List of universities in Turkey

The universities in Turkey comprise a centralized higher education system featuring 209 institutions as of 2024, divided into 131 public universities funded by the state and 78 foundation universities operated as non-profits by philanthropic foundations, with all overseen by the Council of Higher Education (YÖK).^[1][2]
YÖK, established in 1981 under constitutional authority, coordinates policy, accreditation, and expansion to ensure national standards while aligning with the Bologna Process for degree comparability in Europe.^[3][2]
The system's roots trace to the Ottoman Empire, with Istanbul University—founded in 1453 by Sultan Mehmed II—serving as the oldest continuous institution, evolving into a modern university in 1933.^[4]
Rapid proliferation since the 2000s has democratized access, enrolling over 7 million students by 2023-2024, though it has prompted debates on resource allocation and varying institutional quality, with elite public universities like Boğaziçi and Middle East Technical alongside competitive foundation ones like Koç achieving strong global rankings.^[5][6]

Historical Evolution

Ottoman Foundations and Early Institutions

Higher education in the Ottoman Empire originated from medieval Islamic scholarly traditions, where medreses served as primary institutions for advanced learning in theology, jurisprudence, logic, and rudimentary sciences. The first Ottoman medrese was founded in Iznik in 1331, but the conquest of Constantinople marked a pivotal expansion, with Sultan Mehmed II establishing the Sahn-ı Seman Medreses in 1453 as the empire's premier centers of learning. These institutions, built adjacent to the Fatih Mosque, functioned as a proto-university, offering instruction in Islamic law (fiqh), hadith, philosophy, mathematics, and medicine, drawing scholars from across the Islamic world and emphasizing rote memorization alongside dialectical reasoning. By the 16th century, the Ottoman medrese system had proliferated, with approximately 350 such schools founded, though higher-tier ones like Sahn-ı Seman remained elite and geared toward training administrators, judges, and ulema rather than broad societal education.^[7] Secular higher education remained marginal until the late 18th century, constrained by the medreses' religious orientation and resistance to Western technical knowledge amid military defeats. The earliest notable secular institution was the Imperial School of Naval Engineering (Mühendishane-i Bahrî-i Hümâyun), founded in 1773 under Sultan Mustafa III in response to naval weaknesses exposed in conflicts with Russia, focusing on shipbuilding, artillery, and mathematics taught by European instructors like Baron de Tott.^[8] This was followed by the Imperial School of Land Engineering in 1795, prioritizing practical military skills over theoretical scholarship. The Tanzimat reforms, initiated with the 1839 Edict of Gülhane, accelerated this shift by promoting state-controlled secular schools to modernize the bureaucracy and army, including the establishment of medical and veterinary academies in the 1820s–1840s, though these faced clerical opposition and uneven implementation.^[9] Pre-Republican higher education thus comprised a patchwork of religious medreses and nascent technical schools, with access confined to a small urban elite—primarily males from scholarly or military families—and total advanced enrollment likely numbering in the low thousands amid a population exceeding 20 million by 1900. The Darülfünun, evolving from medrese roots into a more formalized university by the early 20th century, symbolized this hybridity but struggled with curriculum fragmentation and low student numbers, underscoring the era's emphasis on specialized, utilitarian training over comprehensive, mass-oriented systems.^[10]

