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Texas dollar
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Texas dollar
Fifty-dollar bearer note
Denominations
Banknotes$1, $2, $3, $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, $500
Demographics
User(s) Republic of Texas
This infobox shows the latest status before this currency was rendered obsolete.

The Texas dollar was the currency of the Republic of Texas. Several forms of currency were issued, but an ongoing economic depression made it difficult for the government to provide effective backing.[1] The republic accepted the standard gold and silver coins of the United States, but never minted its own coins.[2]

Negotiable promissory notes

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Redbacks

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Three-dollar change note

"Redbacks" were bearer promissory notes issued between January 1839 and September 1840 by Mirabeau B. Lamar to fund the national debt during his presidency of the republic.[3] Inflation, due mainly to overprinting, devalued the notes substantially, making 15 redbacks equal to one United States dollar.[citation needed] This debt of over $10 million was an important factor for annexation into the United States.

The redbacks were issued in the denominations of $5, $10, $20, $50, $100, and $500 bills. There were also “change notes” issued at the time of $1, $2, and $3 bills that had a blank back.[citation needed] All of these notes were issued from Austin. Many of the notes appear as orange-colored because of the quality of the ink. Several people[4] have suggested that the “burnt orange” color of The University of Texas at Austin came from this coloring, but it cannot be proven.

The government cut-cancelled redbacks and change upon redemption to keep them from being fraudulently redeemed again. The cancelled notes are highly sought after by collectors. A few notes were never redeemed or cut-cancelled; those notes are valued more highly.[5][citation needed] Two early Republic of Texas heroes are found on redbacks. Both had died prior to the issuance of the notes. Deaf Smith is found on the $5 redback, while the "Father of Texas," Stephen F. Austin, is found on the $50 note.

Congress acknowledged the redbacks' collapse in 1842 by refusing to accept them at face value for payment of taxes. Texans increasingly relied on United States currency, shinplasters and private obligations.[2][1]

Exchequer bills

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The end of the redback coincided with the presidency of John Tyler in the United States, who had proposed a regulated paper money system called the Exchequer plan. Upon resuming the Texas presidency, Sam Houston attempted to restore the negotiable note system under the name of "exchequer bills." This effort had little success until the following year, when economic conditions throughout North America began to improve. By 1845 the bills were passing at par value.[1]

Under the Compromise of 1850, Texas was given $10 million for all the land it had claimed outside its present state boundary. With this money, Texas paid off all its debts, including the redemption of its notes.

See also

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References

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Texas dollar

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from Grokipedia
The Texas dollar was the unit of currency employed by the from its in 1836 until annexation by the in 1845, primarily manifested through government-issued paper notes rather than minted specie. The republic did not produce its own coins, instead circulating and silver alongside domestically printed promissory notes, exchequer bills, and change to finance military efforts and operations amid fiscal constraints. Initial issuances, dubbed "star money" for the emblematic star on the bills, appeared in 1837 under President , but subsequent emissions like the 1839 "redbacks"—named for their pink-tinted reverse—totaled over two million dollars in face value and rapidly depreciated due to excessive printing without sufficient backing, trading at roughly 37 cents to the U.S. dollar initially and plummeting to mere pennies amid . This monetary volatility exacerbated economic hardships, eroded public confidence, and underscored the republic's reliance on land sales and loans for revenue, ultimately influencing its path toward statehood.

Historical Context

Financial Challenges of the Republic of Texas

Upon achieving independence from on March 2, 1836, the inherited substantial debts from the provisional and ad interim governments formed during the , totaling approximately $1.25 million. This figure encompassed $100,000 in loans raised abroad and the remainder in unpaid claims for military services, supplies, and provisions procured to sustain the revolutionary forces against Mexican armies. These obligations arose directly from the costs of warfare, including armaments, troop sustenance, and naval contracts, leaving the nascent republic financially strained with creditors demanding immediate repayment amid ongoing threats of Mexican reinvasion. The absence of reliable streams exacerbated these pressures, as the initially lacked mechanisms such as duties to generate ; an act to impose impost duties was not passed until December 20, 1836. Instead, officials turned to land sales from the vast exceeding 250 million acres, but these proved slow and insufficient due to sparse settlement, legal uncertainties over titles, and the need to reserve portions for veterans and . Efforts to secure foreign loans, including authorizations for $5 million in 1836, failed owing to investors' doubts about Texas sovereignty and the global , compelling the government to issue domestic bonds often sold at deep discounts or backed insecurely by unsold lands. Prior to independence, circulation in Texas had relied heavily on the Mexican silver peso, a specie-based currency with established trust derived from its silver content and widespread use in trade across Mexican territories. However, the republic faced acute scarcity of gold and silver reserves, as imports consistently outpaced exports—particularly cotton shipments—causing hard money to drain rapidly from circulation. This dearth of specie, combined with war debts, necessitated a pivot to paper instruments as temporary fiscal expedients, marking a departure from metallic standards and underscoring the republic's vulnerability to inflationary pressures without metallic backing.

