Community hub
0 subscribers7 pages, 0 posts
Recent from talks
All channels
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Welcome to the community hub built to collect knowledge and have discussions related to Tivala.
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Tivala
View on Wikipediafrom Wikipedia
Tivala (born 3rd-century BC), also referred to as Tivara, was the fourth son of Maurya Emperor Ashoka from his second queen, Karuvaki. He is the only son of Ashoka who is mentioned by name in his inscriptions, along with his mother, in the Queen Edict.[1]
Key Information
Tivala is the only son of Ashoka whose existence is attested by historical evidence and who was a possible successor to his father.[2] Tivala is also considered to have been a favourite child of his aging father.[3]
References
[edit]- ^ S. N. Sen (1999). Ancient Indian History And Civilization. New Age International. p. 151. ISBN 8122411983.
- ^ Thapar, Romila (1973). Aśoka and the decline of the Mauryas. Oxford University Press. p. 185.
- ^ Arthur Smith, Vincent (1998). Ashoka: The Buddhist Emperor of India. Asian Educational Services. p. 220. ISBN 8120613031.
Tivala
View on Grokipediafrom Grokipedia
Historical Context
The Mauryan Empire under Ashoka
Ashoka ascended the Mauryan throne circa 268 BCE after succeeding his father Bindusara, inheriting an empire founded by Chandragupta Maurya through conquest and alliances. His initial years involved consolidating power via military campaigns, with the Kalinga War around 261 BCE representing the empire's most significant expansion. This conflict against the independent kingdom of Kalinga resulted in approximately 100,000 deaths and 150,000 deportations, as recorded in Ashoka's own Rock Edict XIII, alongside unquantified additional fatalities from disease and hardship.[7] The war's devastation prompted Ashoka to renounce further aggressive conquests, adopting Dhamma—a pragmatic ethical framework stressing non-violence (ahimsa), moral restraint, obedience to parents and elders, compassion for all life, and state-supported welfare measures like hospitals, roads, and wells. Inscriptions detail these shifts: Rock Edict II mandates medical care for humans and animals, while Edict I curbs ritual animal sacrifices and excessive festivities to foster social harmony. Administrative enforcement relied on dhamma-mahamattas, officials tasked with promoting these principles and resolving disputes equitably, reflecting a causal pivot from militarism to internalized governance for long-term stability.[7][8] At its peak, the empire spanned roughly 5 million square kilometers, extending from the Hindu Kush region in modern Afghanistan westward, across northern India to Assam eastward, and southward into parts of the Deccan, incorporating diverse ethnic groups under centralized control from Pataliputra. Rock and pillar edicts, inscribed in Prakrit using Brahmi script (with Greek and Aramaic variants in frontier areas), served as public proclamations for moral instruction, bypassing unreliable oral traditions or later hagiographies like the Ashokavadana. These durable monuments—over 30 major rock edicts and 7 pillar edicts—offer the most direct, contemporaneous evidence of Ashoka's policies, prioritizing verifiable ethical administration over territorial overreach.[9][8]Ashoka's Family Dynamics
Ashoka maintained multiple consorts, reflecting the polygamous practices common among Mauryan rulers, with primary evidence drawn from his inscriptions and subsequent Buddhist chronicles. The Queen's Edict, engraved on the Allahabad pillar around 250 BCE, explicitly references his second queen, Karuvaki, whose charitable donations to ascetics, the infirm, aged women, and lay Brahmins were endorsed and publicized by Ashoka himself, underscoring her independent piety and the royal couple's shared commitment to merit-making.[10] Buddhist texts portray Ashoka's first wife, Devi (also Vedisa-Mahadevi), as originating from a merchant family in Vidisha, married during his viceroyalty in Ujjain circa 280 BCE; she gave birth to children who later advanced Buddhist missions, including a son who entered monastic orders.[11] These accounts, preserved in the Mahavamsa, indicate Devi's non-aristocratic roots and her separation from the Pataliputra court, suggesting Ashoka's early marriages served both personal and administrative purposes in provincial governance.[11] The resulting progeny from these varied unions exhibited a pattern where elder male offspring, such as Mahinda born to Devi, pursued ordination into the Buddhist sangha—Mahnida at age twenty under the tutelage of Moggaliputta Tissa—prioritizing dhamma dissemination over dynastic duties.[12] This monastic inclination, aligned with Ashoka's post-Kalinga (circa 261 BCE) pivot toward non-violence and ethical rule as proclaimed in Rock Edict XIII, introduced inherent uncertainties in imperial succession by disqualifying potential heirs from secular authority through renunciation.[7] Such dynamics, inferred from edicts' emphasis on moral governance over conquest, highlight how familial religious vocations could destabilize linear inheritance amid Ashoka's expansive realm.[7]Parentage and Early Life