Republican Reforms and Institutional Modernization

Following the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, higher education underwent a profound secular transformation, culminating in the University Reform of 1933 initiated by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. This reform dismantled the traditional Darülfünun (House of Sciences) in Istanbul, which was officially closed by government decree on July 31, 1933, after evaluations by Swiss educator Albert Malche highlighted its outdated structure and resistance to modernization. In its place, Istanbul University was restructured along European lines, adopting a centralized administrative model, standardized curricula emphasizing scientific inquiry over religious studies, and expanded programs in medicine, engineering, and natural sciences to align with national industrialization goals.^[11] The closure of medreses (Islamic seminaries) in 1924 had already eliminated religious higher learning institutions, numbering around 479 with minimal faculty, facilitating this shift toward empirical and technical education. To bolster faculty expertise and counter domestic shortages, the reform incorporated foreign scholars, particularly Jewish academics fleeing Nazi persecution in Europe. Albert Einstein endorsed this effort in a September 17, 1933, letter to Prime Minister İsmet İnönü, urging the recruitment of approximately 40 displaced professors to elevate Turkish academia; subsequent invitations exceeded this number, introducing advanced pedagogical methods and research in fields like physics and mathematics.^[12] This influx supported the creation of secular faculties, with enrollment at Istanbul University rising modestly from pre-reform levels of under 3,000 students to broader access in scientific disciplines by the late 1930s, reflecting state prioritization of self-sufficiency in technical manpower.^[13][11] The reforms extended beyond Istanbul, promoting institutional expansion for economic independence. Ankara University was formally established in 1946, building on precursor faculties founded in 1935, including those in law, medicine, and sciences, to decentralize higher education and foster expertise in agriculture and humanities essential for rural development and national cohesion.^[14] Istanbul Technical University (İTÜ), evolving from its Ottoman engineering roots, intensified focus on applied sciences during this era, contributing to infrastructure projects amid growing state funding.^[15] By 1948, Turkey's three universities hosted 19,867 students, a marked increase from 1930s figures, driven by public investment yet hampered by chronic underfunding that led to uneven quality across programs. These changes underscored a causal emphasis on causal realism in education, prioritizing verifiable scientific outputs over traditional dogma to build a modern republic.

Post-1980 Expansion and Policy Shifts

The enactment of Higher Education Law No. 2547 on November 6, 1981, centralized oversight of Turkish higher education under the newly formed Council of Higher Education (YÖK), which streamlined planning and accreditation to address pre-existing fragmentation and ideological conflicts in academia following the 1980 military coup.^[16][17] This reform enabled deliberate institutional proliferation, with public universities increasing from 19 in 1980 to 129 by 2025, reflecting a policy emphasis on mass access amid demographic pressures and economic liberalization.^[18][19] Subsequent expansions were propelled by Turgut Özal's neoliberal reforms in the 1980s, which permitted the establishment of foundation (private nonprofit) universities starting with Bilkent University in 1984, growing to approximately 79 by 2025 and funded primarily through endowments and tuition while remaining under YÖK regulation.^[19][18] The Justice and Development Party (AKP) from 2002 accelerated this trend through initiatives like "one university per city," prioritizing regional equity in underdeveloped provinces to mitigate urban-rural disparities and boost local economies, resulting in total institutions reaching 208.^[20][18] While enrollment surged beyond 8 million students, providing broader access, the rapid proliferation diluted per-institution resources, with public university budgets collectively equating to roughly two-thirds of a single elite institution like Oxford despite numbering over 120.^[21] Per-student expenditure in tertiary education declined from USD 4,932 in 2015 to USD 4,491 by 2022, contributing to uneven research productivity where aggregate global outputs lag behind peers, though outliers like Middle East Technical University maintain competitive performance in high-impact publications.^[22][23] This expansion also positioned Turkey to host over 250,000 international students annually by 2025, particularly in foundation universities offering English-medium programs, enhancing soft power but straining infrastructure without proportional quality gains across the system.^[18][24]

Institutional Classification

Public Universities

Public universities in Turkey, established and operated under the oversight of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK), constitute the backbone of the country's higher education system, numbering 129 institutions as of 2025 and accounting for approximately 62% of all universities.^[25] These entities are fully state-funded, with resources primarily drawn from the central government budget, enabling tuition-free education for domestic students across undergraduate and graduate programs.^[26] While early foundations like Ege University, established in 1955 with initial faculties in medicine and agriculture, and Hacettepe University, founded in 1967 with a primary emphasis on medical sciences and health-related disciplines, represent pre-1980 developments, the majority—over 100—were created after 1992 through legislative decrees aimed at expanding access amid rapid population growth and democratization of education.^{[27] [28]} Funding for public universities relies heavily on annual allocations from the national budget, which constituted around 10.6% of public resources dedicated to education in recent OECD assessments, surpassing the OECD average of 10.1%, though higher education receives a subset focused on operational costs, faculty salaries, and infrastructure.^[29] This model supports enrollment exceeding 7 million students nationwide as of the 2023-2024 academic year, with public institutions hosting the bulk, but it also contributes to challenges such as resource strain, evidenced by student-to-academic staff ratios averaging about 14:1 in public tertiary settings—lower than in private counterparts but still indicative of high demand relative to faculty capacity.^{[30] [5]} Among public universities, 11 specialized technical institutions prioritize engineering, applied sciences, and technology, playing a pivotal role in national development by fostering innovation and skilled workforce production; these align with YÖK's strategic emphases on research and industry collaboration to bolster Turkey's technological self-sufficiency. Public universities collectively drive a significant portion of domestic research output, including contributions to R&D projects that support economic priorities, though exact shares vary by institution and funding cycle as tracked by YÖK performance metrics.^[2]

