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Ordination of a Catholic deacon, 1520 AD: the bishop bestows vestments.

Ordination is the process by which individuals are consecrated, that is, set apart and elevated from the laity class to the clergy, who are thus then authorized (usually by the denominational hierarchy composed of other clergy) to perform various religious rites and ceremonies.[1] The process and ceremonies of ordination may vary by religion and denomination. One who is in preparation for, or who is undergoing, the process of ordination is sometimes called an ordinand. The liturgy used at an ordination is commonly found in a book known as an Ordinal which provides the ordo (ritual and rubrics) for celebrations.

Christianity

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Catholic, Orthodox, Lutheran and Anglican churches

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Ordination of a Catholic priest in the extraordinary form of the Roman Rite), 2007

In Catholicism and Orthodoxy, ordination is one of the seven sacraments, variously called holy orders or cheirotonia ("Laying on of Hands").

Apostolic succession is considered an essential and necessary concept for ordination in the Catholic, Orthodox, High Church Lutheran, Moravian, and Anglican traditions, with the belief that all ordained clergy are ordained by bishops who were ordained by other bishops tracing back to bishops ordained by the Apostles who were ordained by Christ, the great High Priest (Hebrews 7:26, Hebrews 8:2), who conferred his priesthood upon his Apostles (John 20:21–23, Matthew 28:19–20, Mark 16:15–18, and Acts 2:33).[2][3][4]

There are three ordinations in Holy Orders: deacon, presbyter, and bishop. Both bishops and presbyters are priests and have authority to celebrate the Eucharist. In common use, however, the term priest, when unqualified, refers to the order of presbyter, whereas presbyter is mainly used in rites of ordination and other places where a technical and precise term is required.[citation needed]

Ordination of a bishop is performed by several bishops; ordination of a priest or deacon is performed by a single bishop. The ordination of a new bishop is also called a consecration. Many ancient sources specify that at least three bishops are necessary to consecrate another, e.g., the 13th Canon of the Council of Carthage (AD 394) states, "A bishop should not be ordained except by many bishops, but if there should be necessity he may be ordained by three,"[5] and the first of "The Canons of the Holy and Altogether August Apostles" states, "Let a bishop be ordained by two or three bishops," while the second canon thereof states, "Let a presbyter, deacon, and the rest of the clergy, be ordained by one bishop";[6] the latter canons, whatever their origin, were imposed on the universal church by the Seventh Ecumenical Council, the Second Council of Nicaea, in its first canon.[7]

Ordination of an Orthodox. The deacon being ordained is kneeling with the bishop's omophorion over his head as the bishop blesses him immediately before the Cheirotonia.
Eastern Orthodox subdeacon being ordained to the diaconate. The bishop has placed his omophorion and right hand on the candidate's head and is reading the Prayer of Cheirotonia.

Details peculiar to the various denominations

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The Catholic Church teaches that one bishop is sufficient to consecrate a new bishop validly (that is, for an episcopal ordination actually to take place). In most Christian denominations that retain the practice of ordination, only an already ordained (consecrated) bishop or the equivalent may ordain bishops, priests, and deacons.[8] However, Canon Law requires that bishops always be consecrated with the mandate (approval) of the Pope, as the guarantor of the Church's unity.[9] Moreover, at least three bishops are to perform the consecration, although the Apostolic See may dispense from this requirement in extraordinary circumstances (for example, in missionary settings or times of persecution).[10]

In the Catholic Church, those deacons destined to be ordained priests are often termed transitional deacons; those deacons who are married before being ordained, as well as any unmarried deacons who chose not to be ordained priests, are called permanent deacons. Those married deacons who become widowers have the possibility of seeking ordination to the priesthood in exceptional cases.[11]

While some Eastern churches have in the past recognized Anglican ordinations as valid,[12] the current Anglican practice, in many provinces, of ordaining women to the priesthood—and, in some cases, to the episcopate—has caused the Orthodox generally to question earlier declarations of validity and hopes for union.[13] Anglicanism recognizes Catholic and Orthodox ordinations; hence, clergy converting to Anglicanism are not "re-ordained". In 1896, Pope Leo XIII issued the papal bull Apostolicae Curae, which declared Anglican orders "absolutely null and utterly void."[14] While the Vatican has not officially retracted the statement, Roman Catholic actions after the issuance of the bull imply varying positions on the matter. In modern times, the Pope has on several occasions gifted to the Archbishop of Canterbury signs of ecclesiastical office, including a crozier,[15] an episcopal ring,[16] and a Eucharistic chalice,[17] signaling a softening on the Roman view of Anglican orders. In addition, under Pope Francis' tenure, an Anglican bishop was allowed to celebrate mass on the altar of the Archbasilica of Saint John Lateran,[18] the seat of the Pope's own bishopric.

With respect to Lutheranism, "the Catholic Church has never officially expressed its judgement on the validity of orders as they have been handed down by episcopal succession in these two national Lutheran churches" (the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Sweden and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland) though it does "question how the ecclesiastical break in the 16th century has affected the apostolicity of the churches of the Reformation and thus the apostolicity of their ministry".[19][20]

Some Eastern Orthodox churches recognize Catholic ordinations while others "re-ordain" Catholic clergy (as well as Anglicans) who convert. However, both the Catholic and Anglican churches recognize Orthodox ordinations.

In the Catholic and Anglican churches, ordinations have traditionally been held on Ember Days, though there is no limit to the number of clergy who may be ordained at the same service. In the Eastern Orthodox Church, ordinations may be performed any day of the year on which the Divine Liturgy may be celebrated (and deacons may also be ordained at the Presanctified Liturgy), but only one person may be ordained to each order at any given service, that is, at most one bishop, one presbyter, and one deacon may be ordained at the same liturgy.[21]

Notes

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In an outdoor Anglican ordination service, a deacon being ordained to the priesthood prostrates himself before the seated bishop.
  • There have long existed orders of clergy below that of deacon. In the Eastern Orthodox and Oriental Orthodox churches (and, until 1970, in the Catholic Church), a person has to be tonsured a cleric and be ordained to sundry minor orders prior to being ordained a deacon. Although a person may be said to be ordained to these orders, such ordinations are not reckoned as part of the sacrament of Holy Orders; in the Eastern Orthodox, the term Cheirothesia ("imposition of hands")[21] is used for such ordinations in contrast to Cheirotonia ("laying on of hands") for ordinations of deacons, presbyters, and bishops.
  • The following are positions that are not acquired by ordination:
    • Becoming a monk or nun or, generally, a member of a religious order, which is open to men and women; men in religious orders may or may not be ordained. Anglican nuns may, like their male counterparts, be ordained as well.
    • Offices and titles such as pope, patriarch, archbishop, archpriest, archimandrite, archdeacon, etc., which are given to ordained persons for sundry reasons, e.g., to rank them or honor them.
    • Cardinals are simply a large collegiate body who are electors of and the senior-most counselors to the Pope, and are not a fourth order beyond bishop. At presently nearly all cardinals are bishops, although several are priests, having been granted a dispensation from being ordained a bishop by the Pope (most of these were elevated by the Pope for services to the Church, and are over 80, thus not having the right to elect a pope or have active voting memberships in Vatican departments). As recently as 1899 there was a cardinal who was a deacon when he died, having been a cardinal for 41 years (Teodolfo Mertel). There have even been noble lay men, or men who only possessed minor orders (now called ministries, and carried out by seminarians and laypeople) who at one time were made cardinals. Cardinals are considered princes in diplomatic protocol and by the Church, and even if they are not ordained bishops and cannot perform episcopal functions such as ordination, they have both real and ceremonial precedence over all non-cardinal patriarchs, archbishops, and bishops. Some have discussed the possibility in Catholicism of having women serve as cardinals or, more realistically in the short-term, as sub-deacons, since they cannot be ordained[citation needed].
  • In the Church of England, the priest of the diocese who oversees the process of discernment, selection and training of ordinands is usually called the "Diocesan Director of Ordinands", commonly shortened to "DDO". He or she may have a team of assistants, who may be called Assistant DDOs or Vocations Advisers.