Initial Currency Experiments

Following independence in 1836, the faced acute shortages of small-denomination for everyday transactions, prompting the issuance of provisional promissory notes and change bills. On June 9, 1837, Congress authorized $500,000 in interest-bearing promissory notes, intended to circulate as redeemable in specie or current funds, with denominations including $1 through $100. These notes were printed to address immediate fiscal needs amid the , but total issuance reached $1,165,139 by 1838, exceeding initial limits due to demands for funding public expenses, including military pay. President advocated restraint to maintain redeemability in specie, warning against overissuance that would undermine value. In December 1837, to facilitate local trade lacking fractional coinage, the government authorized $10,000 in non-interest-bearing "change notes" denominated at $1, $2, and $3, payable on demand in specie or larger notes. These ad-hoc measures aimed to peg the currency to U.S. dollars or hard money, but rapid overprinting eroded confidence, as the volume outpaced available reserves. By May 1838, the promissory notes traded at 65 cents on the dollar in specie, depreciating further to 40 cents by late that year, reflecting discounts of 35-60% amid scarcity of backing assets. The limited success of these experiments stemmed from insufficient specie inflows and fiscal pressures, leading to widespread discounting and reluctance among merchants to accept the notes at . While providing short-term liquidity for transactions, the provisional failed to establish stable circulation, foreshadowing subsequent challenges without establishing a formalized Texas dollar system.

Major Currency Types

Negotiable Promissory Notes

The negotiable promissory notes of the , commonly referred to as "star notes" due to the prominent star motif in their design, represented the initial formal issuance of paper currency by the government. On June 12, 1837, the Congress of the Republic authorized the issuance of up to $500,000 in these interest-bearing notes to address acute financial needs amid the Panic of 1837. The notes, printed in denominations including $10, $20, $100, and $500, bore 10 percent annual interest and were redeemable in specie after twelve months. In total, approximately $514,510 worth was issued between late 1837 and January 1838, with signatures by William G. Cooke acting for President and Secretary of the Treasury Henry Smith. These notes were backed by pledges of lands and anticipated revenues, making them receivable for public dues and duties to enhance their acceptability. The utilized them primarily to secure short-term loans from American and European bankers, facilitating payments for military expenses, administrative costs, and commerce sustainment in the absence of specie. This structure aimed to leverage the Republic's vast assets—estimated at over 200 million acres—as collateral, though actual redemption depended on inflows that proved unreliable due to ongoing fiscal constraints. Initially, the notes circulated at , providing brief utility as a in trade and accepted by merchants wary of counterfeits but confident in assurances. However, issuance fell short of the full authorization, partly owing to logistical challenges in printing and distribution from , the temporary capital. Their negotiability allowed transferability like , aiding liquidity until emerging doubts about timely redemption eroded confidence.

Redbacks

Redbacks, the primary experiment of the , were issued starting in January under President to address pressing fiscal needs amid ongoing military expenditures. These unbacked promissory notes, lacking specie reserves, represented an expansionary that rapidly flooded the economy with paper money. By late , issuance had begun in earnest, with the government printing over $2 million in within the first year alone. The notes derived their nickname from the distinctive red ink used on the reverse side, featuring intricate geometric patterns intended to discourage counterfeiting through visual complexity. Denominations ranged from $5 to $100, printed on one side only to facilitate quick production and distribution. While redbacks were declared for all public dues except customs duties, they held no such compulsion for private debts, limiting their utility in everyday commerce and contributing to uneven acceptance. Initial exchange rates valued one redback dollar at approximately 37 cents in U.S. , reflecting immediate skepticism about their stability. Massive issuance continued through 1841, totaling over $2 million by 1842, primarily to finance aggressive expansionist ventures such as the 1841 Santa Fe Expedition aimed at securing routes and territorial claims. As unbacked , redbacks' proliferation without corresponding economic output spurred rapid from the outset, eroding and public trust even as they enabled short-term .

