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Change UK, founded as The Independent Group (TIG) and later The Independent Group for Change, was a centrist, pro–European Union political party in the United Kingdom, which existed for ten months during 2019. Established in February and formally recognised as a party in May, it was dissolved in December after all its MPs lost their seats at that year's general election. Its principal aim was a second withdrawal referendum on European Union membership, in which it would campaign to remain in the EU. On economic issues it expressed a commitment to the social market economy.

Key Information

The party originated when seven MPs resigned from the Labour Party to sit as The Independent Group. They were dissatisfied by Labour's leftward political direction under Jeremy Corbyn's leadership, its approach to Brexit and its handling of allegations of antisemitism within the party. They were soon joined by four more MPs, including three from the governing Conservative Party who disliked their party's approach to Brexit and its move rightward. The group registered as a political party under the name Change UK – The Independent Group and appointed former Conservative MP Heidi Allen as their leader before May's European Parliament election.

Following the party's failure to secure any seats in that election, six of its eleven MPs, including Allen, left the party and Anna Soubry took over as leader. Four of the six formed The Independents grouping and two defected to the Liberal Democrats. Later, three of The Independents also joined the Liberal Democrats. In June the party adopted the name The Independent Group for Change following a legal dispute with petition website Change.org. Three of the party's MPs stood for re-election in December's general election. None were re-elected, each losing to a candidate from their former parties. On 19 December, Soubry announced the party's dissolution.

History

[edit]

Formation

[edit]
Logo of The Independent Group, February–April 2019

The group was founded by MPs Luciana Berger, Ann Coffey, Mike Gapes, Chris Leslie, Gavin Shuker, Angela Smith and Chuka Umunna, after they announced their resignations from the opposition Labour Party on 18 February 2019. Rather than forming a party, they referred to themselves as The Independent Group (TIG). Leslie, Shuker and Smith had previously lost no-confidence motions brought by their Constituency Labour Parties.[4][5][6] Berger had had two brought against her, both withdrawn.[7] Ian Murray planned to resign alongside the others but pulled out shortly before the launch.[8]

The media compared TIG to the Gang of Four who split from Labour to found the Social Democratic Party (today the centrist Liberal Democrats) in 1981.[9][10][11] Four of the seven founding members (Berger, Gapes, Shuker and Leslie) had been Labour and Co-operative Party MPs; they left both parties.[12] Announcing the resignations, Berger described Labour as having become "institutionally antisemitic", while Leslie said Labour had been "hijacked by the machine politics of the hard left" and Gapes said he was "furious that the Labour leadership is complicit in facilitating Brexit".[13][14]

On the day TIG launched, Smith appeared on the BBC's Politics Live programme, where she said, in a discussion about racism, that: "The recent history of the party I've just left suggested it's not just about being black or a funny tin... you know, a different... from the BAME community". The offending phrase was partially uttered, but it was widely reported to be "funny tinge".[15][16] Smith apologised shortly afterwards, saying, "I'm very upset that I misspoke so badly."[15][16][17] Commentators[who?] noted an irony, given the fact that the group had been formed in response to perceived racism.[18][19]

The following day, Joan Ryan, who had the previous September lost a vote of no-confidence brought by her constituency party,[20][21] announced her departure from Labour, becoming the first MP to join after TIG's formation.[22][23] The day after that, three MPs left the governing Conservative Party to join. Sarah Wollaston, Heidi Allen and Anna Soubry cited the handling of Brexit by the Prime Minister (including "red lines" which alienated most Remainers); the party's reliance on the European Research Group (which supported a no-deal Brexit) and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in passing Brexit-related legislation; what they saw as the takeover of the party by "right wing, ... hard-line anti-EU" MPs and its lack of concern for the "most vulnerable in society", as reasons for their departure.[24][25]

Umunna rejected the notion of any merger with the Lib Dems.[13] Soubry called on one-nation Conservatives and "like-minded Lib Dems" to join TIG.[26] A few former Conservative and Labour parliamentarians publicly switched allegiance,[27] while some Labour local councillors in England left the party for TIG.[28]

Registration as a political party

[edit]
Logos of Change UK – The Independent Group
Logo of Change UK – The Independent Group, April 2019
Logo of Change UK – The Independent Group, April–July 2019

In March, the group announced that it had applied to the Electoral Commission to register as a political party under the name "Change UK – The Independent Group", in order to be able to stand candidates if the UK participated in May's European elections.[29][30] Heidi Allen was appointed interim leader, pending an inaugural party conference planned for September.[31]

The registration was confirmed by the Electoral Commission in April.[32] The party's proposed emblem, however, was rejected by the Commission, both for inclusion of the TIG acronym, which they considered insufficiently well-known, and for use of a hashtag.[33][34]

In April, the centrist Renew Party, which had formed in 2017 but not won any seats, announced it would be supporting Change UK – The Independent Group in the European elections. Change UK welcomed the move and said it would accept applications from Renew-approved candidates to stand for Change UK.[35]

European Parliament election

[edit]

MEPs Julie Girling and Richard Ashworth joined Change UK in April.[34] Both had been elected as Conservatives, but were suspended from the party after supporting a motion in the European Parliament saying sufficient progress had not been made in Brexit negotiations to allow trade talks to start.[36]

In May, Girling decided not to stand and encouraged Remain supporters in the South West to vote for the Lib Dems, saying they were "clearly the lead Remain party" in the region.[37] Both Girling and Change UK later said that she had never been a member or one of their MEPs.[38]

Change UK announced on 23 April that it would stand a full slate of candidates in Great Britain for the European elections, including Ashworth, writer Rachel Johnson (sister of Conservative MPs Jo and Boris Johnson), former BBC journalist Gavin Esler,[39] former Conservative MPs Stephen Dorrell and Neil Carmichael, former Labour MEP Carole Tongue, former Labour MPs Roger Casale and Jon Owen Jones, former Liberal Democrat MEP Diana Wallis,[40] and Jacek Rostowski, the former deputy Prime Minister of Poland.[41]

