟩ in "x-ray". In addition, extensions of the Latin alphabet have such independent vowel letters as ⟨ą⟩, ⟨ę⟩, ⟨į⟩, ⟨ǫ⟩, and ⟨ų⟩.

The phonetic values vary considerably by language, and some languages use ⟨i⟩ and ⟨y⟩ for the consonant [j], e.g., initial ⟨i⟩ in Italian or Romanian and initial ⟨y⟩ in English. In the original Latin alphabet, there was no written distinction between ⟨v⟩ and ⟨u⟩, and the letter represented the approximant [w] and the vowels [u] and [ʊ]. In Modern Welsh, ⟨w⟩ represents these same sounds. There is not necessarily a direct one-to-one correspondence between the vowel sounds of a language and the vowel letters. Many languages that use a form of the Latin alphabet have more vowel sounds than can be represented by the standard set of five vowel letters. In English spelling, the five letters ⟨a⟩ ⟨e⟩ ⟨i⟩ ⟨o⟩ and ⟨u⟩ can represent a variety of vowel sounds, while the letter ⟨y⟩ frequently represents vowels (as in e.g., "gym", "happy", or the diphthongs in "cry", "thyme");[32] ⟨w⟩ is used in representing some diphthongs (as in "cow") and to represent a monophthong in the borrowed words "cwm" and "crwth" (sometimes cruth).

Other languages cope with the limitation in the number of Latin vowel letters in similar ways. Many languages make extensive use of combinations of letters to represent various sounds. Other languages use vowel letters with modifications, such as ⟨ä⟩ in Swedish, or add diacritical marks, like ogoneks, to vowels to represent the variety of possible vowel sounds. Some languages have also constructed additional vowel letters by modifying the standard Latin vowels in other ways, such as ⟨æ⟩ or ⟨ø⟩ that are found in some of the Scandinavian languages. The International Phonetic Alphabet has a set of 28 symbols representing the range of essential vowel qualities, and a further set of diacritics to denote variations from the basic vowel.

The writing systems used for some languages, such as the Hebrew alphabet and the Arabic alphabet, do not ordinarily mark all the vowels, since they are frequently unnecessary in identifying a word. [citation needed] Technically, these are called abjads rather than alphabets. Although it is possible to construct English sentences that can be understood without written vowels (cn y rd ths?), single words in English lacking written vowels can be indistinguishable; consider dd, which could be any of dad, dada, dado, dead, deed, did, died, diode, dodo, dud, dude, odd, add, and aided. (Abjads generally express some word-internal vowels and all word-initial and word-final vowels, whereby the ambiguity will be much reduced.) The Masoretes devised a vowel notation system for Hebrew Jewish scripture that is still widely used, as well as the trope symbols used for its cantillation; both are part of oral tradition and still the basis for many bible translations—Jewish and Christian.

Shifts

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The differences in pronunciation of vowel letters between English and its related languages can be accounted for by the Great Vowel Shift. After printing was introduced to England, and therefore after spelling was more or less standardized, a series of dramatic changes in the pronunciation of the vowel phonemes occurred, and continued into recent centuries, but were not reflected in the spelling system. This has led to numerous inconsistencies in the spelling of English vowel sounds and the pronunciation of English vowel letters (and to the mispronunciation of foreign words and names by speakers of English).

Audio samples

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Systems

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The importance of vowels in distinguishing one word from another varies from language to language. Nearly all languages have at least three phonemic vowels, usually /i/, /a/, /u/ as in Classical Arabic, some Malayic languages of Borneo (including Banjarese) and Inuktitut, though Adyghe and many Sepik languages have a vertical vowel system of /ɨ/, /ə/, /a/. Very few languages have fewer, though some Arrernte, Circassian, and Ndu languages have been argued to have just two, /ə/ and /a/, with [ɨ] being epenthetic.

It is not straightforward to say which language has the most vowels, since that depends on how they are counted. For example, long vowels, nasal vowels, and various phonations may or may not be counted separately; indeed, it may sometimes be unclear if phonation belongs to the vowels or the consonants of a language. If such things are ignored and only vowels with dedicated IPA letters ('vowel qualities') are considered, then very few languages have more than ten. The Germanic languages have some of the largest inventories: Standard Danish has 11 to 13 short vowels (/(a), ɑ, (ɐ), e, ə, ɛ, i, o, ɔ, u, ø, œ, y/), while the Amstetten dialect of Bavarian has been reported to have thirteen long vowels: /i, y, e, ø, ɛ, œ, æ, ɶ, a, ɒ, ɔ, o, u/.[citation needed] The situation can be quite disparate within a same family language: Spanish and French are two closely related Romance languages but Spanish has only five pure vowel qualities, /a, e, i, o, u/, while classical French has eleven: /a, ɑ, e, ɛ, i, o, ɔ, u, y, œ, ø/ and four nasal vowels /ɑ̃/, /ɛ̃/, /ɔ̃/ and /œ̃/. The Mon–Khmer languages of Southeast Asia also have some large inventories, such as the ten vowels of Khmer: /i, ɨ, e, ɛ, a, ɑ, ɔ, o, u, ə/. Wu dialects have the largest inventories of Chinese; the Jinhui dialect of Wu has also been reported to have eleven vowels: ten basic vowels, /i, y, e, ø, ɛ, ɑ, ɔ, o, u, ɯ/, plus restricted /ɨ/; this does not count the seven nasal vowels.[33]

One of the most common vowels is [a̠]; it is nearly universal for a language to have at least one open vowel, though most dialects of English have an [æ] and a [ɑ]—and often an [ɒ], all open vowels—but no central [a]. Some Tagalog and Cebuano speakers have [ɐ] rather than [a], and Dhangu Yolngu is described as having ɐ ʊ/, without any peripheral vowels. [i] is also extremely common, though Tehuelche has just the vowels /e a o/ with no close vowels. The third vowel of the Arabic-type three-vowel system, /u/, is considerably less common. A large fraction of the languages of North America happen to have a four-vowel system without /u/: /i, e, a, o/; Nahuatl and Navajo are examples.