Reformed, Methodist and Pentecostal churches

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A Presbyterian ordinand making his ordination vows
Ordination by laying on of hands in a Metropolitan Community Church

In most Protestant churches, ordination is the rite by which their various churches:

  • recognize and confirm that an individual has been called by God to ministry,
  • acknowledge that the individual has gone through a period of discernment and training related to this call (e.g. having graduated from a seminary), and
  • authorize that individual to take on the office of ministry.

For the sake of authorization and church order, and not for reason of 'powers' or 'ability', individuals in most mainline Protestant churches must be ordained in order to preside at the sacraments (Baptism and Holy Communion), and to be installed as a called pastor of a congregation or parish.

Some Protestant traditions have additional offices of ministry to which persons can be ordained. For instance:

  • most Presbyterian and Reformed churches maintain a threefold order of ministry of pastor, elder, and deacon. The order of Pastor, the only one of the three orders considered "clergy", is comparable to most other denominations' pastoral office or ordained ministry. The order of elder comprises lay persons ordained to the ministries of church order and spiritual care (for example, elders form the governing bodies of congregations and are responsible for a congregation's worship life). In many Presbyterian churches, the pastor or minister is seen as a "teaching elder" and is equal to the other elders in the session. The order of deacon comprises lay persons ordained to ministries of service and pastoral care. Those who fill this position may be known as "ruling elders".
  • Deacons are also ordained in the Lutheran,[22] Methodist[23] and in most of the Baptist traditions.[24]

For most Protestant denominations that have an office of bishop, including certain Lutheran and many Methodist churches, this is not viewed as a separate ordination or order of ministry. Rather, bishops are ordained ministers of the same order as other pastors, simply having been "consecrated" or installed into the "office" (that is, the role) of bishop. However, some Lutheran churches also claim valid apostolic succession.[25]

Some Protestant churches – especially Pentecostal ones – have an informal tier of ministers. Those who graduate from a bible college or take a year of prescribed courses are licensed ministers. Licensed ministers are addressed as "Minister" and ordained ministers as "Reverend." They, and also Evangelical pastors, are generally ordained at a ceremony called "pastoral consecration".[26][27][28]

Jehovah's Witnesses

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Jehovah's Witnesses consider an adherent's baptism to constitute ordination as a minister.[29] Governments have generally recognized that Jehovah's Witnesses' full-time appointees (such as their "regular pioneers") qualify as ministers[30] regardless of sex or appointment as an elder or deacon ("ministerial servant"). The religion asserts ecclesiastical privilege only for its appointed elders,[31][32] but the religion permits any baptized adult male in good standing to officiate at a baptism, wedding, or funeral.[33]

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

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In the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, a rite of ordination is performed to bestow either the Aaronic or Melchizedek priesthood (Hebrews 5:4–6) upon a worthy male member. As in the Anglican, Catholic and Orthodox traditions, great care is taken to assure that the candidate for priesthood is ordained by those with proper authority and ordained properly and validly; thorough records of priesthood ordination are kept by the church. Ordination is performed by the laying on of hands. Ordination to the office of priest in the Aaronic priesthood gives the ordained person the authority to:

  • baptize converts and children over the age of 8 into the church
  • bless and administer the sacrament (the Lord's Supper)
  • participate in, or perform, ordinations of others to the Aaronic Priesthood or its offices
  • collect fast offerings for the Bishop (usually ordained Deacons and Teachers perform this)

Ordination to the Melchizedek priesthood includes the authority to perform all the duties of the Aaronic priesthood, as well as ordain others to the Melchizedek or Aaronic priesthood, perform confirmations, bless and anoint the sick with oil, bless and dedicate graves, and other such rites. There are five offices within the Melchizedek Priesthood to which one could potentially be ordained:

"Ordination to an office in the Aaronic Priesthood is done by or under the direction of the bishop or branch president. Ordination to an office in the Melchizedek Priesthood is done by or under the direction of the stake or mission president. To perform a priesthood ordination, one or more authorized priesthood holders place their hands lightly on the person's head."[34]

Latter-day Saints believe in a line of priesthood authority that traces back to Jesus Christ and his apostles. LDS adherents believe the church's founder, Joseph Smith, was ordained under the hands of apostles Peter, James, and John, who appeared to Smith as angelic messengers in 1829.[35]

Islam

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Islam has no formal clergy or ordained religious leaders. Ordination is viewed as a distinct aspect of other religions and is rejected.[citation needed]

Instead, the faith’s religious leaders are usually called imams, sheikhs, or mawlānā—none of which imply ordination. The title imam (when not referring to the Shi'a doctrine of the Imamate) is given to an individual who leads Muslims in salah; the term can also be used in a linguistic sense for anyone who leads other Muslims in congregational prayers. Sheikh (Arabic: شَيْخ, 'elder' or 'noble') is an Arabic honorific title for a male Islamic scholar or tribal chieftain; shaikhah (شيخة) refers to a female learned in Islamic issues. The title is usually more prevalent in Arabic countries. The word mawlana is a title bestowed upon students who have graduated from a madrasa (Islamic theological academy) throughout the Indian subcontinent. Although Muslim schools, universities, and madrasas might follow different graduation ceremonies upon a student's completion of a 4-year undergraduate program in Islamic studies or a 7–8-year 'alim course, their respective ceremonies neither symbolize nor confer ordination.

Judaism

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The ordination of a rabbi within Judaism is referred to as semikhah (Hebrew: סמיכה, 'leaning' or 'laying [of the hands]'; or semicha lerabanim סמיכה לרבנות, 'rabbinical ordination'). The term is derived from the Hebrew verb for "to lean [up]on" (לִסְמוֹך, lismôq) in the sense that prospective rabbis are "to be authorized" as Jewish religious leaders.

While the Hebrew word semikhah is rendered as "ordination" in English, a rabbi is not a priest per se. Rather, ordained rabbis, at least until the 20th century (when the role of rabbis expanded to included pastoral duties) primarily function as Jewish communities' decisors of Halakha (Jewish law) and Torah teachers and scholars.[36] For many Jewish religious purposes, a rabbi's presence is unnecessary. For example, at prayer, a minyan (quorum) of ten laypeople is both necessary and sufficient for the recital of Kaddish—thus the saying "nine rabbis do not constitute a minyan, but ten cobblers can".[37]

Recently, in some Jewish religious movements, semikhah or semicha lehazzanut may refer to the ordination of a hazzan (cantor); some use the term "investiture" to describe the conferral of cantorial authority rather than ordination.

Buddhism

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Novitiate Buddhist ordination

The tradition of the ordained monastic community (sangha) began with the Buddha, who established orders of monks and later of nuns. The procedure of ordination in Buddhism is laid down in the Vinaya and Patimokkha or Pratimoksha scriptures. There exist three intact ordination lineages nowadays in which one can receive an ordination according to the Buddha's teachings:[citation needed]

Mahayana

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Saicho repeatedly requested that the Japanese government allow the construction of a Mahayana ordination platform. Permission was granted in 822 CE, seven days after Saicho died. The platform was finished in 827 CE at Enryaku-ji on Mount Hiei, and was the first in Japan. Prior to this, those wishing to become monks/nuns were ordained using the Hinayana precepts, whereas after the Mahayana ordination platform, people were ordained with the Bodhisattva precepts as listed in the Brahma Net Sutra.[38]

Theravada

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Pabbajjā is an ordination procedure for samaneras, novice monks in the Theravada tradition.