Within a day, controversial tweets, some allegedly racist, by two Change UK candidates – including the top one for the Scottish constituency – were discovered, leading those candidates to withdraw.[42][43] The Muslim Council of Great Britain and anti-racism charity Tell MAMA condemned the selection of a third candidate, Nora Mulready, who they said had conflated Islam with terrorism and legitimised the far right;[44] this was dismissed by Mulready and Change UK as a "smear campaign".[45] Prominent LGBT journalists[who?] condemned the selection of Rostowski for his anti-gay marriage stance, although he was believed to have recanted homophobic remarks made in 2011 and 2013 about same-sex relationships.[46]

In mid-May, David MacDonald, who had earlier replaced Joseph Russo as Change UK's lead candidate in Scotland following the controversy over the latter's tweets, defected from the party and encouraged supporters to vote for the Scottish Liberal Democrats.[47] In an interview with The Times, the lead candidate in South West England, Rachel Johnson, described the party as a "sinking ship", criticised the leadership structure and said that Change UK was a "terrible" name.[48]

A week later, interim leader Heidi Allen suggested that the party might not exist at the next general election and hinted at the formation of an alliance with the Liberal Democrats.[49] On 22 May, she said that she and Wollaston had wanted to advise Remain supporters to vote tactically for the Liberal Democrats in the European elections outside of London and South East England, but were overruled by other members. Allen said she threatened to resign as leader over the issue of whether to endorse the Liberal Democrats in some regions. She denied her party was in disarray.[50][51]

Between the European Parliament polling day and the count, with the Liberal Democrats expected to have done much better in the vote than Change UK, Umunna said that he thought a pact between Change UK and the Liberal Democrats at the next election "would be sensible".[52] Allen then said she would go "one step further" and implied she wanted a merger with the Liberal Democrats.[53] However, Soubry criticised Allen's tactical voting comments[54] and the idea of any imminent alliance with the Liberal Democrats, describing talk of an alliance as being "a long way down the line".[55]

Change UK won no seats in the European elections, garnering 3.3% of the vote overall.[55] Their highest vote was 5.3% in London. They were closest to winning a seat in the South East England constituency where they got 4.2%, 3.1% away from a seat. An internal party report was supposedly critical of some MPs for supposedly talking down the party's prospects.[56]

Resignations

[edit]

After a June meeting of the party's MPs, described as "amicable" by the Financial Times but "fraught" by the New Statesman,[57][58] six of the party's MPs – Berger, Shuker, Smith, Umunna, Wollaston and interim party leader Allen – announced their resignation from the party. The other five MPs remained in the party, with Brexit and Justice spokeswoman Anna Soubry becoming leader.[59]

In an article shortly before the announcement of the resignations, Stephen Bush of the New Statesman described three viewpoints in the party: one group favouring merger with the Liberal Democrats, including Allen and Umunna; another ideologically unsympathetic towards the Liberal Democrats, including Gapes, Leslie, Ryan and Soubry; and a third who supported reverting to being a loose collection of independents which could attract Labour and Conservative defectors who would find it difficult to switch to a rival party.[60] Shuker was later described as in the last group.[61] The Financial Times described a longstanding split between Umunna and Leslie, both of whom had vied to be the leading force within the party, with Allen chosen as interim leader to defuse tensions.[57]

In an interview that evening, Soubry said that those leaving wanted Change UK to become a "movement" that did not field candidates.[62] The New Statesman commented that most of the MPs with links to donors had left, and the party was not financially secure.[58]

Rumours continued that some, but not all, of those who left the party would eventually join the Liberal Democrats,[57] with the New Statesman suggesting that Umunna, Wollaston and Allen were best placed to be able to win re-election as Liberal Democrats.[63][61] Umunna joined the Liberal Democrats in June.[64] The following month, Berger, Shuker, Smith and Allen along with John Woodcock formed a non-party group called The Independents.[65][66] By the time of the election, Berger, Smith and Allen had left this grouping to join the Lib Dems.[67][68]

Naming dispute with Change.org and name change

[edit]
Logo of The Independent Group for Change, July 2019 until dissolution

At the time of the party's registration, the petitions website Change.org announced that it would challenge the branding as having "hijacked" its identity.[69] Shortly after announcing themselves as Change UK, Soubry accidentally called the party "Change.org" in Parliament.[70] Threats of litigation resulted in the party applying to the Electoral Commission to change its name to The Independent Group for Change,[71][72] a request granted the next month.[73]

2019 general election and deregistration

[edit]

Before the general election in December, the party announced it would only contest Broxtowe, Ilford South and Nottingham East, where Soubry, Gapes and Leslie, respectively, sought re-election.[74][75] Coffey and Ryan did not stand for re-election.[76][77] The Liberal Democrats announced that they would not stand against Soubry in Broxtowe.[78]

All three candidates lost their seats: Soubry and Gapes came third in their races, while Leslie was fourth. Soubry had the highest vote share at 8.5%. Of its six former members, Allen did not stand in the election, Shuker stood as an independent candidate and the other four stood for the Liberal Democrats. All of those lost their seats as well, with Berger performing best, coming second with 31.9%, standing in a different constituency, Finchley and Golders Green.[79]

Soubry announced a week after the election that the management council had agreed to deregister with the Electoral Commission and begin the process of closing down the Independent Group for Change.[80] The party tweeted: "It was right to shine a spotlight on Britain's broken politics. But having taken stock and with no voice now in parliament, we begin the process of winding up our party. Thanks to all who stood with us."[81] The party was formally deregistered by the Electoral Commission on 23 July 2020.[82]