Birth and Mother Karuvaki
Tivala, also known as Tivara, was the son of Mauryan Emperor Ashoka and his second queen, Karuvaki, as explicitly stated in Ashoka's Queen's Edict inscribed on the Allahabad Pillar.[10] The edict records that charitable gifts, including mango groves, pleasure gardens, and almshouses, provided in locations such as Isila and the Ganges region, were made in the name of Karuvaki jointly with her son Tivara, emphasizing their shared merit in these acts of piety.[13] This inscription, unique among Ashoka's edicts for naming a specific queen and her child, underscores Karuvaki's elevated status and active role in religious patronage early in Ashoka's rule.[10] The Queen's Edict is dated to Ashoka's fourth regnal year, corresponding to circa 265 BCE, based on the chronological sequence of his inscriptions following his accession around 268 BCE.[13] Tivala's mention alongside his mother implies he was born shortly before or during this period, placing his birth in the early phase of Ashoka's reign, likely after 268 BCE, when the emperor consolidated power after succeeding Bindusara.[10] No precise birth date is recorded in primary sources, but the edict's context of joint donations suggests Tivala was a young child or adolescent by 265 BCE, consistent with the timeline of Ashoka's initial years focused on administrative and familial stability.[13] Karuvaki's background receives no direct attestation in the edicts beyond her designation as the "second queen," a title reflecting the hierarchical polygamous structure of Mauryan royal households, where multiple consorts ensured lineage continuity and political alliances amid the empire's vast territorial demands.[10] Later North Indian traditions link her to Vidisha origins or narratives of elevation from humble circumstances, but these lack corroboration from inscriptional evidence and appear influenced by post-Mauryan hagiographic embellishments rather than empirical records.[14] The edicts prioritize her verifiable contributions to Buddhist-inspired charity, aligning with Ashoka's evolving policy of dhamma propagation, without speculating on her pre-royal life.[13]Position Among Siblings
Tivala, also known as Tivara, is described in later historical accounts as one of Ashoka's sons by his second queen, Karuvaki, placing him among a known set of at least five children that included the eldest son Mahinda, daughter Sanghamitta, another son Kunala, and possibly a daughter Charumati.[15][16] Mahinda, born to Ashoka's first wife Devi around 287 BCE, renounced worldly life to become a Buddhist monk circa 258 BCE during the twelfth year of Ashoka's reign, effectively removing him from political contention and potentially elevating younger brothers like Tivala in the succession hierarchy.[17][18] No contemporary edicts of Ashoka provide a confirmed birth order or explicit ranking among siblings, leaving positions reliant on post-Mauryan texts prone to chronological variances and legendary embellishments.[1] Some accounts position Tivala as the second son after Mahinda, emphasizing his potential as heir due to the former's monastic vows, while others list him as the third or fourth son, with Kunala—born to a later queen and later blinded in a succession intrigue—trailing in the presumed order.[5][15] This ambiguity underscores the limited empirical data on familial hierarchy, as daughters like Sanghamitta focused on missionary roles in exporting Buddhism to regions such as Sri Lanka circa 250 BCE, contrasting with the sons' apparent marginalization from sustained political influence post-Ashoka.[16][18]Primary Sources
Mentions in Ashoka's Edicts
The sole epigraphic reference to Tivala, rendered in Prakrit as Tivara, occurs in Ashoka's Queen's Edict (also known as Minor Pillar Edict II), inscribed on the Allahabad pillar in Brahmi script and dated to approximately 243 BCE.[19] In this brief inscription, Ashoka directs his officials to register and perpetuate the charitable donations made by his second queen, Karuvaki—who is explicitly identified as Tivara'*s mother—and by Tivara himself to Buddhist monasteries, including those in the region of Pundravardhana (modern Bengal).[20] This mention underscores acts of piety aligned with Ashoka's Dhamma policy, focusing on welfare and religious merit rather than governance or conquest.[21] The edict's context emphasizes the propagation of moral and charitable conduct, with Tivara'*s involvement implying participation in non-violent, ethical initiatives such as support for monastic communities, distinct from any martial or administrative duties attested for other Mauryan princes in later traditions.[19] As the only son named in Ashoka's extensive corpus of over 30 inscriptions—spanning rock, pillar, and cave edicts—this reference establishes Tivara'*s historical verifiability independent of secondary literary accounts, highlighting the edicts' primacy as direct, contemporary evidence over potentially embellished chronicles.[22] Linguistically, Tivara reflects Magadhi Prakrit phonetics, with the form derived from a possible Sanskrit Tivara or Tivala, positioned syntactically to link familial piety with royal endorsement of Dhamma.[19] This placement suggests Ashoka's evaluation of heirs through demonstrated merit in ethical propagation, prioritizing virtue over birth order or hereditary entitlement, consistent with the edicts' broader rejection of rigid succession norms in favor of moral qualifications.[21]References in Later Texts