In most languages, vowels serve mainly to distinguish separate lexemes, rather than different inflectional forms of the same lexeme as they commonly do in the Semitic languages. For example, while English man becomes men in the plural, moon is a completely different word.

Words without vowels

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In rhotic dialects of English, as in Canada and the United States, there are many words such as bird, learn, girl, church, worst, worm, myrrh that some phoneticians analyze as having no vowels, only a syllabic consonant /ɹ̩/. However, others analyze these words instead as having a rhotic vowel, /ɝː/. The difference may be partially one of dialect.

There are a few such words that are disyllabic, like cursor, curtain, and turtle: [ˈkɹ̩sɹ̩], [ˈkɹ̩tn̩] and [ˈtɹ̩tl̩] (or [ˈkɝːsɚ], [ˈkɝːtən], and [ˈtɝːtəl]), and even a few that are trisyllabic, at least in some accents, such as purpler [ˈpɹ̩.pl̩.ɹ̩], hurdler [ˈhɹ̩.dl̩.ɹ̩], gurgler [ˈɡɹ̩.ɡl̩.ɹ̩], and certainer [ˈsɹ̩.tn̩.ɹ̩].

The word and frequently contracts to a simple nasal ’n, as in lock 'n key [ˌlɒk ŋ ˈkiː]. Words such as will, have, and is regularly contract to ’ll [l], ’ve [v], and 's [z]. However, none of them are pronounced alone without vowels, so they are not phonological words. Onomatopoeic words that can be pronounced alone, and that have no vowels or ars, include hmm, pst!, shh!, tsk!, and zzz. As in other languages, onomatopoeiae stand outside the normal phonotactics of English.

There are other languages that form lexical words without vowel sounds. In Serbo-Croatian, for example, the consonants [r] and [rː] (the difference is not written) can act as a syllable nucleus and carry rising or falling tone; examples include the tongue-twister na vrh brda vrba mrda and geographic names such as Krk. In Czech and Slovak, either [l] or [r] can stand in for vowels: vlk [vl̩k] "wolf", krk [kr̩k] "neck". A particularly long word without vowels is čtvrthrst, meaning "quarter-handful", with two syllables (one for each R), or scvrnkls, a verb form meaning "you flipped (sth) down" (eg a marble). Whole sentences (usually tongue-twisters) can be made from such words, such as Strč prst skrz krk, meaning "stick a finger through your neck" (pronounced [str̩tʃ pr̩st skr̩s kr̩k] ), and Smrž pln skvrn zvlhl z mlh, which means "A morel full of spots wetted from fogs". (Here zvlhl has two syllables based on L; and the preposition z consists of a single consonant. Only prepositions do this in Czech, and they normally link phonetically to the following word, so not really behave as vowelless words.) In Russian, there are also prepositions that consist of a single consonant letter, like k, 'to', v, 'in', and s, 'with'. However, these forms are actually contractions of ko, vo, and so respectively, and these forms are still used in modern Russian before words with certain consonant clusters for ease of pronunciation.

In Kazakh and certain other Turkic languages, words without vowel sounds may occur due to reduction of weak vowels. A common example is the Kazakh word for one: bir, pronounced [br]. Among careful speakers, however, the original vowel may be preserved, and the vowels are always preserved in the orthography.

In Southern varieties of Chinese, such as Cantonese and Minnan, some monosyllabic words are made of exclusively nasals, such as Cantonese [m̩˨˩] "no" and [ŋ̩˩˧] "five". Minnan also has words consisting of a consonant followed by a syllabic nasal, such as pn̄g "cooked rice".

So far, all of these syllabic consonants, at least in the lexical words, have been sonorants, such as [r], [l], [m], and [n], which have a voiced quality similar to vowels. (They can carry tone, for example.) However, there are languages with lexical words that not only contain no vowels, but contain no sonorants at all, like (non-lexical) shh! in English. These include some Berber languages, some languages of the American Pacific Northwest, such as Nuxalk, and some Northwest Caucasian languages, such as Abaza language. An example from Nuxalk is scs "seal fat" (pronounced [sxs], as spelled), and a longer one is clhp'xwlhtlhplhhskwts' (pronounced [xɬpʼχʷɬtʰɬpʰɬːskʷʰt͡sʼ]) "he had had in his possession a bunchberry plant". (Follow the Nuxalk link for other examples.) Berber examples include /tkkststt/ "you took it off" and /tfktstt/ "you gave it". Some words may contain one or two consonants only: /ɡ/ "be", /ks/ "feed on".[34]

Abaza language often drops word-final /ə/ when forming compounds, making combinations such as хъкӏхвбкъвылкӏ /qʰkʼχʷbqʷʼəlkʼ/ "five vats of sour cream" possible. Therefore, even though the dictionary forms хъкӏы /qʰkʼə/ "sour cream" and хвпа /χʷpʰa/ "five" have a schwa at the end, the consonant cluster /qʰkʼ/ and the sole consonant /χʷ/ (-pa is a counting suffix) can be analysed as the full word, with final vowels probably being a result of obligatory nucleus (such as in the first example, where the word бкъвыл /bqʷʼəl/ "vat" is a closed syllable, preventing the vowel deletion, unless /l/ is analysed as a syllabic consonant, which would still make it a nucleus but would make the word vowelless).

In Mandarin Chinese, words and syllables such as and zhī are sometimes described as being syllabic fricatives and affricates phonemically, /ś/ and /tʂ́/, but these do have a voiced segment that carries the tone.