Reactions

[edit]

Labour Party

[edit]

At the time TIG was formed, Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn responded that he was "disappointed" by the actions of the MPs leaving Labour.[13][83] Labour Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell said that TIG MPs had a "responsibility" to resign and fight by-elections, as they had been elected as Labour MPs and should seek the approval of the electorate for their new platform.[13] Other Labour Party figures stressed reflection, with deputy leader Tom Watson imploring his party to change in order to stave off further defections.[84] Jon Lansman, the founder of Momentum, said he had "personal sympathy" for Berger because of the "hate and abuse" she had suffered. However, the six other former Labour MPs were, in his opinion, malcontents opposed to Corbyn's leadership.[13]

Labour MP Ruth George, who had been asked to respond to a Facebook comment suggesting the group's financial backers were "Israelis", replied that "Support from the State of Israel, which supports both Conservative and Labour Friends of Israel of which Luciana was chair is possible and I would not condemn those who suggest it, especially when the group's financial backers are not being revealed". After Jewish groups said that she was indulging an antisemitic conspiracy theory, she apologised and withdrew her comment.[85][86][87]

A week after TIG was formed, Labour announced that it would back moves for a second EU referendum in the coming weeks, a move interpreted as partially a response to the threat of further defections.[88][89]

In March, MPs passed a motion put forward by Labour to remove Gapes, as well as non-TIG independent Ian Austin, from their seats on the Foreign Affairs Select Committee they held as part of the Labour Party's allocation. They were replaced by Labour MPs Conor McGinn and Catherine West. Gapes called the move "a sad day for the independence of Select Committees", while Labour said that it was right that the party filled its allocation of seats on the committees.[90]

Conservative Party

[edit]

After Soubry, Wollaston and Allen joined TIG, Prime Minister and Conservative leader Theresa May stated that she was "saddened" by their departure.[24] Her predecessor, David Cameron, said he respected their decision but disagreed with it, as the party needs "strong voices at every level of the party calling for the modern, compassionate Conservatism that saw the Conservative Party return to office."[91]

Liberal Democrats

[edit]

Before the initial TIG breakaway, Liberal Democrats leader Vince Cable said that his party would "work with them in some form" but not be "subsumed" by them.[15][92] Afterwards, he "offered a hand of friendship to the new Independent Group", seeing "the way forward as a collaborative arrangement, a confederation of groups who have a lot in common".[93] On 20 February Cable also suggested that the Liberal Democrats might not put up candidates against members of the Independent Group at future elections.[94] Former Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron said in a radio interview that it was "entirely possible" that the two groups could merge to form a new centrist political party.[95] Cable sought support from TIG for his proposed parliamentary motion for a second Brexit referendum.[96]

In March 2019, it was reported by Business Insider that the Lib Dems and TIG discussed forming an electoral alliance where joint candidates would stand under the same "umbrella".[97] Cable proposed standing joint candidates with the Greens and Change UK on a common policy of seeking a second referendum on Brexit at the European Parliament elections, but those parties rejected it.[98] In April, an unverified internal Change UK memo leaked describing their plans to target Liberal Democrat donors and members in an attempt to supplant the larger party. It specified "No mergers, pacts or alliances."[99][100] A week later, Cable said that while Change UK had thrown away opportunities in the European elections by not pooling their strength, they and the Lib Dems had agreed a "non-aggression pact" to discourage "friendly fire".[101] After the Liberal Democrats came second in the European elections while Change UK won no seats, the Lib Dems suggested they would welcome Change UK MPs joining their party (as Umunna, Wollaston, Berger, Smith and Allen subsequently did).[102]

Structure and aims

[edit]

The party was launched as a group of independent MPs with a convenor (initially Gavin Shuker)[103] and spokesperson (initially Chuka Umunna).[104] It was established without a formal policy platform. In March 2019, this structure was changed as the group applied for registration as a political party with Heidi Allen as its leader (on an interim basis until an annual conference could be held).[31] The party's registration was confirmed in April.[1] In June, Allen left the party and Anna Soubry replaced her as leader.[59] By July, the party employed one member of staff on a full-time basis, down from 11employed during the European elections.[105]

Chris Leslie described Change UK as offering a home to those on the centre-left or in the "liberal" or "one nation" tradition.[106] It was expressly pro-European, supporting calls for a further referendum on the UK's EU membership, and was considered to be centrist.[107][108] Change UK's slogan was "Politics is broken. Let's change it",[109] and it said it would pursue evidence-led policies, rather than those led by ideology, with the group being tolerant of differing opinions.[110]

Specific stated values included a "diverse, mixed social market economy", freedom of the press, environmentalism, devolution, subsidiarity and opposition to Brexit.[110][111][112] All of its MPs supported a second referendum on the EU.[111] Although the party never published a manifesto, it listed eleven "values", including that the government must do "whatever it takes" to protect national security, as Britain is "a great country of which people are rightly proud."[113] Shuker said "[we] back well-regulated business but in return we expect them to provide decent, secure and well-paid jobs" and Leslie stressed the group was pro-NATO.[111]

On 14 March 2019, Wollaston's amendment calling for a second EU referendum was called by the Speaker of the House of Commons, the first TIG amendment to be called and the first time Parliament had the opportunity to directly vote on a second referendum.[114] However, after both the People's Vote and Best for Britain campaigns advised supporters not to vote for the amendment,[115] and the Labour Party whipped its MPs to abstain, the amendment fell 85–334.[116]

Funding

[edit]

Change UK was supported in its aims by The Independent Group (TIG) Ltd (previously named Gemini A Ltd), a non-trading company started by Shuker and registered in England and Wales.[117][118] Berger stated that the seven founders funded the launch themselves.[119][120]