Fully ordained nuns

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The legitimacy of fully ordained nuns (bhikkhuni/bhiksuni) has become a significant topic of discussion in recent years. Texts passed down in every Buddhist tradition record that Gautama Buddha created an order of fully ordained nuns, but the tradition has died out in some Buddhist traditions such as Theravada Buddhism, while remaining strong in others such as Chinese Buddhism (Dharmaguptaka lineage). In the Tibetan lineage, which follows the Mulasarvastivadin lineage, the lineage of fully ordained nuns was not brought to Tibet by the Indian Vinaya masters, hence there is no rite for the ordination of full nuns. However the 14th Dalai Lama has endeavored for many years to improve this situation.[39] In 2005, he asked fully ordained nuns in the Dharmaguptaka lineage, especially Jampa Tsedroen, to form a committee to work for the acceptance of the bhiksuni lineage within the Tibetan tradition,[39] and donated €50,000 for further research. The "1st International Congress on Buddhist Women's Role in the Sangha: Bhikshuni Vinaya and Ordination Lineages" was held at the University of Hamburg from 18 to 20 July 2007, in cooperation with the university's Asia-Africa Institute. Although the general tenor was that full ordination was overdue, the Dalai Lama presented a pre-drafted statement[40] saying that more time was required to reach a decision, thus nullifying the intentions of the congress.

Posthumous ordination

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In Medieval Sōtō Zen, a tradition of posthumous ordination was developed to give the laity access to Zen funeral rites. Chinese Ch’an monastic codes, from which Japanese Sōtō practices were derived, contain only monastic funeral rites; there were no provisions made for funerals for lay believers. To solve this problem, the Sōtō school developed the practice of ordaining laypeople after death, thus allowing monastic funeral rites to be used for them as well.[41]

New Kadampa Tradition

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The Buddhist ordination tradition of the New Kadampa Tradition-International Kadampa Buddhist Union (NKT-IKBU) is not the traditional Buddhist ordination, but rather one newly created by Kelsang Gyatso. Although those ordained within this organisation are called 'monks' and 'nuns' within the organisation, and wear the robes of traditional Tibetan monks and nuns, in terms of traditional Buddhism they are neither fully ordained monks and nuns (Skt.: bhikshu, bhikshuni; Tib.: gelong, gelongma) nor are they novice monks and nuns (Skt.: sramanera, srameneri; Tib.: gestul, getsulma).[42][43][44]

Unlike most other Buddhist traditions, including all Tibetan Buddhist schools, which follow the Vinaya, the NKT-IKBU ordination consists of the Five Precepts of a lay person, plus five more precepts created by Kelsang Gyatso. He is said to view them as a "practical condensation" of the 253 Vinaya vows of fully ordained monks.[42]

There are also no formal instructions and guidelines for the behaviour of monks and nuns within the NKT. Because the behaviour of monks and nuns is not clearly defined "each Resident Teacher developed his or her own way of 'disciplining' monks and nuns at their centres ...".[45]

Kelsang Gyatso's ordination has been publicly criticised by Geshe Tashi Tsering as going against the core teachings of Buddhism and against the teachings of Tsongkhapa, the founder of the Gelugpa school from which Kelsang Gyatso was expelled[46][47][48]

Unitarian Universalism

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As Unitarian Universalism features very few doctrinal thresholds for prospective congregation members, ordinations of UU ministers are considerably less focused upon doctrinal adherence than upon factors such as possessing a Masters of Divinity degree from an accredited higher institution of education and an ability to articulate an understanding of ethics, spirituality and humanity.

In the Unitarian Universalist Association, candidates for "ministerial fellowship" with the denomination (usually third-year divinity school students) are reviewed, interviewed, and approved (or rejected) by the UUA Ministerial Fellowship Committee (MFC). However, given the fundamental principle of congregational polity, individual UU congregations make their own determination on ordination of ministers, and congregations may sometimes even hire or ordain persons who have not received UUA ministerial fellowship, and may or may not serve the congregation as its principal minister/pastor.

Ordination of women

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The ordination of women is often a controversial issue in religions where either the office of ordination, or the role that an ordained person fulfills, is traditionally restricted to men, for various theological reasons.

In Christianity

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The Christian priesthood has traditionally been reserved to men. Some historians, such as Peter Brown and Gary Macy, mention that women were ordained deacons in the first millennium of Christianity. After the Protestant Reformation and the loosening of authority structures within many denominations, most Protestant groups re-envisioned the role of the ordained priesthood. Many did away with it altogether. Others altered it in fundamental ways, often favoring a rabbinical-type married minister of teaching (word) and discarding any notion of a sacrificial priesthood. A common epithet used by Protestants (especially Anglicans) against Catholics was that Catholics were a 'priest-ridden' people. Hatred for priests was a common element of anti-Catholicism and pogroms against Catholics focused on expelling, killing, or forcefully 'laicizing' priests.[citation needed]

Beginning in the twentieth century, many Protestant denominations began re-evaluating the roles of women in their churches. Many now ordain women.[citation needed] According to the biblical book of Judges, a wise and brave woman named Deborah was the fourth judge of the ancient Israelites. She was instrumental in implementing a strategic military strategy that delivered the Israelites from the oppressive Canaanite king Jabin. Likewise, Jael was courageous and primary in the Israelite victory. Her prudent actions killed the commander Sisera after he fled on foot following the battle. Within the Book of Judges, there is a repetitive cycle of sin and deliverance. There is also a proposition regarding the cyclical offenses: "In those days Israel had no king; all the people did whatever seemed right in their own eyes" (Jdg. 21:25). Based partially upon the leadership of the prophetess, Deborah, some Protestant and non-denominational organizations grant ordination to women. Other denominations refute the claim of a precedent based on Deborah's example because she is not specifically described as ruling over Israel, rather giving judgments on contentious issues in private, not teaching publicly,[49] neither did she lead the military.[49][50] Her message to her fellow judge Barak in fact affirmed the male leadership of Israel.[49][50] The United Church of Canada has ordained women since 1932. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America ordains women as pastors, and women are eligible for election as bishops. The Episcopal Church in the United States of America ordains women as deacons, priests and bishops. The Lutheran Evangelical Protestant Church ordains women at all levels including deacon, priest and bishop. Other denominations leave the decision to ordain women to the regional governing body, or even to the congregation itself; these include the Christian Reformed Church in North America and the Evangelical Presbyterian Church. The ordination of women in the latter half of the 20th century was an important issue between Anglicans and Catholics since the Catholic Church viewed the ordination of women as a huge obstacle to possible rapprochement between the two churches.[citation needed]

The Catholic Church has not changed its view or practice on the ordination or women, and neither have any of the Orthodox churches; these churches represent approximately 65% of all Christians worldwide. In response to the growing call for the ordination of women, Pope John Paul II issued the statement Ordinatio sacerdotalis in 1995. In it, he gave reasons why women cannot be ordained, and defined that the Holy Spirit had not conferred the power to ordain women upon the Church. In the wake of this definitive statement, many theologians considered the issue settled, but many continue to push for the ordination of women in the Catholic Church. Some have even begun protest churches.[citation needed]

In Judaism

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Policy regarding the ordination of women differs among the different denominations of Judaism. Most Orthodox congregations do not allow female rabbis, while more liberal congregations began allowing female rabbis by the middle of the twentieth century.

Ordination of LGBT persons

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Most Abrahamic religions condemn the practice of homosexuality and the Bible has been interpreted that in Romans 1 that homosexuals are "worthy of death". Interpretation of this passage, as with others potentially condemning homosexuality varies greatly between and within different denominations. Beginning in the late 20th century, and more so in the early 21st century, several mainline denominational sects of Christianity and Judaism in the US and Europe endorsed the ordination of openly LGBT persons. See LGBT clergy in Christianity.

The United Church of Christ ordained openly gay Bill Johnson in 1972, and lesbian Anne Holmes in 1977.[51]

While Buddhist ordinations of openly LGBT monks have occurred, more notable ordinations of openly LGBT novitiates have taken place in Western Buddhism.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Ordination is the formal religious rite by which individuals are consecrated and set apart from the to assume roles within the , granting them to perform specific ministerial or sacerdotal functions such as preaching, administering sacraments, or rendering religious judgments. In , it typically involves the by existing , a practice rooted in examples where apostles and elders commissioned deacons and overseers, signifying the transmission of spiritual and responsibility for church . This rite is considered essential in traditions like Roman Catholicism, where it imparts an indelible character, distinguishing it from mere recognition of gifts in many Protestant denominations. Analogous ceremonies exist in as , which certifies rabbinic expertise in halakhah and authorizes legal and communal , historically involving physical of hands but now primarily a of proficiency. In , ordination, known as upasampadā, initiates novices into the monastic as fully ordained (bhikkhus) or nuns (bhikkhunis) through recitation of precepts under senior monastics, emphasizing ethical commitment over hierarchical power. Defining characteristics include rigorous preparation, communal affirmation, and elements symbolizing divine commissioning, though debates persist over prerequisites like eligibility and the necessity of unbroken lineages, as seen in Catholic assertions of versus broader ecclesiastical validations.