In the Japonic language Miyako, there are words with no voiced sounds, such as ss 'dust', kss 'breast/milk', pss 'day', ff 'a comb', kff 'to make', fks 'to build', ksks 'month', sks 'to cut', psks 'to pull'.

Some analyses of Wandala is reported to have no phonemic vowels.[35]

Words consisting of only vowels

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It is not uncommon for short grammatical words to consist of only vowels, such as a and I in English. Lexical words are somewhat rarer in English and are generally restricted to a single syllable: eye, awe, owe, and in non-rhotic accents air, ore, err. Vowel-only words of more than one syllable are generally foreign loans, such as ai (two syllables: /ˈɑːi/) for the maned sloth, or proper names, such as Iowa (in some accents: /ˈ..ə/).

However, vowel sequences in hiatus are more freely allowed in some other languages, most famously perhaps in Bantu and Polynesian languages, but also in Japanese and Finnic languages. In such languages there tends to be a larger variety of vowel-only words. In Swahili (Bantu), for example, there is aua 'to survey' and eua 'to purify' (both three syllables); in Japanese, aoi 青い 'blue/green' and oioi 追々 'gradually' (three and four morae); and in Finnish, aie 'intention' and auo 'open!' (both two syllables), although some dialects pronounce them as aije and auvo. In Urdu, āye/aaie آئیے or āyn آئیں 'come' is used. Hawaiian, and the Polynesian languages generally, have unusually large numbers of such words, such as aeāea (a small green fish), which is three syllables: ae.āe.a. Most long words involve reduplication, which is quite productive in Polynesian: ioio 'grooves', eaea 'breath', uaua 'tough' (all four syllables), auēuē 'crying' (five syllables, from uē (uwē) 'to weep'), uoa or uouoa 'false mullet' (sp. fish, three or five syllables).[citation needed]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A vowel is a speech sound produced by allowing air from the lungs to flow through the vocal tract without significant obstruction, typically resulting in a voiced, sonorous quality that forms the nucleus of a . Unlike consonants, vowels are articulated with a relatively open vocal tract, where the primary variations arise from the position of the tongue and the shape of the lips. Linguists classify vowels based on four main articulatory features: tongue height (high, mid, or low, determined by how close the tongue is to the of the mouth), tongue backness (front, central, or back, based on the 's horizontal position), lip (rounded or unrounded), and (tense with greater muscular effort or lax with less). For example, the vowel in "beat" is a high front unrounded tense vowel, while that in "boot" is a high back rounded tense vowel. Additional parameters like nasality (oral or nasal ) and (short or long duration) further distinguish vowels across languages, such as the contrast between short [ɪ] in "bit" and long [iː] in "beat" in English. Vowels play a central role in as the core elements of syllables, enabling the and prosody of speech, and their inventory varies widely among languages—English, for instance, has 12 monophthongs (single-quality vowels) plus diphthongs (gliding sounds like [aɪ] in "buy"). In , vowels are typically represented by a small set of letters (, and sometimes y), but these correspond to multiple phonetic realizations influenced by , context, and historical changes. The International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) standardizes their transcription to facilitate cross-linguistic study and precise description.

Fundamentals

Definition

In phonetics, a vowel is a speech sound produced by configuring the vocal tract in such a way that there is no significant obstruction to the from the lungs, allowing it to pass freely through the mouth and, in some cases, the nasal passages. This open configuration results in a relatively steady and resonant , distinguishing vowels from other that involve more closure or . Vowels serve primarily as the nuclei of syllables, forming the core around which other sounds are organized and enabling the sonority peak essential for the rhythmic and prosodic structure of speech. Their high sonority—arising from the approximant-like quality of unrestricted —contributes to their role in carrying the primary acoustic energy within utterances, facilitating clear and audibility. In linguistics, particularly in German philology and historical linguistics, the term "vocalism" (from German "Vokalismus") refers to the entire system of vowels in a particular language or dialect, serving as the counterpart to "Konsonantismus" (the consonant system). In most languages, vowels are voiced, meaning the vocal folds vibrate during their production, which enhances their inherent and perceptual prominence compared to voiceless sounds. Although rare, voiceless vowels also occur in some languages, such as in Japanese (as devoiced allophones) or as phonemes in certain other languages. Prototypical vowels, often used as reference points in phonetic descriptions, include the high front unrounded (as in the cardinal vowel for "see"), the low central unrounded (as in ""), and the high back rounded (as in ""), symbolized in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). These examples illustrate the basic open and resonant nature of vowels across languages.

Distinction from Consonants

Vowels and are distinguished primarily by their articulatory properties in the vocal tract. are produced with a significant degree of obstruction or closure somewhere in the vocal tract, which restricts and often creates or complete blockage, as seen in stops like or fricatives like . In contrast, vowels involve a relatively open vocal tract configuration with minimal obstruction, allowing for unimpeded and resonant sound production, such as in the vowel where the is positioned low and central without significant . This openness in vowels results in higher sonority, a measure of acoustic prominence related to the of sound waves, while the obstructions in lead to lower sonority due to reduced . The further underscores this distinction by ranking speech sounds according to their relative sonority, with vowels occupying the highest position as the most sonorous segment class. Below vowels in the are glides, followed by liquids (like and ), nasals (like and ), and finally obstruents (stops, fricatives, and affricates), which exhibit the lowest sonority owing to their that maximally impedes airflow. This , formalized in phonological theory, reflects the intrinsic acoustic properties of these sounds, where vowels' open configuration produces the greatest acoustic energy and perceptibility compared to the more obstructed consonants. Phonologically, vowels typically serve as the nucleus or peak of a , forming the core around which the is structured due to their high sonority, while function as margins, including onsets (initial positions) and codas (final positions). This role aligns with the , which prefers rising sonority from the syllable onset to the peak and falling sonority from the peak to the coda, ensuring vowels occupy the central, most prominent position. For instance, in a like [ba], the acts as the onset margin, and the vowel as the peak, a pattern universal across languages that highlights vowels' structural primacy over . Edge cases complicate this binary distinction, particularly with glides such as (as in "yes") and (as in "wet"), which are produced with minimal obstruction similar to high vowels like and but often pattern phonologically as consonants. These semi-vowels can function as consonants in syllable margins—for example, as an onset in [ja]—or as part of diphthongs approximating vowel glides, depending on the language's phonological rules and context. Such variability illustrates the gradient nature between vowel-like and consonant-like s, though glides are generally classified as consonants in standard inventories like the International Phonetic Alphabet due to their consonantal distribution in many languages.