The group claimed thousands of donors gave small amounts within days of its launch.[120] Five days afterwards, David Garrard, previously a major donor to the Labour Party, was reported to have given TIG £1.5 million.[121][122] A "significant" donation to the group was later made by crossbencher Lord Myners, City Minister under Labour Prime Minister Gordon Brown.[123] Change UK was not entitled to the parliamentary financial assistance for opposition parties (Short Money) as this is not available to political parties established in the middle of a parliamentary term.[124]

A report by the party's auditors, published as part of the group's accounts filed with Companies House in May 2020, found that bank statements and records of donors had been "inappropriately destroyed" by staff members during the party's winding down and could not be satisfactorily reconstructed. Nothing had come to their attention to suggest there were any "material errors in the financial statements", but they were "unable to determine" whether any adjustments to financial statements "might have been found to be necessary had the scope of our work not been limited". In response, Soubry's partner, Neil Davidson, the party's treasurer, said that the party had "absolutely nothing to hide".[125]

Leadership

[edit]

When TIG was formed, Gavin Shuker was named as its convenor and Chuka Umunna as spokesperson.[126][127] The group took a collective approach to leadership, with Umunna saying that "all the members of our group have... a responsibility to provide leadership".[127] Registration as a party required having a formal leader. Allen was appointed interim leader when the party was officially formed on 29 March, with the intention of electing a permanent leader at a party conference in September.[128] When Allen left the party in June, Soubry took over as leader.[129]

Name Term
List of leaders
Leader of Change UK
Acting
Heidi Allen 29 March 2019 4 June 2019
Leader of The Independent Group for Change
Anna Soubry 4 June 2019 19 December 2019

Members of elected bodies

[edit]

The party was formed by eleven breakaway MPs – eight from Labour and three from the Conservatives – in 2019.[130] Six of Change UK's eleven MPs left the party after it won no seats in the 2019 European Parliament election in May.[131] Five of the six who quit Change UK went on to join the Liberal Democrats.[130] None of the original eleven members of Change UK were elected in the 2019 general election in December.[130] After failing to win any seats in the general election, the party, by then known as the Independent Group for Change, announced that it would disband.[132][133]

Members of Parliament

[edit]

MPs who remained in the party until dissolution

[edit]
Name Constituency Former party First elected Joined
Ann Coffey Stockport Labour 9 April 1992 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18)
Mike Gapes Ilford South Labour Co-op 9 April 1992 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18)
Chris Leslie Nottingham East Labour Co-op 1 May 1997 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18)
Joan Ryan Enfield North Labour 1 May 1997 19 February 2019 (2019-02-19)
Anna Soubry Broxtowe Conservative 6 May 2010 20 February 2019 (2019-02-20)
Key:      Founding member

MPs who left the party

[edit]
Name Constituency Former party First elected Joined Left Party at 2019 election
Heidi Allen South Cambridgeshire Conservative 7 May 2015 20 February 2019 (2019-02-20) 4 June 2019 Liberal Democrats[68][134]
Luciana Berger Liverpool Wavertree Labour Co-op 6 May 2010 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18) 4 June 2019 Liberal Democrats[135]
Gavin Shuker Luton South Labour Co-op 6 May 2010 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18) 4 June 2019 Independent[136]
Angela Smith Penistone and Stocksbridge Labour 5 May 2005 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18) 4 June 2019 Liberal Democrats[137]
Chuka Umunna Streatham Labour 6 May 2010 18 February 2019 (2019-02-18) 4 June 2019 Liberal Democrats[138]
Sarah Wollaston Totnes Conservative 6 May 2010 20 February 2019 (2019-02-20) 4 June 2019 Liberal Democrats[139]
Key:      Founding member

Frontbench team

[edit]

Heidi Allen announced a frontbench team after her appointment as interim leader in March 2019.[140]

Name Portfolio
Heidi Allen Interim Leader
Spokesperson for Welfare, Pensions, Social Care and Business
Gavin Shuker Group Convener
Chuka Umunna Group Spokesperson
Spokesperson for the Cabinet Office
Joan Ryan Business Manager
Spokesperson for International Development
Sarah Wollaston New MPs Manager
Luciana Berger Spokesperson for Home Affairs, Health, Digital and Culture
Ann Coffey Spokesperson for Children and Education
Mike Gapes Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs and Defence
Chris Leslie Spokesperson for Economics and Trade
Angela Smith Spokesperson for Transport, Local Government, Housing, Energy and Environment
Anna Soubry Spokesperson for Brexit and Justice

Representation in other levels of government

[edit]

In February 2019, Labour councillors in over ten councils also left the party to align with TIG.[28] Two former Labour councillors in Brighton and Hove left the party to form their own independent group on 25 February, aligning with the Parliamentary group.[141] There were further resignations from Labour by councillors in Barnet, Bexley, Derby, Salford, Stafford,[142] and Southwark[143] and by Conservative councillors in South Bucks[144] and Calderdale.[145] A New Statesman report that month was unable to determine which of these councillors supported TIG/Change UK, but said that many gave the same reasons as the MPs: alleged antisemitism in Labour, Corbyn's leadership and Brexit.[142]

Richard Ashworth, an MEP elected as a Conservative in 2014, a European People's Party-affiliated independent since 2018, joined Change UK in April.[34] In the European election the following month, Ashworth was the first list candidate for Change UK in South East England but was not reelected, with the list gaining 4.2% of the votes.[146]

Electoral history

[edit]
Election Leader Votes Seats Position
# % In contested seats # ± In contested seats
% # ±
2019 European Parliament election Heidi Allen 571,846 3.4 3.4
0 / 73
Steady 0[a]
0 / 73
Steady 0 7th
2019 general election Anna Soubry 10,006 0.03 6.3
0 / 650
Decrease 5[b]
0 / 3
Decrease 3 19th
  1. ^ New party
  2. ^ Compared to at dissolution