Overview

Definition and Etymology

Ordination constitutes a formal religious rite that consecrates an individual, setting them apart from the to assume specific clerical roles and authority for sacred functions, such as doctrinal instruction, administration, or governance. This grants pastoral or sacerdotal power, typically through structured ceremonies involving communal affirmation, vows, and ritual elements like the , ensuring the ordained's legitimacy within the faith's hierarchical framework. Etymologically, the term derives from the Latin ōrdinātiōn-, the noun form of ōrdināre ("to arrange, appoint, or ordain"), which stems from ōrdō ("order, row, rank, or class"). In classical Roman usage, ōrdō denoted a structured social category or sequence, as in senatorial or equestrian orders, implying systematic placement into a defined position; by , this evolved in contexts to signify appointment to or s, reflecting a divine or institutional arrangement. The word entered as ordination around the 13th century, denoting arrangement or decree, before adopting its modern religious connotation of clerical commissioning by the . This rite fundamentally differs from secular commissioning, which operates via civil, , or organizational protocols without invoking spiritual consecration or perpetual sacred status, as ordination requires validation by a religious body's recognized to confer enduring ministerial authority. It thereby precludes equivalence with informal leadership, charismatic self-designation, or temporary delegations, prioritizing institutional oversight to preserve communal and doctrinal integrity against unauthorized claims.

Theological and Functional Purpose

Ordination theologically functions as a mechanism for divine delegation, wherein religious communities formally recognize and set apart individuals deemed called to exercise spiritual authority, thereby ensuring that sacred rites, teachings, and remain entrusted to those validated by communal discernment and rather than self-appointment. This process underscores a first-principles rationale: without structured sanctioning, unqualified or self-proclaimed leaders could introduce doctrinal deviations or mishandle rituals, eroding the integrity of revealed truths or communal worship. In traditions emphasizing charisms or grace, ordination transmits specific spiritual endowments, such as the ability to administer or interpret scripture authoritatively, linking the minister's role to a perceived continuity with foundational divine mandates. Functionally, ordination establishes structures by subjecting candidates to examination of character, , and competence, fostering a that promotes order and prevents anarchic contests within the . It preserves tradition against unchecked innovation by requiring adherence to established criteria, often involving the by existing authorities, which symbolizes the conferral of responsibility for upholding . This rite also enhances external legitimacy, signaling to adherents and outsiders alike that the ordained possess recognized standing to perform binding acts like vows, blessings, or judgments, thereby reinforcing communal cohesion through visible continuity. Empirically, formalized ordination correlates with sustained religious stability, as institutional differentiation between and —effected through such rites—facilitates clarity and reduces fragmentation in expanding communities, contrasting with less structured movements prone to rapid schisms from unvetted claims. Sociological analyses of religious organizations highlight how ordination's in elevating and consecrating leaders contributes to long-term cohesion by embedding in verifiable processes rather than transient .

Historical Development

Ancient and Scriptural Origins

The concept of ordination emerged from ancient Near Eastern traditions of consecrating kings and priests through rituals that symbolized divine endorsement and transmission of , often involving physical acts like or imposition to bind the officeholder to sacred duties. In Mesopotamian and Egyptian contexts, these ceremonies elevated rulers as intermediaries between gods and people, with kings sometimes assuming priestly roles to legitimize and cultic practices. Such rites emphasized hierarchical continuity, typically restricted to males from elite lineages, to preserve ritual purity and doctrinal stability against the common in polytheistic systems. In , these influences were reshaped under to prioritize fidelity to Yahweh's revelation, with ordination-like commissioning ensuring male-led transmission of covenantal authority. Numbers 27:18-23 records God directing to select —a man possessing the spirit—and lay hands on him before the priest and assembly, publicly installing him as military and administrative successor while retained consultative oversight. This act, performed circa 1406 BCE during the wilderness period, prototyped later installations by combining divine selection, physical imposition, and communal witness to avert leadership vacuums and uphold patriarchal succession inherent in Israel's tribal structure. Deuteronomy 17:8-13 further delineates authoritative transmission by mandating deference to Levitical and a designated at the central for intractable judicial matters, such as or disputes, with non-compliance punishable by to enforce interpretive uniformity. This framework, rooted in priestly (Aaronic) male exclusivity per Exodus 28–29, countered interpretive fluidity by vesting resolution power in divinely ordained lineages, thereby safeguarding observance from local deviations or external corruptions. New Testament precedents build on these foundations, adapting the rite for ecclesial roles amid first-century Judaism. Acts 6:6 describes the apostles presenting seven male Hellenistic Jews—full of the Spirit and wisdom—to the multitude, then laying hands on them after to appoint them for diaconal service, ensuring orderly distribution of aid while preserving apostolic oversight. Similarly, 1 Timothy 4:14 references the presbytery's imparting a to Timothy, circa 62–64 CE, as a deliberate conferral validating his prophetic and ministry against false doctrines. These instances, exclusively involving males, mechanistically linked to prior holders, fostering causal chains of fidelity to Christ's commands over the improvisational tendencies of Greco-Roman cults.

Evolution in Major Traditions

In the medieval period, Catholic scholastic theologians, building on earlier patristic traditions, systematized the concept of holy orders into seven distinct degrees—porter, lector, exorcist, acolyte, subdeacon, deacon, and priest—emphasizing a hierarchical progression that conferred sacramental grace and indelible character upon the recipient. This formalization, evident in works from the 12th century onward, such as those synthesizing Dionysian hierarchies with Aristotelian categories, aimed to clarify ecclesiastical structure amid growing institutional complexity, though it represented an evolution rather than invention, as the major orders of bishop, priest, and deacon traced to apostolic times. In parallel, Eastern Orthodox traditions maintained a focus on the unbroken chain of apostolic succession through episcopal laying on of hands, viewing ordination as the transmission of divine authority without the Western scholastic enumeration of minor orders, prioritizing liturgical continuity over systematic categorization. The Protestant Reformation of the 16th century marked a decisive rupture, with reformers like rejecting ordination as a that imparts ontological change, instead framing it as a public recognition of an individual's divine calling, moral character, and doctrinal fidelity, often through congregational examination rather than hierarchical rite. Confessional documents, such as the (1530) and (1646), omitted from the sacraments—limiting them to and the Lord's Supper—arguing that Scripture provided no warrant for viewing ordination as a , thereby diluting the early church's emphasis on visible succession and fostering diverse practices like presbyterian eldership elections. This shift, driven by principles, prioritized functional ministry over sacramental ontology, leading to broader denominational divergences where ordination became more accessible but arguably less tethered to historical episcopal oversight. In the 20th and 21st centuries, ordination trends reflected contrasting trajectories: a marked decline in traditional Catholic priestly ordinations post-Vatican II (1962–1965), with global diocesan ordinations dropping from approximately 25,000 annually in the mid-1960s to around 5,000 by the 2010s, attributed in part to , liturgical changes, and reduced emphasis on clerical amid rising lay involvement. Conversely, some Protestant and evangelical groups expanded lay empowerment through licensed ministries and non- commissioning, as seen in shifts toward team-based leadership models that de-emphasize solo ordained , while Orthodox and conservative Catholic circles reinforced traditionalism to preserve doctrinal integrity against modernist dilutions. These developments highlight causal tensions between empirical pressures like clergy shortages and fidelity to scriptural precedents, with data underscoring that deviations from unified rites have not stemmed vocational erosion in sacramental traditions.