Articulatory Phonetics

Height and Tongue Position

Vowel height refers to the vertical position of the tongue during the articulation of a vowel, which is a key parameter in classifying vowels across languages. The height is determined by how close the highest point of the tongue body is to the roof of the mouth (palate), with higher positions involving greater arching of the tongue toward the hard palate and lower positions allowing the tongue to flatten and descend. This positioning is achieved through the coordinated action of tongue muscles, such as the genioglossus for raising and lowering the tongue body. The (IPA) defines four primary levels of vowel height: close (high), close-mid, open-mid, and open (low). In close vowels, the is positioned closest to the without contact, as in the high front unrounded vowel (found in English "beet"). Close-mid and open-mid vowels occupy intermediate heights, such as (close-mid, as in "bait") and [ɛ] (open-mid, as in "bet"). Open vowels feature the lowest position, exemplified by (as in ""), where the is at its most relaxed and distant from the . These levels form the vertical axis of the IPA vowel chart, providing a standardized framework for . Articulatory diagrams typically illustrate vowel height by sagittal sections of the vocal tract, showing the tongue's arched contour for high vowels narrowing the oral cavity and its flattened form for low vowels expanding it. The plays a supporting role, with greater opening lowering the and facilitating lower tongue positions; for instance, the production of often involves a significantly dropped compared to , though some speakers differentiate heights primarily through adjustment with minimal jaw movement. Cross-linguistically, height distinctions vary: many languages, like Spanish, employ a three-level system (high, mid, low), while others, such as some African languages, distinguish finer gradations. In languages like English, vowel height also intersects with tenseness, where tense vowels (e.g., in "sheep") feature a higher tongue position and greater muscular tension than their lax counterparts (e.g., [ɪ] in "ship"), which have a slightly lower and more centralized tongue placement. This tense-lax contrast is less prominent in languages without such phonemic distinctions, like Italian, where height is more uniformly defined by tongue arch alone. Individual speakers may vary in their strategies, with some relying more on tongue height and others on jaw displacement to achieve these contrasts. Height interacts briefly with tongue backness to shape the overall vowel quality, but the vertical dimension remains the primary articulator for height perception.

Backness and Frontness

In vowel articulation, backness refers to the horizontal position of the within the oral cavity, which distinguishes front, central, and back vowels based on the location of the tongue's highest point relative to the . Front vowels are produced with the tongue advanced toward the front of the , positioning the highest point under the front portion of the hard palate, as in the high front unrounded vowel found in English "beat" or Spanish "sí." Central vowels involve a neutral tongue position, with the highest point under the central part of the hard palate, exemplified by the mid central unrounded vowel [ə], commonly known as schwa, which appears in unstressed syllables across many languages, such as English "about" or German "bitte." Back vowels, in contrast, feature the tongue retracted toward the back of the mouth, raising the highest point under the or velum, as seen in the high back rounded vowel in English "" or French "tout." Articulatorily, front vowels like require significant tongue advancement toward the teeth and alveolar ridge, creating a relatively constricted front oral space, while back vowels such as involve velar retraction and bunching of the tongue body posteriorly, expanding the front cavity and narrowing the back. This positioning affects the overall vocal tract shape, with central vowels maintaining a more equidistant configuration from front to back, often resulting in reduced or neutralized quality in unstressed contexts, such as the centralized [ɨ] in some Slavic languages like Russian reduced vowels. In languages with vowel harmony, backness plays a key role; for instance, Turkish exhibits vowel harmony where suffixes match the backness of the root vowel, using back vowels like [u, o, ɔ, a] in back-harmonic words (e.g., "ev" [ev] 'house' takes front suffix -i, while "kol" [koɫ] 'arm' takes back -u). Similarly, Finnish distinguishes front [e, ä, y, ö] from back [o, a, u] in harmony patterns, ensuring phonological consistency across morphemes. The Cardinal Vowel system, developed by Daniel Jones in the early 20th century, provides a standardized for plotting vowels on a triangular or chart based on backness and , serving as an auditory and articulatory anchor for . Jones defined eight primary —[i, e, ɛ, a] for front and [ɑ, ɔ, o, u] for back—positioned at evenly spaced intervals to represent the full range of possible advancements without relying on a specific language's inventory. This system, adopted by the , facilitates cross-linguistic comparison; for example, the Japanese vowel approximates Cardinal 4 (front open unrounded), while Korean [ɒ] aligns closer to Cardinal 5 [ɑ] (back open unrounded). Centralized vowels, such as those in English reduced forms like [ə] or in languages like Mandarin with neutral tones, often deviate toward the center of this triangle, highlighting backness as a dynamic feature in prosodic contexts. Backness interacts with to define vowel quality, as detailed in articulatory descriptions of vertical positioning.