Foundation Universities

Foundation universities in Turkey, known as vakıf üniversiteleri, are non-profit private institutions established by philanthropic foundations pursuant to Article 130 of Higher Education Law No. 2547, enacted on November 6, 1981, which authorizes such entities to operate higher education programs under Council of Higher Education (YÖK) supervision.^[31] Unlike public universities, they depend on endowments, tuition revenues, and donations rather than state appropriations, enabling autonomy in program design and infrastructure investment but exposing them to financial volatility and donor influence.^[32] This model has facilitated English-medium instruction and research emphasis in leading examples, though quality varies widely across the sector.^[33] The sector's origins trace to Bilkent University, founded on October 20, 1984, by İhsan Doğramacı as Turkey's inaugural foundation university, initially admitting students in 1986 with a focus on science and liberal arts.^[34] Koç University, established in 1993 by the Vehbi Koç Foundation, exemplifies subsequent growth, prioritizing interdisciplinary research and achieving a QS World University Ranking position of 323 in 2026 among global institutions.^{[35] [36]} These pioneers set precedents for private-sector contributions to fields like business, engineering, and law, where public capacity has historically lagged, often through full English curricula that attract international faculty and students.^[35] By 2025, foundation universities number 78, up from fewer than 10 in the 1990s, concentrating in urban hubs such as Istanbul (hosting over half) to address demand for professional programs amid public expansion constraints.^[37] They enroll roughly 10-15% of Turkey's approximately 7 million higher education students, drawing a disproportionate share of fee-paying domestic and foreign enrollees due to scholarships and modern campuses.^{[5] [38]} Tuition averages 5-10 times public rates—spanning $5,000 to $30,000 annually per program—funding advanced facilities and smaller class sizes, yet fostering critiques of socioeconomic elitism and reliance on foundation governance that may prioritize donor interests over academic independence.^{[39] [40]} Empirically, top foundation universities demonstrate strengths in employability and targeted research outputs, such as Koç's contributions to economics and Sabancı's in materials science, but aggregate per-capita research impact trails elite publics like Middle East Technical University, per citation metrics, amid broader concerns over uneven accreditation and post-2016 governance shifts amplifying political dependencies.^{[36] [33]} This variability underscores their role as complementary rather than superior alternatives, filling urban and vocational niches while public institutions dominate volume and foundational sciences.^[38]

Specialized and Technical Institutions

Specialized and technical institutions in Turkey primarily include technical universities dedicated to engineering and applied sciences, military academies for defense education, and vocational higher schools emphasizing practical skills. These entities operate with mandates distinct from comprehensive universities, prioritizing industry-aligned training and national security needs over broad liberal arts curricula. They fall under the oversight of the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) but retain specialized governance, such as affiliations with the Ministry of National Defense for military programs.^[41] Technical universities form a core subset, with Istanbul Technical University (ITU) tracing its origins to 1773 as the Mühendishane-i Bahr-i Hümayun, an Ottoman naval engineering school that evolved into a modern institution by 1944.^[15] ITU focuses on disciplines like civil, mechanical, and electrical engineering, contributing to Turkey's technical expertise through research in areas such as maritime and informatics faculties.^[42] Other prominent examples include Yıldız Technical University and Gebze Technical University, which emphasize innovation in materials science and biotechnology.^[43] Galatasaray University, established as a higher education institution in 1994 with foundations in the 1481 Ottoman Galata Sarayı school, operates bilingually in Turkish and French, specializing in law, economics, management, and engineering programs tailored to international standards via a 1991 Franco-Turkish protocol.^[44] Its curriculum integrates European legal traditions, fostering graduates for diplomatic and cross-border professional roles. Military-linked institutions underscore security-focused education, exemplified by the National Defense University (MSÜ), created in 2016 via Decree Law No. 669 amid post-coup restructuring to consolidate officer training.^[45] MSÜ encompasses academies for army, navy, and air force personnel, delivering programs in strategic studies, cybersecurity, and logistics under direct Ministry of National Defense supervision, distinct from civilian YÖK-administered universities.^[46] This setup replaced prior fragmented war colleges, aiming for unified defense higher education.^[47] Vocational higher schools, often embedded within universities, offer associate degrees in fields like automotive technology and industrial automation, bridging secondary education to workforce entry with hands-on mandates. These programs, numbering in the hundreds across institutions, prioritize employability in manufacturing and services, aligning with Turkey's export-oriented economy. While comprising a minor fraction of total higher education bodies, these specialized entities produce graduates with targeted competencies, occasionally navigating autonomy issues due to sector-specific regulatory overlaps with YÖK.^[48]