See also

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Change UK, initially launched as The Independent Group in February 2019, was a centrist formed by eleven British Members of Parliament who resigned from the Labour Party (eight defectors) and Conservative Party (three defectors), citing dissatisfaction with their parties' handling of , leadership failures, and internal issues such as in Labour. The group positioned itself as a pro-European Union alternative advocating for a second to potentially reverse , alongside broader calls for political reform, but lacked a detailed policy platform beyond opposition to the major parties' extremes. The party rebranded to Change UK (The Independent Group for Change) and gained formal recognition from the Electoral Commission in May 2019, with serving briefly as interim leader before internal splits led to taking over in June after six MPs departed to sit as independents. In the May 2019 European Parliament elections, Change UK received approximately 571,000 votes nationwide but secured no seats amid a fragmented anti-Brexit vote. Its performance deteriorated further in the December , where all sitting MPs lost their seats and the party garnered under 1% of the national vote, reflecting voter rejection of its amorphous centrism and inability to coalesce support. Plagued by leadership instability, policy vagueness, and failure to differentiate from established liberal parties, Change UK exemplified the challenges of third-party breakthroughs in the UK's first-past-the-post system, dissolving entirely in December 2019 without influencing Brexit's completion or achieving lasting electoral viability. The episode highlighted empirical barriers to new parties rooted in strong party loyalty, incumbency advantages, and Brexit's polarizing dynamics, rather than any inherent appeal of its proposed "."

Origins and Formation

Initial MP Defections from Major Parties

On 18 February 2019, seven Labour MPs—, , , , Angela Smith, , and —resigned from the party to sit as independents, forming the initial core of The Independent Group. They cited multiple grievances, including the Labour leadership's handling of allegations under , which they described as making the party "institutionally antisemitic," as well as Corbyn's ambiguous stance on that they argued undermined opposition to a no-deal exit and failed to advocate strongly for a second referendum. These MPs, predominantly from centrist and pro-Remain backgrounds, expressed frustration with what they saw as the party's shift leftward and its inability to address internal divisions exacerbated by the deadlock. The following day, 19 February 2019, Labour MP Joan Ryan became the eighth defector, reinforcing the group's critique of Corbyn's leadership on and foreign policy issues, though she emphasized the former as a primary driver without direct linkage to in her statement. This wave of exits from Labour reflected deeper causal pressures from the prolonged parliamentary impasse over since the 2016 , where Corbyn's reluctance to commit unequivocally to Remain or a confirmatory vote alienated pro-EU moderates, compounded by ongoing investigations into party complaints that highlighted systemic failures in complaints handling. On 20 February , three Conservative MPs—, , and —resigned from the party to join The Independent Group, bringing the total to eleven. Their motivations centered on the Conservative leadership's mismanagement of under , particularly the repeated defeats of her withdrawal agreement and the perceived rush toward a no-deal scenario, which they opposed in favor of pursuing a second or closer ties. Like their Labour counterparts, these defectors were strong Remain advocates, driven by the causal breakdown in party discipline amid 's polarizing effects, where May's inability to unify her party or secure parliamentary approval for any deal eroded confidence in the Conservatives' capacity to deliver an orderly exit. The combined defections underscored a shared rejection of both major parties' handling of the , though Labour's internal ideological fractures added an extra layer of dissent beyond the cross-party Remain consensus.

Launch as The Independent Group

On 18 February 2019, seven Members of Parliament (MPs) from the Labour Party—Chuka Umunna, Luciana Berger, Angela Smith, Mike Gapes, Chris Leslie, Gavin Shuker, and Ann Coffey—resigned their party affiliations and announced the formation of The Independent Group during a in Westminster. The group positioned itself as a response to what its members described as a "broken" dominated by ideological , , and institutional failures in both major parties, particularly citing Labour's handling of allegations and policy indecision. In their inaugural statement, the MPs emphasized pursuing "evidence-based" policies over , advocating for long-term solutions to 21st-century challenges, rebuilding trust in politics through anti-corruption measures, and promoting cross-party collaboration to address societal divisions. Over the following days, the group expanded with additional defections, reaching 11 MPs by 20 February 2019. These included Labour's Joan Ryan on 20 February, and Conservatives on 19 February, followed by and on 20 February, who cited the Conservative Party's shift toward hardline positions as their reason for leaving. The MPs framed their collective action as rejecting partisan loyalty in favor of independent-minded representation, without initially registering as a formal , which drew criticism from party loyalists for lacking democratic accountability structures. As a parliamentary grouping rather than a registered party, The Independent Group operated without formal machinery, with its 11 members sitting together in the as independents but coordinating on select committee assignments and procedural votes. This status positioned them as the fourth-largest bloc in , equal to the Liberal Democrats, yet restricted access to certain facilities and resources afforded to official parties. Early public polling, such as a survey conducted on 20 February 2019, indicated hypothetical support at 14% nationally, though it primarily drew undecided voters from Labour without significantly eroding the major parties' bases. The group's initial focus included calls for to reform the , reflecting their critique of first-past-the-post's role in entrenching two-party dominance. The launch highlighted internal tensions within both Labour and Conservatives over and leadership, but the group's non-partisan, centrist appeal struggled to translate into broad momentum amid polarized public discourse. Sources close to the major parties dismissed the defections as marginal, while the Independent Group's emphasis on pragmatic, evidence-driven aimed to attract voters disillusioned with , though without a detailed policy platform at .