Lip Rounding and Other Features

Lip rounding is a key articulatory feature that distinguishes certain vowels by shaping the to modify the vocal tract's resonance. Unrounded vowels, also known as spread vowels, are produced with the lips in a neutral or spread position, allowing for a more open oral cavity, as in the high found in words like "see" in English. In contrast, rounded vowels involve lip protrusion or compression, which lengthens the vocal tract and lowers frequencies, exemplified by the high front rounded vowel in French "tu" (you). Protruded rounding, common in back vowels like English in "," features lips pushed forward to form a circular , while compressed rounding, typical of some front rounded vowels in languages like Swedish, involves flattening the lips laterally without strong protrusion. Beyond lip configuration, vowels can exhibit through lowering of the velum, which opens the velopharyngeal and allows airflow into the , producing sounds like the [ã] in French "an" (year). This feature often co-occurs with oral vowels adjacent to nasal consonants, as in English where vowels before nasals become partially nasalized. Rhoticity, or r-coloring, modifies vowels with a rhotic quality via bunching or retroflexion, creating a lowered third ; for instance, the mid central r-colored vowel [ɚ] in "bird" involves the tip curling back or the body bunching upward. Phonation variations, though less common in vowels than consonants, include deviations from the default (regular vibration of vocal folds) to breathy or creaky . Breathy , with lax vocal folds allowing air escape, appears in languages like Hmong where vowels contrast modal with breathy [a̤], while creaky , involving tense and irregular folds, occurs in Jalapa vowels like creaky [a̰]. Vowel refers to increased muscular effort in the and jaw, producing "tense" vowels like with a raised and firmer articulation compared to "lax" [ɪ] with reduced tension. Additionally, root position involves advancement (ATR, advanced root) or retraction, where [+ATR] vowels like feature a forward-advanced root for greater pharyngeal space, contrasting with [-ATR] [ɛ]; this contrast drives harmony systems in African languages such as Igbo and Yoruba, where vowels within a word agree in ATR value.

Acoustic Phonetics

Formant Structure

Formants are the resonant frequencies arising from standing waves in the vocal tract, which shape the acoustic output of vowels by amplifying specific harmonics of the glottal source spectrum. These resonances, denoted as F1, F2, F3, and higher, are determined by the of the vocal tract, acting as a filter that emphasizes certain frequencies. The first formant (F1) is inversely related to vowel height: higher vowels, with a raised position, exhibit lower F1 frequencies due to a longer effective back cavity resonance. Conversely, the second formant (F2) primarily correlates with tongue frontness: front vowels, involving advancement of the body, produce higher F2 values, while back vowels yield lower F2. Typical formant values for adult male speakers illustrate these patterns. For the high , F1 is approximately 270 Hz and F2 around 2290 Hz; for the high , F1 is about 300 Hz with F2 near 870 Hz; and for the low [ɑ], F1 reaches 660 Hz with F2 at 1190 Hz. These measurements, from the classic Peterson and Barney (1952) study of vowels, show F1 ranging from roughly 300 Hz in high vowels to over 800 Hz in low vowels, and F2 from 2000–2500 Hz in to below 1300 Hz in ; values are averages and can vary by speaker characteristics, dialect, and phonetic context. Formant frequencies can be estimated using simplified models of the vocal tract as a uniform tube closed at the and open at the lips, approximating quarter-wave resonances. The general for the nth formant is: Fn=(2n1)c4LF_n = \frac{(2n-1)c}{4L} where cc is the (approximately 350 m/s), LL is the effective vocal tract (around 17.5 cm for adult males), and n=1,2,[3,](/page/3Dots)n = 1, 2, [3, \dots](/page/3_Dots). This model, foundational in , predicts F1 ≈ 500 Hz and F2 ≈ 1500 Hz for a neutral schwa-like configuration but varies with tract constrictions for specific vowels. In spectrograms, vowel formants appear as dark horizontal bands representing energy concentrations across and time, with F1 typically the lowest band and F2 the next prominent one, enabling visual distinction of vowel categories based on their spacing and positions.

Perceptual Cues

Human listeners perceive vowels primarily through the acoustic patterns of their first two s (F1 and F2), which define positions in a perceptual vowel space where vowel height correlates with F1 and frontness/backness with F2 . This two-dimensional mapping allows categorization of vowels like /i/ (low F1, high F2) versus /u/ (low F1, low F2), with listeners normalizing for speaker variations to achieve robust identification. Seminal acoustic analyses confirm that these formant loci account for high accuracy in vowel recognition across talkers, establishing the perceptual basis for distinguishing the eleven monophthongs in . Vowel perception exhibits categorical boundaries, where acoustically continuous formant transitions are perceived as discrete categories despite gradual spectral changes. For instance, stimuli varying between /i/ and /ɪ/ show sharp identification shifts around a formant ratio threshold, with discrimination peaks at category borders exceeding within-category differences by factors of 2-3 in sensitivity. This effect, less pronounced for isolated steady-state vowels than for consonants, arises from phonetic memory codes that enhance between-category discriminability while compressing within-category variations. Coarticulatory influences from adjacent consonants significantly modulate perceived vowel quality by altering formant trajectories, yet listeners compensate using dynamic spectral cues to maintain invariance. In consonant-vowel-consonant contexts, anticipatory and carryover effects shift formant onsets and offsets—for example, lip rounding in following labials lowers F2—but identification accuracy improves compared to isolated vowels, as perceivers integrate transitional information specifying the intended target. This contextual enhancement, observed in experiments with synthetic and syllables, underscores the role of time-varying patterns over static targets in robust vowel decoding. Perceptual categories for vowels are shaped by native experience, leading to challenges in discriminating non-native contrasts that fall within or between L1 categories. Infants initially discriminate a broad range of vowels universally, but by 10-12 months, exposure narrows sensitivity, impairing adult-like discrimination of contrasts like French /y/-/u/ for English speakers due to assimilation to native /i/. Cross-linguistic studies reveal that discrimination difficulty correlates with perceptual assimilation patterns, with two-category assimilations yielding near-chance performance while uncategorized contrasts allow better resolution, as predicted by models like PAM.