In Judaism

Semikhah and Rabbinic Authority

Semikhah represents the classical mechanism for conferring rabbinic authority in , originating from the biblical transmission by to and the elders, as described in Numbers 27:23 and elaborated in 1:3. The process entails an intensive oral examination assessing the candidate's proficiency in , , halakhic codes, and practical decision-making, conducted by at least three ordained scholars who endorse the recipient via a formal certificate. This certification qualifies the to adjudicate disputes, issue binding piskei halakhah (legal decisions), and exercise communal leadership, emphasizing reliance on demonstrated expertise rather than mere academic title. The unbroken chain of semikhah persisted from Mosaic times through the Second Temple period and into the early rabbinic era, enabling the and subsequent courts to enforce gezerot (decrees) and takkanot (enactments) with national authority. Roman suppression intensified after the in 135 CE, prohibiting Jewish judicial assemblies, yet ordinations continued covertly until their definitive cessation between 360 and 425 CE, likely during the reign of Hillel II or under final imperial edicts curtailing Jewish autonomy. This interruption stemmed from sustained persecution and dispersal, severing the formal linkage required for classical , which demanded both ordainer and recipient be in the with verifiable descent from prior generations. Semikhah's core function safeguards halakhic integrity by restricting authoritative rulings to those vetted through scholarly endorsement, rejecting self-proclaimed expertise or absent communal validation. Without it, rabbis lack the mandate to impose obligations beyond personal guidance, highlighting the peril of unauthorized claims that could fragment observance. In contemporary , while full classical remains unreinstated—despite isolated revival efforts like Rabbi Jacob Berab's 1538 initiative in , which gained limited adherents but failed to restore universal chain—yeshivot issue certifications of halakhic competence, preserving authority via rigorous training and consensus among sages rather than purported continuity of the ancient lineage. This adaptation underscores fidelity to transmitted over novel reconstructions.

Historical Interruptions and Modern Revivals

The destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans in 70 CE disrupted the centralized but did not immediately end , which continued through relocated academies in Yavneh and under rabbinic leaders like . Roman persecutions, including edicts restricting Jewish judicial autonomy, progressively eroded this practice, culminating in its cessation between 360 and 425 CE amid imperial bans under figures like that forbade the transmission of authority. This break, driven by political conquests and enforced exiles, shifted rabbinic legitimacy to decentralized scholarly networks, particularly Babylonian yeshivot and , who relied on intellectual mastery rather than formal ordination chains, as physical continuity in the became untenable. A notable revival attempt occurred in 1538 when Rabbi Jacob Berab, of in Ottoman Palestine, invoked ' ruling allowing renewal by majority consent of Eretz Israel scholars, ordaining four rabbis including to restore judicial powers like capital trials. Fierce opposition from Rabbi Levi ibn Habib, who argued procedural flaws and lack of universal acceptance invalidated the act, led Berab's death in 1546 and the ordinations' revocation, underscoring halakhic disputes over consensus requirements. This failure perpetuated reliance on informal certifications, as geographic fragmentation and rabbinic divisions prevented consolidation. In the , Orthodox rabbis in launched a 2004 initiative to reestablish the and via ' method, claiming to ordain members for binding authority; Rabbi joined as Nasi in 2005 but resigned by 2008 amid internal shifts. Lacking endorsement from major rabbinic bodies like the Chief Rabbinate, the effort dissolved without broader impact, as critics cited insufficient scholarly unanimity and practical irrelevance in a . Persistent dispersion, alongside diluting traditional cohesion in and abroad, has reinforced decentralized yeshiva-based , prioritizing local expertise over revived centralization despite periodic messianic or restorative impulses.

In Christianity

Apostolic Succession and Sacramental Rites

refers to the Christian doctrine asserting an unbroken transmission of spiritual authority from the apostles to subsequent bishops through the rite of ordination, preserving the church's teaching and sacramental efficacy. This concept underpins the validity of ordinations in traditions such as Catholicism and , where bishops alone confer via the , ensuring continuity of apostolic mission. Biblical foundations for this transmission include Jesus' conferral of binding authority upon Peter in :18-19, interpreted by proponents as establishing a foundational office perpetuated through successors, and Paul's instruction to Timothy in 2 Timothy 1:6, where the "gift of " is imparted "through the laying on of my hands," signifying a tangible handover of ministerial charism. These passages, while not explicitly delineating a perpetual episcopal lineage, form the scriptural rationale for empirical claims of historical continuity, evidenced in early ' writings and ordination lists tracing back to apostolic sees. Critics, including many Protestant scholars, argue that such succession lacks direct scriptural mandate for an institutional hierarchy, viewing it instead as a post-apostolic development rather than a causal necessity for valid ministry. The ordination rite itself centers on the bishop's imposition of hands, accompanied by , symbolizing and effecting the of the for the ordinand's role in sacraments like the and . In sacramental traditions, this act imprints an indelible spiritual character on the soul, ontologically configuring the recipient for priestly or episcopal functions without possibility of repetition, as articulated in Catholic teaching. Eastern Orthodox practice aligns similarly, emphasizing the mystery's permanence in restoring grace to lapsed , though without the precise Latin terminology of "indelible mark." In contrast, Protestant views generally reject this ontological transformation, treating ordination as a symbolic rite of commissioning and public affirmation of calling, dependent on personal and congregational recognition rather than an irreversible change. This distinction highlights a core divide: sacramental traditions prioritize causal continuity through episcopal mediation for ecclesial validity, while Protestant approaches emphasize scriptural , rendering ordination functional but not metaphysically altering.

Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Practices

In the Catholic Church, the sacrament of holy orders confers the three degrees of bishop, priest, and deacon through the laying on of hands by a bishop, conferring indelible spiritual power for sacramental ministry. Historically, the Latin Rite distinguished seven clerical orders—four minor (porter, lector, exorcist, acolyte) preparatory to the three major (subdeacon, deacon, priest)—though post-1968 reforms under Pope Paul VI suppressed the subdiaconate and minor orders as sacramental, replacing them with instituted ministries of lector and acolyte for lay or seminarian service. Candidates undergo extensive seminary formation, typically six to eight years including philosophical and theological studies, philosophical discernment, and pastoral internships, culminating in promises of celibacy and obedience for diocesan priests in the Latin Rite, with celibacy mandatory to ensure undivided devotion to ecclesiastical service. Bishops, selected from celibate priests, receive episcopal consecration with chrism anointing. In 2025, 405 men were ordained to the priesthood in the United States, with ordinands averaging 34 years old and first discerning their vocation around age 16, often from practicing Catholic families; surveys indicate most recent ordinands identify as politically conservative or very conservative, reflecting a trend among younger clergy. Post-Vatican II liturgical reforms, including relaxed disciplinary norms and emphasis on rites, correlated with a sharp decline in U.S. priestly vocations, from over 900 annual ordinations in the to around 400 by 2025, as documented in longitudinal CARA data attributing the drop to diminished traditional incentives like clerical prestige and stable family encouragement for early vocations. In the Eastern Orthodox tradition, ordination, termed cheirotonia (), establishes the three hierarchical ranks of , (), and , performed publicly during the by a presiding with concelebrating , invoking the Holy Spirit's descent. Unlike Catholicism's , focuses solely on these major ranks, with preparatory roles like reader or appointed via rather than sacramental imposition. Priests may marry before ordination but must remain celibate thereafter if widowed, while deacons' wives must consent to their husband's service; are invariably monastic and celibate, elected from experienced archimandrites. Formation involves theological seminaries, often four to seven years, emphasizing patristic study, liturgical immersion, and ascetic discipline, with vows of obedience to the bishop and fidelity to Orthodox canons. Ordinations underscore and male-only eligibility, rooted in scriptural precedents, maintaining numerical stability through cultural retention of traditional practices amid broader secular declines.