Geographical Distribution

Listing by Province

Turkey's 208 universities, as reported by the Council of Higher Education (YÖK) in 2023, are unevenly distributed across its 81 provinces, with over half concentrated in the five largest provinces to align with population centers and economic activity, while post-2000 expansions added institutions in 50+ provinces for regional equity.^[49] Istanbul province contains 29 universities (8 public, 21 foundation), Ankara 19 (5 public, 14 foundation), and Izmir 12 (4 public, 8 foundation), reflecting urban agglomeration effects.^[2] Rural and eastern provinces typically host 1-2 public universities established after 2010, such as Şırnak University (public, 2013) in Şırnak province and Bayburt University (public, 2008) in Bayburt, to decentralize higher education and boost local enrollment.^[2] Multi-campus configurations, like those of Anadolu University spanning Eskişehir and other areas, extend coverage without inflating provincial counts. Provinces without dedicated universities rely on commuting to neighboring ones or distance programs. Full enumeration across all provinces, verified against YÖK registries, confirms active status for these institutions, excluding specialized academies or closed entities; foundation universities outnumber public ones in urban provinces due to private investment incentives post-1980s.^[49] Provinces like Tunceli and Ardahan each have 1 public university, while 20 provinces lack standalone institutions, relying on national access policies.^[2]

Regional Disparities and Accessibility

The distribution of higher education institutions in Turkey exhibits significant regional imbalances, with the Marmara Region accounting for 34.2% of national college-level student enrollment, followed by Central Anatolia at 20.9%.^[50] This concentration aligns with economic disparities, as higher GDP per capita in western provinces facilitates superior infrastructure, research funding, and faculty recruitment, perpetuating a cycle where urban hubs like Istanbul and Ankara dominate institutional capacity and seat availability.^[51] In Eastern Anatolia, universities established after 2000—comprising a substantial portion of the region's 20+ institutions—confront persistent faculty shortages, particularly in recruiting PhD-qualified academics, as smaller provincial setups in less developed areas fail to compete with metropolitan incentives.^[52] Accessibility for students from rural and eastern provinces is hindered by geographic isolation, with distance exerting a measurable negative effect on enrollment in state universities, as prospective students prioritize proximate options amid travel costs and family obligations.^[53] The ÖSYM centralized exam and program-specific quotas allocate placements primarily by merit scores, offering limited direct mitigation for rural disadvantages beyond implicit preferences for local institutions, though expansions into underserved areas have incrementally broadened options.^[54] Sharp regional inequalities in educational attainment persist, with eastern and rural zones showing lower higher education participation rates tied to socioeconomic barriers rather than policy exclusions.^[55] Post-2002 expansions under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) governance added approximately 97 new higher education institutions by 2013, elevating the total from 73 universities in 2004 to 180 by 2014, explicitly targeting provincial equity to counter urban bias.^{[56] [57]} These builds, continuing to over 200 institutions by the 2020s, aimed to democratize access but have yielded uneven outcomes in low-population eastern locales, where demographic sparsity exacerbates understaffing and program viability challenges, as evidenced by broader systemic faculty deficits.^[58] Overall, while causal drivers like economic agglomeration sustain disparities, state-driven decentralization reflects causal realism in addressing geographic inequities, albeit with trade-offs in resource dilution.^[59]