Phonological Roles

Monophthongs and Complex Vowels

Monophthongs are vowels articulated with a single, unchanging vocal tract configuration, maintaining a steady from onset to offset and serving as the core elements in the of vowel systems across languages. These pure vowels form the basis of standard vowel charts, which plot them by dimensions such as , backness, and to represent the phonetic space of possible vowel articulations. For example, the high front unrounded vowel and the low back unrounded vowel [ɑ] exemplify monophthongs, where the position remains relatively constant throughout the 's duration. Diphthongs, in contrast, are complex vowels comprising two distinct vowel targets within a single , produced through a continuous glide or transition between the initial (onset) and final (offset) vowel qualities. They are classified as rising if the second element is more open (e.g., [iə] in some dialects) or falling if the second element is a glide toward a high position (e.g., [aɪ] as in English "buy" or [au] as in "cow"). This gliding path distinguishes diphthongs from sequences of two adjacent vowels in hiatus, which span separate syllables. In , diphthongs like [eɪ] and [oʊ] often appear in open syllables and contribute to syllable structure by filling the nucleus. Triphthongs extend this complexity to three vowel targets in one , involving a glide through an intermediate vowel to a final one, such as [aɪə] in English words like "" or [iao] in Ekegusii "ekiao" meaning "yours." These are rarer than monophthongs or diphthongs, typically occurring in languages with permissive syllable nuclei, and their realization can vary by speed and context, sometimes reducing to diphthongs. Examples are language-specific, with triphthongs appearing in verb forms in (e.g., [iaɪ] in "cambiáis") or African languages like Ekegusii. In phonological , monophthongs function as unitary syllable nuclei, whereas diphthongs and triphthongs exhibit dual interpretations: as single complex segments (branching nuclei) that behave as indivisible units in prosodic structure, or as sequences of a vowel followed by one or more glides (e.g., V + or V + ), which align with linear phonological rules like those in generative models. This debate influences analyses of and ; for instance, in English, diphthongs often pattern like long vowels in attracting stress or resisting certain alternations, supporting their status as complex nuclei, while in other languages, they alternate with V + glide sequences. Acoustic transitions in diphthongs reflect smooth trajectories between targets, distinguishing them from monophthongs' stable spectra.

Prosody and Intonation Effects

In , vowels play a central role in prosody by undergoing lengthening in stressed syllables, which contributes to the rhythmic structure of languages. In stress-timed languages like English, stressed vowels are typically prolonged to maintain roughly equal intervals between stresses, while unstressed vowels are shortened, creating a sense of rhythmic beats. This lengthening under emphasis enhances perceptual prominence. In contrast, syllable-timed languages such as Spanish exhibit more uniform vowel durations across syllables, though stress still induces moderate lengthening to mark emphasis. Intonation patterns further modulate vowels through variations in pitch, where rising or falling contours on vowel nuclei signal pragmatic functions like questions, statements, or emotional emphasis. For instance, in English declaratives, a falling pitch on the final stressed vowel conveys assertion, while a rising contour on the same vowel indicates , aiding listener comprehension of utterance intent. These pitch movements are realized primarily on vowels due to their sonorous quality, allowing smooth transitions in (F0) that consonants cannot support as effectively. Research demonstrates that such intonational cues on vowels improve processing, with higher pitch peaks on focused vowels enhancing information structure. In tone languages, vowels serve as primary tone-bearing units (TBUs), where lexical tones are associated with the vowel in each to distinguish word meanings. In , for example, the vowel can carry one of four main tones—high level (55), rising (35), falling-rising (214), or falling (51)—altering the pitch trajectory and thus the semantic interpretation, as in (mother) versus (horse). This association is phonological, with tones linking to the syllable's nuclear vowel or sonorant coda, enabling complex pitch interactions in polysyllabic words. Empirical studies confirm that tonal contrasts on vowels are perceptually robust. Prosodic boundaries influence vowels through phenomena like devoicing or at phrase edges, marking the separation of intonational units. In languages such as Japanese, high vowels like /i/ and /u/ often devoice between voiceless consonants or before prosodic boundaries, reducing their duration and amplitude to signal domain finals without complete deletion. This effect is domain-sensitive, occurring more frequently at major boundaries (e.g., utterance ends) than minor ones, and correlates with increased gestural overlap in articulatory models. Cross-linguistically, such boundary-induced modifications on vowels help delineate rhythmic grouping.

Vowel Reduction and Harmony

Vowel reduction refers to the phonological process in which vowels in unstressed syllables undergo centralization and shortening, often resulting in a neutralized form such as the schwa [ə]. In English, for instance, the vowel in the first syllable of "about" reduces to [ə], minimizing articulatory movement while preserving word recognition. This phenomenon arises from phonetic undershoot in shorter durations typical of unstressed positions, where the average schwa duration is approximately 34 ms, leading to a reduction in vowel contrasts from seven in stressed syllables to a single central vowel in many languages like English or Russian. Vowel harmony, in contrast, involves the assimilation of vowels within a word to agree in specific features, such as frontness/backness or advanced tongue root (ATR) position, particularly in suffixes. In Turkish, vowels harmonize regressively for backness, so a suffix like the plural -ler alternates to -lar after back vowels (e.g., evler 'houses' front, kapılar back). Finnish exhibits progressive harmony for both front/back and rounding, where preceding vowels determine suffix forms (e.g., talo-i-ssa 'in the houses' with back vowels vs. kivi-ssä 'in the stone' with front). Harmony can be regressive, spreading right-to-left as in Turkish, or progressive, left-to-right as in Finnish, with blocking effects from neutral vowels that either opaque (stopping spread) or transparent (allowing skip). These processes serve functional roles in speech production and perception, promoting ease of articulation through reduced effort in rapid speech and enhancing perceptual clarity by maintaining feature consistency across syllables. Vowel reduction minimizes articulatory demands in unstressed contexts, while harmony arises from co-articulatory effects that facilitate smoother transitions between vowels, ultimately supporting efficient communication.