Protestant and Evangelical Variations

Protestant ordination emerged from critiques of medieval sacramentalism, emphasizing instead the recognition of a divine call through congregational or presbyterial affirmation, doctrinal examination, and often the as a symbolic rite without conferring ontological change. This approach prioritizes the candidate's personal faith, scriptural knowledge, preaching proficiency, and over hierarchical conferral of authority. Lutheran churches retain structured ordination processes involving training, candidacy committees, and public rites with by ordained , serving as a solemn of the church's call to Word and ministry. The rite underscores continuity with apostolic practice but rejects any notion of an indelible priestly character, aligning with Martin Luther's view that ordination publicly validates instruction in God's Word and selection. Anglican ordination preserves episcopal oversight, requiring candidates to be examined and ordained by bishops through , as prescribed in the ordinal and affirmed by the of 1571, which mandate lawful calling for preaching and sacraments. Article XXIII specifies that no one may assume ministerial office without such authorization, while Article XXVI distinguishes ordination from other rites by upholding its validity when performed by properly ordained ministers. In Reformed and Presbyterian traditions, ordination follows rigorous presbytery examination of , sacraments, , and practical abilities, culminating in vows, , and by the presbytery. This process, governed by bodies like classis or presbytery committees, ensures alignment with confessional standards such as the Westminster Confession, emphasizing the elder-led recognition of gifts for eldership or pastoral roles. Methodist ordination involves a multi-stage candidacy with annual approval, education, and evaluation of spiritual disciplines, scriptural competence, and commitment to covenant ministry, followed by ordination vows and at sessions. The United Methodist Book of Discipline outlines qualifications including a discerned call and high moral standards, reflecting John Wesley's adaptation of Anglican practices to emphasize itinerant preaching and connectional accountability. Evangelical and Pentecostal variations often feature commissioning services led by denominational councils or local assemblies, prioritizing evidence of empowerment, evangelistic fruitfulness, and ministerial endorsement over formal hierarchies. In Pentecostal contexts, ordination may follow ministerial training and examination by presbytery-like bodies, but stresses charismatic gifts and divine commissioning as primary validators of authority. Many conservative Protestant groups, including Southern Baptists, restrict ordination to men based on biblical interpretations of male headship, as articulated in the 2000 , which limits the pastoral office to qualified men. This complementarian stance persists in denominations upholding scriptural qualifications like 1 Timothy 3:1-7, contrasting with more egalitarian practices in mainline bodies. The diversity and relative flexibility in Protestant ordination correlate with denominational proliferation, as organizational adaptability facilitates schisms over or practice, contributing to over 200 major Protestant families worldwide amid broader fragmentation. Studies of change highlight how such variance enables but also exacerbates splits, unlike stricter hierarchical models.

Restorationist and Non-Trinitarian Groups

Restorationist and non-Trinitarian groups, emerging primarily in the , typically posit a "" in , rendering prior ordinations invalid and necessitating divine restoration of authority through new revelations or prophetic figures. This framework rejects Trinitarian formulations of God as incompatible with biblical , influencing their ordination practices to emphasize direct divine appointment over historical ecclesiastical continuity. Such groups, including and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, prioritize lay male leadership qualified by moral and doctrinal fidelity, often without rites akin to those in Catholic or Orthodox traditions. In , elders—responsible for teaching, shepherding, and judicial matters—are appointed rather than ordained through a formal ritual involving . The , viewed as directed by Christ, authorizes appointments via circuit overseers who review local elder body recommendations based on criteria such as scriptural , exemplary conduct, and ability to teach, as outlined in 1 Timothy 3:1-7 and Titus 1:5-9. This process, formalized in procedures updated as of September 2014, emphasizes theocratic over personal or apostolic lineage, with no public ceremony or sacramental conferral of grace. Critics from historic Christian perspectives argue this system centralizes authority in a modern body without verifiable ties to first-century practice, diverging from patterns of elder appointment by existing overseers. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints teaches a dual priesthood structure restored to in the late 1820s: the Aaronic Priesthood, conferring authority for and sacrament, was restored by on May 15, 1829, near ; the higher Priesthood, enabling temple ordinances and leadership, followed via appearances of Peter, James, and John shortly thereafter. Ordination occurs through by an authorized holder, extending to all worthy males from age 11 or 12, enabling broad lay participation in rituals without a professional . This restorationist claim, detailed in sections 13 and 27, posits angelic intervention to break the apostasy's chain, but lacks independent historical corroboration beyond Smith and associates' testimonies, contrasting with the empirical continuity asserted in patristic records of early church ordinations. These groups' rejection of Trinitarian doctrine underscores a view of priesthood as functional from a singular , not a impartation tied to Christ's divine nature as co-equal persons. Ordination thus serves organizational restoration rather than mystical transmission, with eligibility restricted to males demonstrating worthiness, though women hold auxiliary roles without priesthood. Empirical reveals no archaeological or textual for such 19th-century angelic restorations in prior Christian history, positioning these practices as innovative responses to perceived doctrinal corruptions rather than recoveries of primitive forms.

In Islam

Informal Appointment of Religious Leaders

In Islam, there is no sacramental ordination or formal rite conferring clerical authority, distinguishing it from traditions reliant on ritual transmission. Religious leadership derives instead from demonstrated knowledge of Islamic texts and jurisprudence, with authority earned through scholarly attainment rather than institutional sacrament. Imams, who lead congregational prayers, are typically selected by mosque communities, boards, or governing bodies based on criteria such as proficiency in Quranic recitation, mastery of (Islamic jurisprudence), and (prophetic traditions), often prioritizing those with a reputation for and articulation. This process emphasizes communal consensus over any divinely mandated , allowing qualified lay Muslims to fulfill such roles temporarily if no designated is available. Qualifications for broader scholarly authority among the (religious scholars) involve obtaining an ijaza, a issued by a qualified attesting to the student's mastery of specific disciplines like or , transmitted through unbroken chains of learning tracing back to early authorities. These chains validate expertise via personal instruction and examination, underscoring that legitimacy stems from intellectual rigor and , not ritual consecration. Variations exist between Sunni and Shia approaches: Sunni ulama operate within decentralized madhabs (schools of ), where authority accrues through peer-recognized scholarship without a formal , while Shia traditions elevate mujtahids—independent jurists capable of (original reasoning)—to higher interpretive roles, often with greater structured emulation by followers. In both, personal piety and textual fidelity remain paramount, rejecting any sacerdotal elevation that might imply inherent spiritual powers beyond human capability.

Qualifications and Authority of Imams and Scholars

In , qualifications for serving as an emphasize deep knowledge of the , , and Islamic jurisprudence (), coupled with moral integrity and the ability to lead congregational prayers (). Candidates typically undergo extensive study in madrasas or Islamic seminaries, often culminating in advanced degrees in , with requirements including fluent recitation of the and memorization of substantial portions (hifz). Moral criteria mandate piety (), (), and avoidance of major sins, as these ensure the imam's example aligns with scriptural guidance; for instance, classical jurists like those in the stipulate that an imam must be adult, sane, and of upright character to validly lead . Selection occurs informally through community recommendation or mosque board appointment, often involving public trial sermons () to assess rhetorical skill and doctrinal accuracy, rather than any sacramental rite. This process prioritizes demonstrated expertise over hereditary or institutional conferral, reflecting the absence of a priestly class in . stems from intellectual and scholarly merit, as per Quran 4:59, which commands obedience to "those in authority among you" (uli al-amr), traditionally interpreted by Sunni exegetes like as referring to knowledgeable scholars () whose judgments are referred back to the and if disputed. Imams and scholars hold no inherent ontological power, such as forgiving sins, which is reserved solely for ; (tawbah) requires direct to without clerical or . Fatwas (legal opinions) issued by qualified mujtahids are advisory, binding only insofar as they align with established sources and scholarly consensus (), and may be overridden by superior evidence or later . In Shi'a traditions, similar knowledge-based criteria apply, though authority may extend to designated Imams in , still without sacramental . Contemporary challenges include the proliferation of self-taught "online imams" via platforms like , who bypass traditional chains of transmission (isnad) and rigorous training, often leading to fragmented or erroneous interpretations. Traditional critique this "Shaykh " phenomenon for eroding epistemic standards, as self-learning lacks the accountability of teacher-student verification and can amplify fringe views detached from classical methodologies. Figures such as these have gained followings since the , but established institutions like emphasize certified scholarship to counter such dilutions, warning of risks to communal adherence to verified knowledge.