Registration as a Political Party

In late March 2019, Group, comprising defected MPs from Labour and the Conservatives, applied to the Electoral Commission to register as a formal under the name Change UK – The Independent Group, aiming to participate in the upcoming elections. The Electoral Commission approved the registration on 16 April 2019, granting legal recognition and allowing the party to contest elections as a unified entity rather than independent candidates. This status facilitated centralized candidate selection and , though the Commission rejected the group's proposed logo, necessitating a redesign for use in the elections. The naming decision reflected an evolution from the initial "The Independent Group" branding, incorporating "Change UK" to emphasize reformist aims amid Brexit deadlock, while retaining ties to the original grouping; early considerations included variations like "The Independent Group for Change," but "Change UK" was finalized for registration to project a distinct centrist identity. Regulatory hurdles, including compliance with party registration requirements for financial reporting and governance, underscored the shift from a loose parliamentary to a structured entity capable of nationwide campaigning. Initial challenges involved rapid candidate vetting, with over 3,700 applications submitted, as the party positioned itself as a "post-Brexit" force advocating evidence-based and democratic renewal. This registration enabled ballot paper listings under the party label, though without an approved emblem, appearances defaulted to textual descriptors, highlighting logistical pressures in the compressed pre-election timeline.

Ideological Positions and Aims

Stated Centrist Principles

Change UK, initially launched as The Independent Group on 18 February 2019, articulated its centrist through a founding statement emphasizing evidence-based policymaking over ideological dogma. The group pledged to "pursue policies that are evidence-based, not led by ," aiming to transcend the adversarial polarization it attributed to both the Labour Party under and the Conservative Party's hardliners. This approach sought to prioritize empirical outcomes, such as sound fiscal stewardship and investment in public services like the , within a "diverse, mixed " that balanced regulated private enterprise with collective provision. Core tenets included rejecting what the group viewed as left-wing economic interventionism—exemplified by opposition to Corbyn-era nationalizations—and right-wing , favoring instead through , a rules-based global order, and commitment. Principles highlighted reducing inequality by dismantling "barriers of , and ," promoting secure , , localism, and an cherishing free media and the . The party advocated , including , to address first-past-the-post system's distortions that entrenched two-party dominance and discouraged moderate voices, as evidenced by their participation in parliamentary debates and use of PR lists in the 2019 European elections. However, this professed centrism faced scrutiny for masking an elite, pro-Remain bias among former Labour and Conservative MPs, many of whom defected citing party extremism—antisemitism in Labour and uncompromising Brexit in Conservatives—yet offered few concrete, empirically tested alternatives beyond broad values. Lacking a detailed manifesto at inception, the evidence-led claim remained aspirational; causal analysis of voter behavior post-2016 referendum revealed sustained demand for Brexit resolution, which the group's internationalist focus overlooked, contributing to its disconnection from working-class shifts toward resolution over reversal. Empirical electoral failure—securing under 1% in the 2019 European Parliament vote despite PR system—underscored how stated principles failed to align with broader realities of polarized public sentiment, where "centrism" often signified status quo defense rather than adaptive pragmatism.

Brexit and European Integration Stance

Change UK, initially formed as The Independent Group in February 2019, explicitly opposed the implementation of as endorsed by the 2016 , which saw 51.9% of voters (17.4 million) opt for Leave against 48.1% (16.1 million) for Remain. The party's founding called for to refuse to ratify any deal without first securing the approval of the through a "People's Vote," explicitly including a Remain option on the ballot to potentially override the original outcome. This positioned the party as a defender of the Remain minority, framing hard scenarios as unacceptable impositions on the 48% who voted to stay in the , while critiquing both major parties for failing to deliver a "jobs-first" or halt the process entirely. The defecting MPs who formed the group maintained internal consistency in their pro-Remain positions, having all publicly campaigned for Remain in the referendum and, in many cases, voted against triggering Article 50 in 2017. Labour defectors such as and , along with Conservatives like and , had represented constituencies where Leave votes often exceeded 50%, including working-class areas with high concentrations of older and less-educated voters who prioritized and controls—factors empirically linked to Leave support in post-referendum analyses. This alignment with elite Remain sentiments, drawn from urban and professional demographics, created causal tensions with the broader electorate; the party's insistence on revisiting the referendum outcome alienated Leave-voting bases in these seats, contributing to its disconnection from voters who viewed the result as a legitimate democratic mandate rather than a reversible elite error. While Change UK portrayed Brexit as driven by misinformation and undue influence, empirical referendum data revealed broad public endorsement crossing class lines, with Leave securing majorities in regions like the North East (58%) and West Midlands (59%), areas with longstanding grievances over integration's economic impacts. By 2019, polls showed fluctuating support for a second —peaking around 50% in early-year surveys amid parliamentary deadlock—but revealing growing public fatigue with prolonged uncertainty, as evidenced by the decisive "Get Brexit Done" mandate in the December general election where pro-Leave parties captured 54% of the vote. This stance, prioritizing reversal over acceptance of the slim but clear 2016 majority, underscored the party's challenge in reconciling its pro-integration advocacy with the referendum's causal reality: a sovereign decision by that subsequent polling indicated many Britons, including former Remainers, were unwilling to nullify without risking further division.

Domestic Policy Priorities

Change UK articulated limited domestic policy priorities beyond its primary focus on reversing Brexit, with commitments often framed in the context of EU cooperation and lacking detailed fiscal or implementation mechanisms. In its May 2019 European Parliament election manifesto, the party pledged to protect the (NHS) by reinstating the UK as a full participant in the for faster drug approvals and retaining healthcare professionals through continued free movement, though these measures were contingent on remaining in the EU and offered no standalone funding or reform plans. On education, Change UK MP emphasized structural reforms over increased spending, arguing in April 2019 that simply allocating more funds to schools would not address inefficiencies without accompanying changes to governance and priorities, such as better targeting resources for pupils. However, the party issued no comprehensive platform, reflecting its brief existence and resource constraints. Environmental policies were among the more specific outlined, including a target for net-zero carbon emissions by 2045, a phase-out of petrol and diesel vehicles by 2030, and elimination of non-essential single-use plastics by 2025, aimed at fostering a but without specified funding sources or regulatory details. The party also advocated for improved parliamentary standards and measures as part of its founding principles, criticizing "tribal " and committing to evidence-based and sound stewardship of public funds to restore trust eroded by scandals in major parties, though these remained aspirational without legislative proposals. Overall, domestic priorities received minimal elaboration, contributing to perceptions of the party as opportunistic and undifferentiated from established centrist alternatives like the Liberal Democrats.