Orthographic and Historical Aspects

Representation in Writing Systems

In alphabetic writing systems, vowels are represented by dedicated letters that correspond to specific vowel phonemes, allowing for a direct mapping between sounds and graphemes. For instance, the Latin alphabet employs letters such as A, , I, , and to denote vowels, as seen in English where "cat" uses A for /æ/ and "see" uses EE for /iː/. Digraphs, combinations of two letters, often represent single vowel sounds, such as "ea" in English "team" for /iː/ or "oo" in "book" for /ʊ/. This phonemic approach contrasts with other systems by explicitly encoding both consonants and vowels, though orthographic irregularities like in "cake" can modify vowel quality without additional letters. Abjad scripts, such as those used for Hebrew and Arabic, primarily denote consonants, with vowels often omitted in standard writing to rely on reader familiarity for interpretation. Certain consonant letters serve as matres lectionis to indicate long vowels, for example, in Hebrew, ו (vav) represents /u/ or /o/, as in בית (bayit, "house") where י (yod) marks the /i/. Full vowel specification is achieved through optional diacritics: Arabic employs harakat marks like fatha (a short horizontal line for /a/) above or below consonants, while Hebrew uses niqqud points, such as ַ for /a/ in educational or religious texts. These systems prioritize consonantal skeletons for efficiency in Semitic languages, where root structures aid disambiguation. Abugida systems, prevalent in South and Southeast Asian scripts derived from Brahmi, feature consonants with an inherent vowel sound, typically /a/, which forms the base syllable. Vowel modifications are indicated by diacritic marks called mātrās attached to the consonant, as in where क (ka) becomes की (kī) with a horizontal line above for /iː/, or independent vowel letters are used at syllable beginnings, like अ for /a/. A mark suppresses the inherent vowel to yield a pure consonant, for example, क् (k) in compounds. This syllabic ensures compact representation while accommodating vowel variations systematically. In logographic systems like Chinese, vowels are not explicitly denoted but implied through the pronunciation of entire characters, which represent morphemes or syllables via a of semantic and phonetic components. The rebus principle historically allowed phonetic borrowing, where a character's , including its vowel, cues similar-sounding elements in new characters, as in 琵 (pí, with phonetic component 巴 bā approximating the vowel in ""). Homophones like 馬 (mǎ, "") and 媽 (mā, "") share vowel implications from phonetic radicals but differ in semantic hints, relying on context rather than isolated vowel markers. This indirect approach suits the morphosyllabic nature of Chinese, where characters encode meaning alongside approximate .

Vowel Shifts and Changes

Vowel shifts refer to systematic changes in the of vowels over time within a or , often occurring as part of broader phonological realignments. These shifts can involve raising, lowering, fronting, or backing of vowel qualities, and they frequently propagate through interconnected patterns known as chain shifts, where the movement of one vowel creates pressure on adjacent vowels in the phonetic space. Such changes are well-documented in the of English and its varieties, influencing modern pronunciations across regions. In historical linguistics, the term vocalism (German: Vokalismus) refers to the diachronic study of the vowel system in a language or language family, tracking how vowels evolve over time. This encompasses sound shifts, such as the Great Vowel Shift in English, as well as morphological changes like ablaut (vowel gradation, e.g., sing, sang, sung) and umlaut (vowel mutation caused by a following sound, e.g., mousemice). In Indo-European studies, vocalism is crucial for reconstructing ancient languages, as vowels often carry grammatical information (such as tense or number) while consonants preserve the lexical root meaning. The Great Vowel Shift (GVS) in English, occurring primarily between the 15th and 18th centuries, exemplifies a major historical vowel shift that affected long vowels in stressed syllables. During this period, Middle English high long vowels /iː/ and /uː/ diphthongized to /aɪ/ and /aʊ/, respectively, while mid long vowels /eː/ and /oː/ raised to /iː/ and /uː/; the low long vowel /aː/ raised to /eɪ/. For instance, the Middle English /iː/ (as in "bite") diphthongized to become Modern English /aɪ/. This chain-like progression, often described as a "drag chain" where higher vowels moved first, fundamentally altered the English vowel system and contributed to the irregular spelling-pronunciation mismatches seen today. Scholars attribute the GVS to internal phonetic pressures rather than external influences, with evidence from rhyming patterns in Chaucerian poetry supporting its timeline. In contemporary English dialects, chain shifts continue to shape regional variations, as seen in the Northern Cities Shift (NCS) of , which emerged in the mid-20th century across urban areas of the , including , , and Syracuse, though recent studies indicate the shift is in decline in many areas as of the 2020s. The NCS involves a rotation of short vowels: /æ/ raises toward [ɛə] (as in "cat" sounding like "ket"), /ɛ/ lowers and backs toward [ʌ] ("dress" like "druss"), /ʌ/ backs toward [ɔ] ("strut" sounding backer, like "strot"), and /ɔ/ in THOUGHT lowers and fronts toward [ɑ] ("thought" like "thot"). This interconnected set of changes, first systematically documented in the , reflects innovation that emerged in Inland Northern dialects and has been linked to social identity markers among working-class speakers in deindustrializing cities. Acoustic analyses confirm the shift's progression in real time, with younger speakers showing more advanced stages than older ones. Dialectal variations in vowel pronunciation are prominent in non-rhotic accents like Australian English, where diphthong shifts have been observed since the early 20th century. In Mainstream Australian English, the diphthong /aɪ/ (as in "price") has centralized and raised to [ɐɪ] or [äɪ], while /eɪ/ ( "face") has shifted toward [æɪ] or [aɛ], creating a perceptual chain that distinguishes it from British Received Pronunciation. These changes, tracked over generations through formant measurements in sociophonetic studies, show parallel shifts in both monophthongs and diphthongs, with women leading the innovation. Longitudinal data from Sydney and Melbourne corpora indicate acceleration in the post-1980s era, possibly tied to broader Australian vowel fronting trends. Social and contact-induced factors play crucial roles in driving vowel shifts and mergers, often accelerating changes through migration, urbanization, and community interactions. For example, the cot-caught merger, where the low back vowels /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ (as in "cot" and "caught") converge to [ɑ], has spread rapidly in since the , particularly in Western and Midwestern dialects. Sociolinguistic research attributes this merger's diffusion to contact between dialects during westward expansion and industrialization, with higher socioeconomic groups adopting it earlier as a prestige marker. In mergers-in-progress, speakers may temporarily unmerge categories during accommodation to non-merged interlocutors, highlighting the interplay of social identity and phonetic convergence. Quantitative studies of production and perception in diverse communities, such as San Francisco's ethnic groups, reveal that age, gender, and ethnicity modulate merger rates, with younger bilingual speakers showing variable maintenance of distinctions.