Exchequer Bills

Exchequer bills represented a deliberate policy shift toward fiscal restraint during Sam Houston's second presidency, authorizing the issuance of revenue-anticipated notes to address the hyperinflationary failures of earlier promissory currencies like redbacks. Enacted by Congress on January 19, 1842, the legislation capped total issuance at $200,000, prioritizing small-denomination change notes from 12.5 cents to $1 to facilitate everyday transactions while linking redemption directly to customs revenues and public dues. These bills incorporated security features such as serial numbering and manual signatures from treasury officials, including the and , to deter counterfeiting and ensure traceability. Backed by anticipated customs collections rather than unsecured promises, they were receivable for taxes, postage, and duties at after July 1842, with redeemed notes mandatorily destroyed to maintain scarcity and prevent recirculation. In total, $150,490 in bills were printed between 1842 and 1845, encompassing both change notes and higher denominations up to $100, though the emphasis remained on fractional values for practical utility. Their controlled issuance and enforced redemption mechanisms fostered relative stability compared to prior notes; while initially trading at a 75% discount in mid-1842 amid ongoing economic pressures, the bills recovered to near-par value with specie by 1845 in key trading areas, attributable to minimal circulating —often under $10,000 outstanding at any time—and strict specie redemption clauses tied to revenue inflows. audits confirmed this efficacy, recording only $13,208.29 unredeemed by 1852, underscoring the success of supply limits in upholding value without reliance on overprinting.

Economic Performance and Depreciation

Causes of Currency Instability

The currency of the , particularly the redback notes issued under the Act of January 19, 1839, suffered from inherent instability due to its nature, lacking sufficient reserves of specie ( or silver) for redemption. These non-interest-bearing promissory notes, totaling $2,780,361 in issuance, were pledged for repayment in specie after two years but were printed in excess of the government's ability to accumulate hard money, leading to rapid inflationary depreciation as public demand for goods outstripped the constrained supply of backed value. This overreliance on unbacked paper violated basic monetary principles, where expanded without corresponding economic output erodes ; by 1841, redbacks traded at approximately 37.5 cents on the U.S. dollar. The absence of credible reserves exacerbated dynamics, under which depreciating "bad" money circulated while scarce specie was hoarded by the public or exported for , further starving the domestic economy of stable . Overissuance was driven by chronic fiscal deficits, as the government printed notes to cover expenditures exceeding revenues, with total paper currency reaching $4,095,990 across types by the republic's end. Political demands for military funding, including expeditions and defenses amid territorial ambitions, accelerated this process; for instance, redback printing surged to finance operations that strained the treasury without generating offsetting income. By February 1842, amid mounting doubts about redeemability, Congress revoked redbacks' legal tender status and shifted payments to market rates, reflecting a collapse in value to levels as low as 10-15 cents on the dollar in some markets, as unchecked issuance flooded circulation without fiscal restraint. External pressures from the unresolved war with Mexico compounded these internal flaws, as intermittent blockades and invasions disrupted trade, particularly cotton exports that formed the economic backbone. Mexican forces under Santa Anna invaded in 1842, seizing key areas and halting commerce, while naval blockades limited port revenues and specie inflows from abroad, preventing the treasury from building reserves for note redemption. This isolation reduced customs duties—the primary revenue source—and fueled hoarding, as uncertainty over sovereignty eroded confidence in Texas scrip, amplifying depreciation through reduced velocity and acceptance in cross-border transactions.