Organizational Structure

Leadership Transitions

Heidi Allen was appointed interim leader of upon its registration as a on 26 March 2019, tasked with guiding the group through the upcoming elections. Prior to formal party status, the originating Independent Group had no designated leader, relying instead on as its principal spokesman to articulate positions amid the initial defections from Labour and Conservative parties. The leadership proved short-lived following Change UK's dismal results in the 2019 European Parliament elections on 26 May, where it garnered just 3.6% of the national vote and secured no seats. On 4 June 2019, Allen and five other MPs—Chuka Umunna, Luciana Berger, Sarah Wollaston, Angela Smith, and Mike Gapes—resigned from the party, citing a need for more flexible, collegiate approaches outside rigid party structures. Anna Soubry, a former Conservative MP and one of the group's founding members, was promptly elected leader of the remaining five MPs, aiming to stabilize operations ahead of the . These swift transitions underscored profound internal discord, as electoral underperformance exposed divergent personal priorities among defectors—such as Umunna's subsequent to the Liberal Democrats on 14 June 2019—over a shared strategic vision, accelerating fragmentation without grassroots consolidation. Soubry's tenure as leader persisted until the party's deregistration by the Electoral Commission on 10 January 2020, after failing to retain any parliamentary seats in the December .

Funding Sources and Financial Overview

The Independent Group for Change, Change UK's registered name, reported total income of £1,611,031 and expenditures of £1,496,216 in financial accounts covering its operational period, primarily 2019, as submitted to the Electoral Commission. Funding derived mainly from individual donations, including small contributions solicited through online appeals launched shortly after the group's February 2019 formation. In the initial months post-launch, the party disclosed £263,000 in donations, reflecting early supporter interest but no dominant large-scale benefactors. Campaign outlays escalated rapidly, with spending on the alone totaling £886,681, surpassing £500,000 by mid-year amid nationwide advertising and organizational efforts. Select larger donations supplemented funds, such as contributions from a property developer who had previously supported Labour, yet the absence of sustained major institutional or wealthy backers—despite the MPs' prominent profiles—limited financial resilience. This reliance on dispersed small-scale giving underscored an optimistic but empirically unproven assumption of broad public funding potential, which faltered against voter apathy and competition from established parties. Transparency issues emerged post-dissolution, as independent auditors determined that key records—including statements, files, and transaction details—were inappropriately destroyed by former staff, complicating verification of inflows and outflows. The overall financial model, propped by initial loans and personal contributions from MPs via an affiliated entity like Gemini A Ltd, proved inadequate for national expansion, yielding a modest net surplus but highlighting structural vulnerabilities in scaling without elite-level .

Membership and Internal Governance

Following its registration as a political party with the Electoral Commission on 25 March 2019, Change UK launched an online drive to recruit supporters, attracting hundreds of thousands of sign-ups in the initial weeks. These efforts focused on digital platforms for rapid mobilization ahead of the May 2019 European Parliament elections, but yielded primarily email subscribers rather than a committed, dues-paying membership base comparable to major parties. Internal governance operated through a centralized executive dominated by the party's founding MPs, who prioritized a non-hierarchical model but were required by Electoral Commission regulations to designate a single interim leader in on 28 March 2019. This top-down setup lacked formalized local branches or regional committees, depending instead on the professional and social networks of the defectors for operational support and candidate recruitment. The absence of decentralized structures hindered the development of enduring volunteer networks, as the party's hurried formation emphasized national visibility over grassroots embedding. Such organizational deficiencies, including minimal ideological screening in recruitment and reliance on ad hoc among a small cadre of ex-MPs, exposed the party to coordination failures and limited its capacity to sustain beyond initial . Efforts to field candidates drew interest from hundreds of applicants for the European elections, yet without robust local infrastructure, these remained centrally vetted and often disconnected from community-level .

Electoral Engagements

2019 European Parliament Election Campaign

Change UK registered as a political party on 15 April 2019, enabling it to contest the European Parliament election held on 23 May 2019 under the name Change UK – The Independent Group, with candidates standing on closed party lists in all eleven electoral regions of the United Kingdom. The campaign emphasized uniting pro-Remain voters disillusioned with the Labour and Conservative parties' handling of Brexit, positioning the party as a centrist, evidence-based alternative focused on revoking Article 50 or holding a second referendum to remain in the EU. Party leaders, including co-founder Anna Soubry, argued during the campaign that Change UK represented a "practical, positive" path to blocking a no-deal Brexit, while criticizing the major parties for polarization and incompetence. The nationwide strategy involved high-profile defectors like and appearing at rallies and media events to appeal to soft Remainers, but it overlooked strong targeting of Leave-voting areas, concentrating instead on urban and southern English constituencies where Remain sentiment was higher yet competition fiercer. Campaign spending reached approximately £300,000, including digital ads and leaflets promoting the slogan "Change is coming," though the rushed timeline—mere weeks after party registration—limited and voter recognition. Key setbacks included multiple candidate withdrawals due to resurfaced controversial posts; for instance, Scottish lead candidate Joseph Russo resigned on 24 April 2019 after tweets containing offensive language about and women were revealed, marking the second such exit in 24 hours and highlighting shortcomings. In the election, Change UK received 571,846 votes, equating to 3.0% of the national vote share, finishing sixth behind the Brexit Party (31.6%), Liberal Democrats (18.5%), Greens (11.4%), Conservatives (9.0%), and Labour (14.4%), but securing no seats under the d'Hondt proportional system which requires regional thresholds around 7-10% for representation. The result reflected a fragmented pro-EU vote, with Liberal Democrats and Greens consolidating anti- support at 29.9% combined, while Change UK's share drew primarily from former Labour and Liberal Democrat voters but failed to attract tactical backing as an untested entity. Analysts noted the party's inability to overcome perceptions of opportunism and policy vagueness beyond opposition, evidenced by stronger performances in (4.2%) and the South East (3.5%) but negligible traction in Leave-heavy regions like the North East (1.9%). This outcome signaled early voter preference for established pro-Remain alternatives over a new unity vehicle, contributing to the party's subsequent strategic reevaluation.