Linguistic Systems and Examples

Vowel Inventories Across Languages

Vowel inventories exhibit considerable diversity across the world's languages, with sizes typically ranging from 2 to 14 distinct vowel qualities. Analysis of the UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID), which covers 317 languages, reveals that primary vowel systems most commonly consist of 3 to 9 vowels, with 5 being the preferred size; secondary systems, often involving reduced or specialized vowels, also peak at 5. Similarly, the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS) database, drawing from 564 languages, reports an average of about 6 vowel qualities, with inventories of 5 vowels occurring in approximately 33% of cases and 6 vowels in 18%. These variations reflect typological universals, such as a preference for peripheral vowel placement in the articulatory space, alongside language-specific adaptations influenced by phonological and historical factors. In linguistics, the term "vocalism" (from German "Vokalismus") refers to the entire system of vowels in a particular language or dialect, serving as the counterpart to "Konsonantismus" (the consonant system). The synchronic view of vocalism analyzes the vowel inventory at a specific point in time, examining quality (distinct sounds such as /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/), quantity (differences between short and long vowels, e.g., German "Stat" [ʃtat] 'place' vs. "Staat" [ʃtaːt] 'state'), and features like roundness, nasality, or tongue height. Minimal vowel inventories, with 3 to 5 vowels, are attested in several language families and represent the lower end of global diversity. For instance, many Austronesian languages feature compact systems of 4 or 5 vowels, such as the 5-vowel inventory /i, e, a, o, u/ found in Hawaiian and other Polynesian languages, which maximizes contrast through height and backness distinctions. Even smaller systems exist, like the 3-vowel setup in Ubykh, a Northwest Caucasian language, comprising /a, ə, ɨ/, where vowel quality is often secondary to a vast consonant inventory of over 80 segments. Such reduced inventories are rare outside the Americas, Australia, and parts of Papua New Guinea, occurring in only about 16% of WALS languages. At the opposite extreme, larger inventories exceed 12 vowels, incorporating contrasts in , rounding, or nasality. Danish exemplifies this with approximately 16 monophthongal vowels in stressed syllables, many distinguished by and subtle quality differences, resulting in a crowded vowel space that challenges perceptual boundaries. Common patterns in both small and large systems include the "triangular" configuration, centered on a core of high front /i/, low central /a/, and high back /u/, which appears in nearly all languages and forms the foundation for expansion in larger inventories. Oral versus nasal contrasts further diversify systems, as in French, where three nasal vowels (/ɛ̃, ɔ̃, ɑ̃/) phonemically oppose their oral counterparts, enhancing lexical distinctions in about 10-15% of words. Typological trends indicate that 5 to 7 monophthongs predominate globally, with UPSID data showing over 50% of languages falling in this range, often exhibiting symmetry between front and back series but with a toward more front vowels. Rare features include non-peripheral like /ɨ/ or /ə/, which emerge primarily in larger systems, and asymmetries such as front rounded vowels, which occur twice as frequently as back unrounded ones but remain uncommon overall. These distributions, derived from databases like UPSID and WALS, underscore universals in vowel organization while highlighting areal influences, such as shaping inventories in Eurasian languages.

Vowel-Only and Consonant-Only Contexts

Vowel-only words appear in various languages, often as function words or interjections. In English, interjections like "oh" and "ah" are composed entirely of vowels, serving expressive functions such as surprise or realization without consonantal elements. In Hawaiian, pronouns such as "au" ('I') and particles like "a" (indefinite article or vocative) are vowel-only, reflecting the language's limited consonant inventory of eight phonemes. Over 100 such words exist in Hawaiian, drawn from standard dictionaries. Consonant-only contexts arise through syllabic consonants, where a consonant functions as the nucleus in the absence of a vowel. In English, the word "" is pronounced as [ˈbʌt.n̩], with the nasal [n̩] serving as the syllabic nucleus of the second . In , the writing system represents words through consonantal roots, such as the triconsonantal root ('write'), where short vowels are typically omitted in script and inferred from , allowing for structures perceived as consonant-heavy. Languages with minimal vowels, like Tashlhiyt Berber, permit extensive clusters and even vowelless words, such as "tsskft" ('you dried it'), relying on syllabic obstruents and consonants for . Phonotactic constraints in many languages prohibit such clusters, leading to vowel as a repair strategy to insert a vowel and restore well-formed syllables, as seen in adaptations where unfamiliar clusters like English /str/ become [sɨ.tɹə] in some dialects. Vowel reduction can occasionally contribute to vowel absence in unstressed positions, though this is explored further in discussions of reduction processes.

References

  1. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/vocalism
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