Performance and Evaluation

International Rankings

In major international university rankings for 2025 and 2026, Turkish institutions exhibit limited global presence, with fewer than 15 universities appearing in the top 1000 across QS World University Rankings, Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings, and Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU). Out of approximately 207 universities in Turkey, over 90% remain unranked, highlighting a concentration of performance among a small elite group primarily in engineering, sciences, and research output. This disparity underscores strengths in citation-based metrics, where top performers like Middle East Technical University (METU) and Koç University contribute disproportionately to national totals—estimated at over 60% of Turkey's indexed publications in high-impact journals—but reveals weaknesses in areas such as international faculty diversity and employer reputation.^[60][61][62] Post-2010 investments in select foundation and public research universities have yielded modest gains, such as four institutions entering QS top 400 for the first time in 2026, doubling prior representation in that bracket. However, systemic factors including R&D expenditure at 1.46% of GDP in 2024—below OECD averages and peers like Israel (over 5%)—constrain broader competitiveness, particularly in innovation and highly cited research beyond elite clusters. ARWU's emphasis on Nobel-level outputs and top-journal publications further exposes gaps, with Turkish universities rarely featuring in upper tiers despite citation volume from METU and ITU.^[65][66]

National Quality Assessments

The Council of Higher Education (YÖK) oversees national quality assessments for Turkish universities through periodic audits and performance monitoring, emphasizing indicators such as research output, faculty qualifications, and institutional compliance with accreditation standards.^[2] These evaluations inform resource allocation and policy, though YÖK does not publish a singular annual ranking; instead, domestic benchmarks like the University Ranking by Academic Performance (URAP) provide comprehensive assessments based on verifiable metrics including scientific publications, citations, and international collaboration.^[67] In the URAP 2025-2026 Turkey rankings, 198 universities were evaluated across categories like those with medical faculties, with top institutions demonstrating superior publication rates—Hacettepe University securing first place overall among state universities due to its high volume of peer-reviewed articles in health sciences.^[68][69] Field-specific leadership emerges in URAP and affiliated evaluations: Hacettepe University dominates in medicine, ranking first nationally with over 42,000 publications and leading in subfields like pediatrics and dentistry, reflecting concentrated research productivity in clinical and biomedical areas.^[70][71] Similarly, Istanbul Technical University (ITU) tops engineering assessments, holding the national lead with extensive outputs in mechanical and materials engineering, underscoring disparities where elite technical institutions outperform others in patent-relevant innovations.^[72] These rankings typically highlight around 50 leading public and foundation universities, with metrics revealing that top performers account for the majority of high-impact research, while mid-tier institutions lag in citation-based h-indices below 20 on average.^[67] Program accreditation supplements these evaluations, with bodies like MÜDEK (Association for Evaluation and Accreditation of Engineering Programs) certifying engineering curricula for alignment with international standards; as of July 2024, over 120 bachelor's programs hold full or provisional accreditation, but coverage remains partial, with fewer than half of eligible engineering departments achieving sustained status and negligible penetration in non-STEM fields like social sciences.^[73] This highlights systemic gaps, as accreditation rates drop outside technical disciplines due to resource constraints and evaluation rigor. Research metrics further differentiate institutions: in 2024, the top 20 universities filed approximately 80% of university patent applications (e.g., Yıldız Technical University with 143 and Istanbul Medipol University with 127), while national grant distributions from TÜBİTAK favor elites, perpetuating lower innovation outputs elsewhere.^[74][75] Overall, these assessments reveal a tiered quality landscape, where a core group of universities drives national research while broader expansion strains average performance indicators.^[76]

Governance and Contemporary Challenges

State Control and Administrative Structure

The Council of Higher Education (YÖK), established by law in 1981 as an autonomous constitutional body, exercises centralized oversight over Turkey's higher education system, including the coordination, planning, and regulation of all universities and equivalent institutions.^[2] YÖK supervises approximately 208 higher education institutions as of 2023, comprising 129 public universities, 75 foundation universities, and 4 foundation vocational schools, ensuring compliance with national standards for academic programs, faculty appointments, and resource distribution.^[49] A core function of YÖK involves the rector appointment process, which gained direct presidential authority following a 2016 decree amending prior election-based mechanisms where university assemblies nominated candidates.^[77] Under this structure, the President selects rectors from YÖK-approved lists, with a 2025 law further solidifying this executive prerogative for both public and foundation universities, often prioritizing alignment with national policy objectives over internal electoral preferences.^{[78] [79]} Turkey's university system maintains a dual administrative framework: public universities operate under direct state funding and ministerial linkages, with budgets predominantly sourced from central government allocations that account for roughly 80% of their operational revenues, while foundation universities enjoy semi-autonomy via tuition-based financing and revocable charters subject to YÖK dissolution for non-compliance.^{[26] [80]} This bifurcation allows foundation institutions limited self-governance in internal affairs, yet all entities fall under YÖK's hierarchical mandate for budgeting, which channels the vast majority—estimated at over 90% of total public higher education expenditures—to public institutions.^[81] Centralization manifests empirically through YÖK's imposition of uniform accreditation standards and program quotas, particularly in core disciplines like medicine, engineering, and law, where national curricula frameworks standardize content delivery to facilitate scalability across the 208 institutions but constrain deviations for localized adaptations.^{[82] [2]} YÖK's Turkish Qualifications Framework further enforces this uniformity by delineating mandatory competencies and credit systems applicable nationwide, overriding institution-specific variations in foundational fields.^[2]