North Indian Buddhist traditions, exemplified by the Ashokavadana, emphasize Ashoka's son Kunala as a central figure in narratives of filial piety and royal tragedy, depicting him as viceroy of Taxila who suffered blinding at the hands of his stepmother Tishyaraksha yet forgave her in line with dharmic principles, yet make no reference to Tivala.[23] This omission in a text composed around the second century CE suggests Tivala's marginalization in hagiographic accounts that prioritize sons embodying Buddhist moral exemplars over administrative heirs uninvolved in conversion legends. Jain sources, including the Kalpasutra and related commentaries, similarly sideline Tivala, adapting stories of Kunala (or equivalents like Kunala in Jain variants) to align with ascetic ideals while focusing on Ashoka's purported Jaina sympathies, without evidentiary chains linking Tivala to sectarian propagation.[24] The Kalpasutra, a canonical text attributing royal lineages to Jaina tirthankaras, omits comprehensive Mauryan family details, reflecting doctrinal selectivity that elevates missionary or tragic figures like Mahavira's contemporaries over non-proselytizing princes. In contrast, the Sri Lankan Mahavamsa chronicles Ashoka's dispatch of son Mahinda (Mahendra) for ordination and mission to Lanka circa 250 BCE, framing him as the ideal Buddhist heir while excluding Tivala from succession or relic-distribution episodes, thereby amplifying Theravada lineage priorities.[25] These post-edictal texts, embedded in confessional agendas, accrue legendary motifs—such as divine omens for Kunala's birth or Mahinda's enlightenment—diverging from the edicts' pragmatic welfare notations by downplaying heirs like Tivala whose roles lacked causal ties to institutional Buddhism's expansion.Role and Succession
Potential Heir Status
Tivala, identified as the son of Queen Karuvaki in Ashoka's Queen's Edict inscribed on the Allahabad pillar, stood out among Ashoka's progeny due to this rare explicit mention in the emperor's inscriptions, which records Karuvaki's charitable gifts and designates her as "the mother of Tivara."[10] This naming, absent for other sons in the edicts, suggests a degree of prominence or favoritism toward Tivala, particularly as older siblings like Mahinda pursued monastic ordination around 258 BCE, rendering them ineligible for secular rule.[26] In Ashoka's late reign after 250 BCE, when edicts increasingly emphasized Dhamma as a framework for governance and moral administration, a non-monastic son like Tivala would have been logically positioned to inherit the throne, groomed through exposure to these principles amid the emperor's efforts to propagate ethical rule over territorial conquest.[27] The edicts' silence on princely revolts or succession disputes during this period empirically indicates a measure of internal stability under Ashoka's Dhamma-oriented policies, avoiding the fragmentation risks inherent in multi-son dynasties where rival claims could precipitate civil war; causal factors such as centralized administrative training favored heirs capable of maintaining imperial cohesion. However, Tivala's viability appears constrained compared to contemporaries like Kunala, who was appointed viceroy of Taxila—a key northwestern province—demonstrating proven command experience essential for empire management, a role undocumented for Tivala in inscriptions or contemporary accounts.[27][28] This disparity implies Tivala may have lacked equivalent provincial grooming, potentially undermining his claim despite edict-implied favor.Fate and Historical Absence
No contemporary or subsequent edicts, inscriptions, or administrative records document Tivala's death, reign, or any notable achievements after his sole mention in Ashoka's Queen Edict at Allahabad-Kosam, dated to the mid-3rd century BCE.[29] This edict records Ashoka's charitable donations to Tivala and his mother Karuvaki but provides no further details on Tivala's life trajectory. The absence of such records contrasts with the documented fates of other Mauryan royals, highlighting Tivala's historical obscurity. The Mauryan throne passed directly to Dasharatha Maurya circa 232 BCE, shortly after Ashoka's death, as indicated by Dasharatha's own dedicatory inscriptions in the Nagarjuni cave complex near Gaya, where he identifies himself as Ashoka's grandson and authorizes grants for Ajivika ascetics.