Impacts on Trade and Public Confidence

The rapid depreciation of Republic of Texas currencies, particularly the redbacks issued starting in January 1839, severely contracted trade by eroding their acceptability as . Redbacks, which comprised $2,780,361 in net issuance by September 1840, initially traded at 37.5 cents per dollar in specie but plummeted to as low as 2 cents by winter 1841–1842, prompting merchants to demand steep premiums in hard for imports or refuse the notes altogether. This adverse trade balance, where imports consistently exceeded exports, further drained limited specie reserves, inflating costs for essential goods and stalling commercial activity; by 1840, segments of commerce in ports like Galveston and shifted to systems due to the currency's worthlessness. Land sales, a key revenue source, halted as devalued payments failed to attract buyers or secure real value, exacerbating fiscal strain without corresponding economic expansion. Public confidence in Texas-issued collapsed amid widespread recognition of its overissuance without adequate backing, leading to practical hardships that undermined daily transactions and credibility. Promissory , totaling $1,165,139 from 1837–1838, depreciated from 65 cents per in specie in May 1838 to 40 cents by 1839, while redbacks' loss of status in February 1842 formalized their rejection in private dealings. Salaried officials and citizens faced acute , as unbacked emissions fueled price surges disproportionate to , fostering distrust in the 's monetary monopoly and prompting reliance on foreign specie or informal exchanges. Although specific riots are undocumented, the systemic discounting— trading at market rates far below —reflected broad skepticism, with the 1842 suspension of redback enforceability marking a nadir in faith that halted their circulation and highlighted the perils of issuance absent specie or stable revenue. These dynamics empirically demonstrated the causal risks of government-controlled unbacked in a reliant on , where not only inflated costs but also deterred and inflows critical for growth. Total paper emissions reached $4,095,990 by , yet persistent instability prefigured U.S. debates on banking, as Texas's experience revealed how monopoly issuance without hard asset ties amplified volatility in trade-dependent regions. The redback fiasco, in particular, served as a cautionary case of how rapid value erosion—driven by excess supply amid military expenditures and scant taxation—eroded confidence, contracting economic activity until specie resumption in 1845 stabilized affairs.

Fiscal Policies and Leadership

Policies Under Sam Houston

During his first term as president from October 1836 to December 1838, prioritized fiscal restraint amid the Republic of Texas's mounting debt of approximately $1.25 million, emphasizing revenue generation through customs duties on imports and sales of public lands rather than expansive paper currency issuance. He supported the limited authorization of $500,000 in promissory notes on June 12, 1837, designed to be backed by land revenues or customs receipts, but opposed broader unbacked emissions that risked depreciation. This approach kept government expenditures low at around $500,000, contrasting with subsequent administrations' higher spending. In his second non-consecutive term from December 1841 to December 1844, Houston confronted the severe depreciation of "redback" currency—unbacked notes issued earlier that traded at as low as 2 cents per U.S. dollar—and advocated the Exchequer system to address fiscal disarray. Congress enacted this on January 19, 1842, authorizing Exchequer bills totaling about $150,490 and interest-bearing notes up to $1,165,139, intended to retire circulating redbacks and fund operations through anticipated customs revenues, with redemption clauses enforceable in specie or land scrip. Houston enforced strict austerity by slashing government offices and salaries, prioritizing specie payments where possible, which reduced outstanding depreciated notes and restored some public confidence by the term's end, as few Exchequer bills remained in circulation and were redeemable at par. These policies temporarily stabilized Texas's finances by curbing and facilitating negotiations, though underlying revenue shortfalls from limited persisted. Houston's preference for hard and revenue-backed instruments over expansion reflected a causal emphasis on sustainable funding sources, averting immediate collapse but not resolving the republic's chronic insolvency.

Policies Under Mirabeau B. Lamar

assumed the presidency of the on December 1, 1838, inheriting a public debt of approximately $1.4 million and a fragile economy reliant on limited customs revenues and land sales. His administration pursued expansionist objectives, including military campaigns against Native American tribes and the establishment of a , which necessitated aggressive deficit financing through the issuance of unbacked paper currency known as redbacks. These notes, first authorized in but expanded significantly under Lamar, were printed without sufficient specie reserves, violating redemption clauses that promised convertibility into silver or . By 1839, the Treasury Department under Lamar issued millions in redbacks to fund ongoing operations, reflecting an overreliance on anticipated revenues from land grants and speculative territorial claims rather than actual fiscal inflows. Lamar's policies directly supported costly ventures such as the Santa Fe Expedition of 1841, a 2,700-man force dispatched to secure trade routes and assert claims over , financed partly through fresh redback emissions. This expedition, departing in June 1841, ended in disaster with most participants captured by Mexican forces, exacerbating fiscal strain without yielding economic benefits. Concurrently, military expenditures for frontier defense and naval acquisitions—totaling over $2.5 million on Indian conflicts alone—drove further printing, ignoring the absence of banking or international credit to stabilize the currency. Empirical data from treasury records indicate that redback circulation ballooned, with denominations up to $500 issued, yet their market value plummeted due to oversupply and lack of redemption, trading at as low as 12 cents per by late 1841. The causal mechanism of depreciation under Lamar stemmed from this unchecked expansion: public escalated from under $2 million in to over $7 million by November 1841, as expenditures outpaced revenues by a factor of five, fueled by optimism in land-based wealth that failed to materialize amid global credit constraints and domestic instability. Policies discounted the reality that without specie inflows or successes—such as the unfulfilled $5 million French attempts—paper issuance eroded , contracting trade as merchants demanded premiums or specie payments. This fiscal overreach, prioritizing geopolitical ambitions over budgetary restraint, directly precipitated hyperinflationary pressures, with redbacks over 80% during his term, underscoring the perils of expansion absent hard asset backing.