Academic Freedom and Political Interventions

Following the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, Turkey's government invoked a state of emergency, issuing decrees that dismissed more than 5,800 academics from public universities, primarily on allegations of ties to the Gülen movement deemed a terrorist organization by Ankara.^[83] These actions, bypassing standard due process, targeted individuals for alleged dissent or affiliations, resulting in widespread job losses, passport confiscations, and travel bans that curtailed international collaboration.^[83] Reports from human rights monitors, including those submitted to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), document how such purges eroded institutional autonomy, with rectors and deans often appointed directly by the presidency, fostering alignment with state priorities over independent inquiry.^[84] The dismissals correlated with a documented rise in self-censorship among remaining faculty, as academics avoided research on politically sensitive topics such as Kurdish issues, the 1915 Armenian events, or critiques of Ottoman history to evade prosecution under laws like Article 301 of the penal code, which penalizes "insulting the Turkish nation" with up to four years' imprisonment.^[85] Over 1,100 signatories to the 2016 "Academics for Peace" petition, which called for an end to military operations in southeastern Turkey, faced investigations, dismissals, or arrests for alleged propaganda, amplifying caution in scholarly discourse.^[83] Scholars at Risk's monitoring project highlights Turkey's persistent low standing in global academic freedom assessments, with ongoing incidents of harassment and institutional interference reported through 2023, contributing to a brain drain of intellectuals.^[86] Government influence extended to curriculum and hiring, with post-2016 appointments favoring loyalists and expansions in theology faculties amid reports of preferential treatment for candidates aligned with Islamist perspectives, though empirical data on enrollment shifts in secular disciplines remains limited by restricted access to university records.^[84] Human Rights Watch analyses indicate these dynamics have chilled open debate, with faculty reporting preemptive avoidance of controversial grants or publications to mitigate risks of further interventions.^[83] While official narratives frame purges as anti-terror measures, independent verifications from OHCHR submissions underscore their disproportionate impact on critical voices, prioritizing regime security over evidentiary standards.^[84]

Quality Dilution from Rapid Expansion

Turkey's higher education sector has undergone massive expansion, with the number of universities increasing from approximately 20 in 1980 to 208 by 2024, alongside a rise in student enrollment from about 237,000 to over 7 million.^[87][88] This growth, driven by policies to enhance access, has strained resources, resulting in elevated student-to-faculty ratios averaging around 25:1 nationally but exceeding 40:1 in newer institutions in underdeveloped provinces, where qualified personnel are scarce.^[89] Graduation rates hover at approximately 65% for bachelor's programs on a standard timeline, with extended completion reaching 86% after three additional years, indicating persistent challenges in retention and instructional quality amid diluted per-institution capacity.^[30] Compounding these issues, significant academic brain drain has occurred since 2016, with estimates of over 7,000 scholars dismissed or prompted to emigrate due to professional uncertainties, exacerbating faculty shortages and hindering knowledge transfer.^[90] Research output, as measured by Scopus-indexed publications, remains low at about 0.3 papers per academic annually in 2022, showing stagnation relative to input growth and failing to scale proportionally with institutional proliferation, which signals diminished per-university productivity.^[91] While expansion has boosted access—contributing to adult literacy rates rising from around 65% in the 1970s to 97% by 2021—it has also amplified employability gaps, with youth unemployment (ages 15-24) at 15.6% in 2024 and higher underemployment among graduates, as top-tier institutions like Koç and Middle East Technical University disproportionately attract elite talent, widening disparities across the system.^[92] This uneven distribution underscores how rapid scaling prioritizes quantity over sustained quality, yielding broader societal gains in enrollment but per-institution declines in output and graduate preparedness.