[3] These inscriptions, dated to Dasharatha's early reign (c. 232–224 BCE), make no reference to Tivala as a predecessor, intermediary ruler, or co-regent, implying Tivala either died prior to Ashoka's demise or held no effective claim to succession. No Puranic king lists or Greek accounts, such as those by Megasthenes' successors, mention Tivala in connection with imperial continuity. Speculative explanations for this evidentiary void—such as premature death from illness, political marginalization akin to Kunala's blinding, or voluntary monastic renunciation—echo narrative patterns in later Buddhist texts like the Ashokavadana, which describe adverse outcomes for several of Ashoka's sons. However, these texts, compiled centuries after the events (c. 2nd century CE), prioritize moralistic legends over verifiable chronology and offer no specific attestation for Tivala. The persistent silence across primary epigraphic sources privileges the interpretation of non-prominence over unsubstantiated roles in folklore or unlinked genealogical claims, such as assertions of Tivala as Dasharatha's father lacking direct inscriptional support.Scholarly Interpretations
Debates on Identity and Birth Order
Scholars have debated Tivala's precise position among Ashoka's sons due to inconsistencies between the neutral, contemporaneous edicts and later literary traditions, which often prioritize dynastic or sectarian narratives over chronological accuracy. Ashoka's Queen's Edict at Allahabad-Kosam names Tivala (or Tivara in variant readings) explicitly as the son of his second queen, Karuvaki, in the context of her charitable donations, but provides no explicit birth order. This inscription, dated to approximately the 11th year of Ashoka's reign (circa 258 BCE), implies a relatively junior status, as Tivala is not referenced in earlier edicts on governance or succession, unlike the generalized mentions of royal progeny in Rock Edict IV. [10] [29] North Indian sources, such as the Divyavadana and Ashokavadana (composed centuries later, circa 2nd century CE), variably position Tivala as the second son after Mahinda (Mahendra), while some enumerations, drawing from Buddhist hagiographies, list him as the fourth among five sons including Kunala. These texts, however, reflect post-Mauryan compilations influenced by Buddhist agendas, which elevate missionary figures like Mahinda—credited with evangelizing Sri Lanka—while downplaying non-ordained heirs, potentially to emphasize Ashoka's dhamma as a pacifist legacy over militaristic imperial continuity. In contrast, the Sri Lankan Mahavamsa (5th century CE) largely omits Tivala, focusing instead on Mahinda's role to legitimize Sinhalese Buddhist monarchy, introducing chronological discrepancies such as Mahinda's ordination in Ashoka's sixth regnal year that conflict with edict timelines. [30] [31] Resolution favors the edicts' primacy as direct, administrative records untainted by retrospective myth-making; their governance-oriented dhamma—encompassing ethical administration rather than exclusive evangelism—avoids the selective omissions in Buddhist chronicles, which exhibit credibility issues from sectarian promotion and later interpolations. Name variants like Tivara and Tivala stem from Prakrit phonetic shifts (e.g., intervocalic 'r' to 'l'), not identity confusion, as confirmed by epigraphic analysis. Colonial-era scholars, such as Vincent A. Smith, occasionally misread these as linking Tivala to the Jalauka legend in Kalhana's Rajatarangini—a 12th-century Kashmiri king mythologized with Mauryan traits—but modern critiques dismiss this as anachronistic projection, lacking inscriptional or archaeological corroboration, prioritizing instead the edicts' unembellished testimony. [29] [30] [32]Significance in Mauryan History
Tivala's singular mention in Ashoka's Queen's Edict, recording charitable donations made jointly with his mother Karuvaki to support the Buddhist sangha, exemplifies the subordination of princely roles to Dhamma imperatives, wherein royal heirs participated in welfare initiatives rather than conquests.[19] This epigraphic reference, devoid of martial or administrative titles, signals a meritocratic ethos in Ashoka's later reign, elevating ethical conduct and public benevolence above unearned dynastic privilege, as Dhamma edicts repeatedly urge sons and descendants to prioritize moral governance over hereditary claims.[33] His marginal historical footprint, with no further attestations in the edicts or contemporary records, facilitated an empire transition unmarred by documented fratricidal strife, diverging sharply from Bindusara's accession amid princely rivalries and suppressions of rebellions in Taxila and elsewhere. Tivala's early death prior to Ashoka's own ensured no viable challenge to successors like Dasharatha, preserving administrative continuity amid Dhamma's emphasis on non-violence and restraint. This outcome underscores the edicts' role as pragmatic policy documents, resisting later hagiographic embellishments that idealize Mauryan lineage as infallible, and instead reveal the imperial family as functional extensions of centralized ethical administration.[7]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Asoka_-_the_Buddhist_Emperor_of_India/Chapter_5