Policies Under Anson Jones

Anson Jones assumed the presidency of the on December 9, 1844, inheriting a fiscal system strained by prior depreciations and a public debt approaching $12 million, including liabilities from earlier paper currencies. He emphasized retrenchment by suspending payments on external debts to cover essential government operations, while continuing the redemption of exchequer bills—low-denomination notes issued from 1842 to 1845 and backed primarily by customs revenues—which were systematically destroyed upon receipt to limit circulation. These efforts yielded gradual reductions in outstanding exchequer scrip, with fewer than $10,000 remaining unredeemed by the republic's close, though full par redemption depended on constrained income amid trade disruptions. In , as negotiations advanced, Jones oversaw financial reviews that underscored the irrecoverable losses embedded in depreciated instruments like redbacks, which had traded at fractions of since their 1837 issuance and contributed to the debt's composition without viable domestic redemption paths. Prioritizing stability to enable U.S. integration, his administration aligned fiscal measures with diplomatic overtures, culminating in the U.S. Congress's of March 1, , which stipulated American assumption of up to $10 million in liabilities—a figure calibrated to encompass validated claims from treasury notes and exchequer obligations. This debt transfer, later refined via the , offered partial relief to holders of late-issued paper but excluded full restitution for redback depreciations, reflecting the cumulative toll of unchecked emissions without specie backing. Jones's approach demonstrated the practical constraints of maintaining sovereign currency in a resource-scarce , where reliance on land sales and duties proved insufficient against war legacies and overissuance, ultimately necessitating to externalize debt burdens and restore monetary credibility. By February 19, 1846, these policies facilitated Texas's transition to statehood, winding down independent emissions in favor of U.S. specie circulation.

Legacy and Modern Perspectives

Role in Annexation to the United States

The chronic instability of the Republic of Texas's paper , including the heavily depreciated "redbacks" issued in 1837 and subsequent exchequer bills, exacerbated the republic's mounting public , which reached approximately $10 million by , creating acute economic pressures that bolstered motivations for . These unredeemed notes, lacking sufficient specie backing and undermined by fiscal deficits from military expenditures and limited revenues, had largely collapsed by , trading at fractions of face value and eroding public confidence in the government's . Texas leaders, facing risks and restricted access to international credit, viewed integration with the as a pragmatic avenue for debt management and currency stabilization, prioritizing economic viability over prolonged amid currency failures. The U.S. Congress's of March 1, 1845, authorizing —effective upon 's acceptance on July 4, 1845, and formal admission on December 29—did not entail direct federal assumption of 's debts or automatic conversion of its depreciated dollars. Instead, it permitted to retain ownership of its vast lands, enabling the to generate through to service obligations, including the redemption of outstanding notes. This arrangement indirectly addressed the by providing a fiscal mechanism absent under the , as integrated into the U.S. economy, facilitating specie inflows via expanded trade and federal protections, which gradually restored value to liabilities—evidenced by rising note prices in anticipation of union. Post-annexation, leveraged land revenues and, by 1850, a $10 million federal payment under the —settling boundary disputes—to fully redeem its notes and extinguish public debts, marking the end of the republic's experiment with unbacked fiat currency and underscoring annexation's role in delivering long-term monetary realism through access to stable U.S. financial structures. This debt-handling provision stabilized trade by signaling commitment to creditors, contrasting the republic's prior defaults and depreciations, though it prioritized creditor recovery over immediate specie parity for note holders.