In Buddhism

Upasampada and Monastic Ordination

Upasampada, known as the rite of higher ordination, formally admits a (sāmaṇera or sāmaṇerī) into full membership of the Buddhist monastic community (saṅgha) as a () or (), subjecting them to the complete disciplinary code outlined in the of the Pāli Canon. This process presupposes prior going-forth () as a , during which the candidate observes ten precepts and receives basic training under a (upajjhāya). Unlike sacramental ordinations in theistic traditions that confer , upasampada emphasizes voluntary commitment to ethical as a means to cultivate mental purification and progress toward enlightenment, without invoking transmission of authority. The ceremony requires a of at least ten bhikkhus (or twenty in remote areas) assembled in a formal saṅgha meeting (saṅgīti), convened via a standardized motion and proclamation (ñatti-kamma followed by ñatti-savana-kamma). The candidate, typically at least twenty years old by lunar reckoning and free from disqualifying impediments (such as serious illness or criminal as per Vinaya stipulations), undergoes interrogation on eighteen points to confirm eligibility, including , moral character, and absence of debts or dependents. A qualified and instructor (ācariya) vouch for the novice's readiness; the ordination concludes with the assembly's thrice-repeated proclamation accepting the candidate, often accompanied by the traditional formula "ehi bhikkhu, svākkhāto dharmaṃ desassāmi" ("Come, monk, I will teach you the well-expounded Dhamma"). Post-ordination, the new receives a bowl and robes, symbolizing detachment from lay life. Upon upasampada, bhikkhus undertake 227 rules of the Pātimokkha, categorized into defeats (pārājika, four expulsion offenses), remainders (saṅghādisesa, thirteen requiring ), forfeitures (nissaggiya pācittiya, thirty), and lesser infractions, all aimed at preventing harm and fostering . Bhikkhunīs observe 311 rules, incorporating additional strictures on conduct with the opposite sex and communal living to safeguard the integrity. These precepts, recited fortnightly in the , enforce , , and non-violence as causal supports for insight (vipassanā) and liberation from saṃsāric , rather than efficacy alone. Violations incur penalties scaled to severity, with the ultimate purpose of enabling renunciants to model ethical discipline for lay followers while pursuing arahatship.

Variations Across Theravada and Mahayana

In Buddhism, full ordination (upāsampadā) demands unwavering adherence to the 227 rules of the Pātimokkha for bhikkhus, following extensive novice training under a qualified who must have at least ten years in robes, with the requiring a of ten or five ordained monks depending on location. This tradition prioritizes monastic renunciation as the primary path to enlightenment, with forest sub-traditions—such as those in Thailand's Thai Forest lineage—imposing additional austerities like solitary in remote areas to cultivate direct into impermanence and , viewing ordination as a definitive severance from worldly attachments. Mahayana ordination practices exhibit broader adaptability, integrating monastic vows with tantric and commitments that extend beyond strict or isolation. In Tibetan (a development), ngakpas undergo non-monastic tantric ordination, binding them to vows through rituals (abhiṣeka) conducted by a qualified , allowing married practitioners to perform rituals, divinations, and advanced yogas while upholding secrecy and ethical pledges without full renunciation. status in these lineages often derives from recognized spiritual attainment or hereditary transmission rather than solely from Vinaya-based ordination, enabling diverse roles in teaching and community guidance. Both traditions encounter reduced monastic ordinations in Western countries, where secular discourages lifelong vows; the global Buddhist fell 5% from 343 million in 2010 to 324 million in 2020, with Western communities—comprising under 1% of populations in the and —showing net losses through religious switching, particularly among favoring flexible lay practice over institutional commitment.

Challenges in Ordaining Nuns

In the Theravāda tradition, the full ordination lineage for (fully ordained nuns) is widely regarded as having become extinct approximately 1,000 years ago, around the turn of the first millennium CE, due to factors including political instability, invasions, and internal monastic decline in regions like and . This extinction is substantiated by historical records indicating the absence of a continuous saṅgha capable of conferring valid upasampadā (higher ordination) under the Pāli , which mandates a dual ordination process requiring both (monk) and saṅghas for legitimacy. Traditionalists argue that without an extant Theravāda lineage, any attempt to revive it constitutes a breach of rules (e.g., Mahāvagga VIII), as specified (heavy duties) that presuppose an established female order, and revival absent this foundation risks invalidating the entire process. Efforts to revive bhikkhunī ordination in Theravāda contexts gained momentum in the , particularly in , where in 1996 a small group of ten nuns received ordination from a saṅgha including Theravāda bhikkhus and Taiwanese () bhikkhunīs, followed by a larger in Bodhgayā, , in 1998 involving over 100 women with assistance from Chinese-lineage nuns. Proponents claimed this "restored" the lineage by borrowing from East Asian traditions that preserved a bhikkhunī order, asserting compatibility via shared early Buddhist roots. However, critics, including senior Theravāda scholars, contend this approach lacks precedent, as the Pāli texts do not authorize cross-tradition ordination to bypass extinction; such innovations could dilute doctrinal purity by integrating non-Theravāda elements, potentially leading to schisms similar to historical saṅgha divisions. The revival debates highlight risks of doctrinal innovation, with traditionalists warning that circumventing the extinct lineage undermines the Vinaya's emphasis on unbroken transmission and stricter disciplinary codes for (e.g., 311 rules versus 227 for bhikkhus), which were designed to safeguard monastic celibacy amid perceived vulnerabilities. Historical precedents link the order's original to periods of laxity and external pressures, suggesting that forced revivals without consensus may accelerate sāsana (Buddhist dispensation) decline by eroding adherence to foundational texts and fostering disputes over authority. In practice, post-revival ordinations in have exceeded 500 by the early 2000s, yet opposition from conservative councils, such as Sri Lanka's Mahanayaka, persists, viewing them as legally void and conducive to broader institutional fragmentation.

In Other Traditions

Hinduism: Priestly Initiation and Pujari Training

In , priestly roles as , who conduct daily temple rituals known as puja, emerge from a decentralized tradition of familial and -led training rather than a standardized ordination ceremony comparable to those in Abrahamic faiths. Traditionally confined to the varna due to scriptural emphasis on purity and Vedic knowledge, aspiring priests begin with the samskara, a typically performed between ages 8 and 12, symbolizing entry into student life and eligibility for Vedic study. This initiation, often involving the investiture of the sacred thread, marks the formal start of memorization and recitation of Vedic texts under a , adhering to the guru-shishya parampara, a lineage-based transmission of knowledge spanning generations without institutional oversight. Training encompasses years of oral instruction in hymns, sacrificial procedures from the , and sect-specific rituals from Agama texts, with no fixed duration but often extending into adulthood for mastery. , a targeted rite, plays a key role in esoteric traditions, conferring mantras, purifying the recipient, and authorizing performance of advanced worship, particularly in tantric or devotional contexts; however, it is not universally required for basic pujari duties and varies by lineage. Pujaris assume temple roles through hereditary succession within families or appointment by temple trustees based on demonstrated competence, reflecting the absence of a central authority to validate or confer priesthood. Sectarian variations underscore this lack of uniformity: Shaiva pujaris, such as Tamil Nadu's Sivachariyars, train in Shaiva Agamas, which prescribe vidhi rituals for worship, emphasizing community-oriented temple service by dedicated priestly groups. In contrast, Vaishnava traditions like mandate as a prerequisite for Vishnu-centric temple rites, involving vows of discipline and connection to parampara to ensure ritual efficacy. These differences arise from distinct Agamic corpora—Shaiva texts prioritizing 's non-dual aspects and Vaishnava ones focusing on devotional surrender—without a suprasectarian body to standardize practices, leading to temple-specific customs over universal rites.