Collectibility and Historical Lessons

Surviving notes from the , particularly the depreciated "redback" bills, are rare due to their widespread rejection and destruction following hyper-devaluation, with many used as scrap paper or after trading at mere cents on the dollar. Collectors value well-preserved examples highly; for instance, a $20 redback note from 1840 in fine condition has sold for $3,255 at , while smaller change notes like a $2 issue fetch around $1,195. Higher denominations, such as $500 redbacks, command premiums owing to scarcity, with authenticated specimens prized by numismatists for their historical significance despite lacking intrinsic redeemability. The currency's collapse provides empirical evidence of money's vulnerabilities when issued without adequate specie reserves or revenue streams to enforce value. Overprinting exceeded $2 million in by 1839 without corresponding economic backing, causing notes to depreciate from near-par to as low as 37 cents per in specie, eroding confidence and necessitating or foreign reliance. This mirrors causal patterns in subsequent inflations, such as the Confederate dollar's fall, underscoring that unanchored paper promises invite speculative flight to hard assets, with redemption failures amplifying distrust. Historical analysis emphasizes the necessity of asset backing for sustained viability, as Texas's experiment—lacking inflows or export surpluses—demonstrated how fiscal deficits propel issuance beyond absorption capacity, yielding repudiation. Policymakers post-annexation avoided similar errors by redeeming remnants via U.S. bonds, a lesson in honoring debts to rebuild credibility. In contemporary contexts, no substantive proposals for a revived "Texas dollar" exist beyond marginal advocacy, which lacks institutional support or economic modeling for independent issuance. Recent legislative efforts focus instead on permitting alternative currencies like , not state revival.

References

  1. http://www.tsl.texas.gov/treasures/republic/currency-01.html
  2. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/671112
  3. https://uscoinsandjewelry.com/blog-article/currency-of-the-republic-of-texas
  4. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/debt-of-the-republic-of-texas
  5. https://tontinecoffeehouse.com/2021/06/28/republic-of-texas-bonds/
  6. https://txarchives.org/tslac/finding_aids/60018.xml
  7. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/republic-of-texas
  8. https://unitedpatriotcoin.com/blogs/news/history-of-currency-coins-in-texas
  9. https://library.uta.edu/spco/timeframes/texas_money.html
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  11. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30235057
  12. https://drtlibrary.wordpress.com/2009/02/06/currency-during-the-texas-republic/
  13. https://digitalcollections.smu.edu/digital/collection/tbn/id/555/
  14. https://www.historynet.com/texan-santa-fe-expedition/
  15. https://digitalcollections.smu.edu/digital/collection/tbn/id/1101/
  16. https://www.independent.org/wp-content/uploads/tir/2006/10/tir_11_02_05_pecquet.pdf
  17. https://fiveable.me/key-terms/hs-texas-history/redbacks
  18. https://www.brookelandisd.net/page/open/3466/0/Chapter%252012%2520Section%25202%2520Reading.pdf
  19. http://michaelpitts059.weebly.com/uploads/5/3/6/2/53626623/sam_houston_information.pdf
  20. https://www.texasalmanac.com/articles/revolution-and-the-republic-3
  21. http://www.tsl.texas.gov/exhibits/presidents/houston2/mrprez.html
  22. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30236443
  23. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30237645
  24. http://www.tsl.texas.gov/exhibits/presidents/lamar/mrprez.html
  25. https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/texan-santa-fe-expedition
  26. https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/23391/1/2004-04.pdf
  27. https://degolyer.omeka.net/exhibits/show/fossils-to-film/item/479
  28. https://www.texasalmanac.com/articles/annexation-and-statehood
  29. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4950583_Bondholder_gains_from_the_annexation_of_Texas_and_implications_of_the_US_bailout
  30. http://www.tsl.texas.gov/ref/abouttx/annexation/march1845.html
  31. https://millercenter.org/node/64431
  32. https://www.brookelandisd.net/page/open/3145/0/Chapter%252014%2520Section%25203%2520Reading.pdf
  33. https://www.independent.org/wp-content/uploads/tir/2009/01/tir_13_03_5_pecquet_thies.pdf
  34. https://www.skinnerinc.com/news/blog/the-last-currency-of-the-republic-of-texas/
  35. https://theantiquarium.com/products/20-redback-currency-republic-of-texas-1840
  36. https://theantiquarium.com/collections/texas-currency
  37. https://theantiquarium.com/products/five-hundred-dollars-republic-of-texas-1840
  38. https://www.texastribune.org/2023/11/15/texas-secession-texit/
  39. https://www.txce.org/right_to_currency_choice
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