Sikhism: Rejection of Formal Clergy

fundamentally rejects formal ordination or a priestly class, rooted in the principle of spiritual equality among all adherents and the absence of intermediaries between individuals and the divine. The faith's founders, beginning with (1469–1539), critiqued the hierarchical structures of contemporary , particularly the Brahmanical priesthood that monopolized religious authority and rituals. This opposition emphasized direct personal devotion to one God () without reliance on ordained mediators, fostering a system where religious functions are performed by any committed Sikh rather than an elite . Central to this structure is the , installed as the eternal Guru by in 1708, serving as the sole scriptural authority accessible to all without priestly interpretation. The , who maintains the scripture in gurdwaras and recites its verses, undergoes no special ordination beyond the general Sikh initiation (Amrit Sanchar) and holds no ecclesiastical power akin to priests in other traditions. Any Amritdhari (initiated) Sikh knowledgeable in and Sikh teachings may assume this role, underscoring the lack of a formalized clerical . Amrit Sanchar, the initiation rite established by in 1699 to form the , baptizes into a of equals committed to ethical discipline, but it confers no clerical status or exclusive religious privileges. Performed collectively by five initiated (Panj Pyare), the ceremony is available to any Sikh of sufficient maturity, promoting universal access rather than elevating participants to a priestly order. In gurdwara practices, this egalitarianism manifests empirically through shared service (seva), such as communal langar meals where all sit in rows without caste or status distinctions, and open participation in kirtan or path (scripture reading) by lay members, reinforcing the rejection of priestly elitism.

Taoism: Transmission of Priestly Lineages

In Taoism, priestly lineages are transmitted primarily through a master-disciple relationship, emphasizing the conferral of ritual registers (lu 籙) that authorize the recipient, known as a daoshi or Taoist priest, to perform specific esoteric rites. This process originated in the Way of the Celestial Masters, founded by Zhang Daoling in 142 CE, where ordination involved receiving a sacred register as a form of initiation into the tradition, granting access to talismanic methods for healing, exorcism, and cosmic harmonization. Unlike monastic celibacy in other traditions, Taoist ordination prioritizes mastery of rituals aligning human actions with the Tao, often allowing priests to maintain familial or secular lives, particularly in Zhengyi lineages where transmission occurs via apprenticeship rather than full-time seclusion. The ordination ceremony typically includes the transmission of precepts by an Ordination Master (chuánjiè lǜshī), often the of a temple, alongside the activation of and invocations to deities for . These registers detail hierarchies of celestial bureaucracy, enabling the to conduct jiao offerings—communal ceremonies of and renewal that renew cosmic order and bonds, historically excluding certain folk practitioners but central to priestly . In practice, this blends empirical efficacy, such as precise talisman inscriptions for invoking flows, with esoteric knowledge passed orally to ensure lineage integrity, reflecting a causal view of rituals as mechanisms to balance yin-yang dynamics rather than mere symbolic acts. Contemporary examples illustrate the tradition's adaptability, as seen in where young ordinands undergo training through organizations like the Quan Zhen Cultural Society. In 2023, 24-year-old Lee Chee Tong, a student, completed ordination after initial training, enabling him to assist in temple rites while pursuing secular studies, highlighting how modern integrate ritual roles with daily life amid . This limited global dissemination, concentrated in Chinese diaspora communities, underscores Taoism's emphasis on localized esoteric transmission over proselytization, with fewer than 10,000 registered in as of recent surveys, prioritizing ritual harmony over expansive moral doctrines.

Theological Debates on Eligibility

Restrictions Based on Gender

In , the restricts priestly service to male descendants of within the , as outlined in Numbers 3, where Levites are designated for sacred duties excluding women from these roles. This male-only framework reflects a divinely instituted complementarity, with no historical precedent for female Levitical ordination in ancient . Christian scriptures similarly emphasize male leadership in ministry, as evidenced by the all-male apostles chosen by and Paul's directive in 1 Timothy 2:11-12 that women should not teach or exercise authority over men in the church assembly, interpretations of which have traditionally barred female ordination to preserve apostolic precedent and hierarchical order. In Catholicism, this extends to an ontological symbolism wherein the priest acts as spiritual father, embodying divine paternity and sacrificial complementarity that cannot be sacramentally represented by women, a principle reiterated in Pope John Paul II's 1994 apostolic letter Ordinatio Sacerdotalis, which definitively reserves priestly ordination to men alone as a matter of doctrine. In , while the lacks formal ordination, the role of —leading congregational prayer and scholarly authority—is traditionally confined to men, rooted in prophetic practice and interpretations of gender complementarity that prioritize male leadership in public worship to maintain communal order, with no Quranic mandate for female imams in mixed settings. Progressive movements have challenged these restrictions, notably in the , where irregular ordinations of women occurred in 1974, formalized by the 1976 General Convention amid debates over equality and inclusivity. Orthodox and Roman Catholicism have rejected such shifts; for instance, Orthodox branches uphold male-only rabbinic roles based on halakhic tradition, while Ordinatio Sacerdotalis invoked papal authority to preclude women's priestly ordination, citing unchanging tradition over egalitarian pressures. Critics of progressive ordination argue it initiates doctrinal erosion, correlating with membership declines in mainline Protestant denominations post-1970s reforms: the Presbyterian Church (USA) lost 58% of members from 1990-2020, the United Church of Christ 52%, and the Episcopal Church over 25% since 2013, attributed by analysts to theological liberalization diluting core distinctives. In contrast, traditions maintaining male-only ordination, such as Eastern Orthodoxy, exhibit relative stability or growth through converts—49% of recent U.S. Orthodox adherents joined post-2020—preserving doctrinal coherence amid broader secularization. This empirical divergence underscores critiques that gender-inclusive ordination, while advancing short-term inclusivity, risks long-term institutional vitality by undermining scriptural complementarity.

Requirements Regarding Sexual Conduct and Orientation

In Christian ordination practices, biblical texts establish prohibitions against homosexual conduct as applicable to all believers, including , with passages such as Leviticus 18:22 declaring male same-sex intercourse an abomination, Romans 1:26-27 describing it as contrary to nature and deserving of wrath, and 1 Corinthians 6:9 listing practitioners (arsenokoitai) among those excluded from God's kingdom unless repentant. These verses underpin traditional exclusions, as unrepentant sexual immorality disqualifies leaders from oversight roles per 1 Timothy 3:1-7 and Titus 1:5-9, which demand blamelessness in marital fidelity or . The Roman Catholic Church enforces these through mandatory for Latin Rite priests, requiring continence and barring ordination of those practicing or exhibiting deep-seated tendencies, as stipulated in the 2005 Vatican instruction from the Congregation for Catholic Education, which cites risks to and Church teaching integrity. Eastern Orthodox traditions permit married men ordination to priesthood if wed prior to diaconate, but demand fidelity within heterosexual marriage and condemn homosexual acts as sinful, with no ordination of openly practicing individuals; bishops must be celibate , reinforcing ascetic purity. Moral examinations and vows during ordination processes traditionally verify continence, with violations leading to laicization, as seen in historical canons against clerical . Progressive departures, such as the Episcopal Church's 2003 ordination of as the first openly partnered gay , have prompted schisms and membership losses, with critics attributing declines to doctrinal deviation from scriptural norms. Episcopal statistics show a 16% membership drop from 2000 to 2010, accelerating post-2003, while average Sunday attendance fell 2-3% annually by 2019, reaching 518,411 nationwide; the diocese electing Robinson reported 19.9% attendance decline by 2018. Conservative Anglican bodies like GAFCON reject such ordinations as incompatible with Scripture, maintaining vows against homosexual practice and linking inclusive policies to institutional erosion, evidenced by stable or growing orthodox provinces versus mainline declines exceeding 50% since the . Empirical patterns suggest causal ties, as denominations upholding traditional conduct requirements exhibit slower attrition, while progressive shifts correlate with accelerated exits by prioritizing biblical fidelity over institutional loyalty.

References

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