2019 UK General Election Campaign

Change UK, operating as the Independent Group for Change during the campaign, adopted a defensive strategy for the 2019 UK general election held on 12 December 2019, primarily fielding candidates in constituencies linked to its remaining MPs rather than mounting a broad national effort. Key figures included leader in Broxtowe, former MP in Ilford South, and in Nottingham East, targeting seats previously held by defectors from the Conservatives and Labour. The party eschewed a comprehensive , instead promoting a "manifesto-lite" approach centered on vague appeals for political "change," evidence-based policymaking, and criticism of the major parties' handling of and governance failures. The campaign emphasized centrism and pragmatic reform but struggled amid voter fatigue with Brexit ambiguity, as the electorate increasingly favored decisive resolution over nuanced alternatives. Change UK's pro-EU stance failed to consolidate Remain voters, who gravitated toward the Liberal Democrats, while its ambiguity on Brexit implementation alienated those seeking clarity. Polling and public sentiment reflected a broader causal dynamic: the Conservatives' "Get Brexit Done" slogan addressed the impasse effectively, overshadowing Change UK's reformist rhetoric. In results, all Change UK candidates were defeated, with Soubry securing 4,668 votes (9.8%) in Broxtowe, where she finished third behind the Conservative winner (26,602 votes) and Labour's Greg Marshall (21,271 votes). Gapes received 1,233 votes (2.5%) in Ilford South, and Leslie garnered 1,410 votes (3.0%) in Nottingham East. Nationally, the party amassed just 10,006 votes, equating to under 0.1% of the total vote share, underscoring its collapse as a viable force. This outcome empirically demonstrated the electorate's prioritization of finality, rendering centrist interventions marginal; in select constituencies, Change UK's participation fragmented opposition votes, indirectly facilitating Conservative gains by diluting anti-Tory turnout.

Decline and Dissolution

Mass Resignations and Internal Fractures

Following the on 26 May, where Change UK secured only 3.3% of the national vote and failed to elect any Members of the , the party experienced a rapid wave of departures among its MPs. On 4 June 2019, six of the party's 11 MPs—, , , , , and Angela Smith—announced their resignations, reducing the to five members and highlighting acute internal disarray. These exits were explicitly linked to the election's dismal outcome, which underscored strategic shortcomings such as inadequate voter mobilization and the absence of a compelling alternative to established parties. The resignations stemmed from deepening fractures over leadership and strategic direction, with departing MPs criticizing the party's inability to forge a unified platform amid its origins as a loose coalition of Labour and Conservative defectors. , in particular, cited a lack of viable path forward after the electoral failure, later admitting in June 2019 that he had misjudged the appetite for a new centrist force, prompting his move to the Liberal Democrats. , who had served as interim leader since the party's formation in 2019, resigned alongside the group, paving the way for to assume leadership of the remnants, though Soubry herself expressed frustration at the splits while defending the need for perseverance. These events exposed underlying tensions from mismatched ideological backgrounds—ranging from social democratic leanings among ex-Labour members to more liberal-conservative views among ex-Tories—aggravated by hasty candidate selection processes and debates over post-election reorientation, which eroded the initial facade of anti-Brexit solidarity. By mid-June 2019, the departures had halved the party's parliamentary presence, with additional MPs like soon defecting to the , further illustrating the fragility of a grouping built on without robust internal cohesion or electoral infrastructure. The episode revealed causal weaknesses in Change UK's model: rapid defection without prior organizational groundwork led to vulnerability when confronted with voter skepticism, as evidenced by the EU results, ultimately precipitating a cascade of exits that prioritized individual political survival over collective endurance.

Naming Disputes and Rebranding Efforts

In June 2019, Change UK encountered a trademark dispute with the online petition platform , which objected to the similarity between "Change UK" and its own branding, citing risks of public confusion and potential infringement on its established name in the UK market. The challenge prompted the party to abandon its recently adopted name, marking the third rebranding effort since its formation as The Independent Group in February 2019. On 13 June 2019, party leaders announced the new designation as "The Independent Group for Change," intended to resolve the while retaining elements of prior identities to maintain continuity with supporters. This adjustment came amid preparations for the upcoming and followed poor performance in the May 2019 elections, where the party secured just 571,846 votes (0.18% of the national total) under the Change UK banner. The rapid succession of name changes highlighted procedural oversights in initial trademark diligence, as the party had not secured clear legal protections for "Change UK" prior to its March 2019 launch as a registered entity. The process exacerbated perceptions of internal disarray, diverting resources and attention from articulation to administrative at a critical juncture. Observers noted that such disputes reflected a lack of professional groundwork, contrasting with more established parties' robust branding strategies and underscoring Change UK's amateur operational structure, which struggled to project stability amid defections and electoral setbacks. Despite the pivot, the new name failed to stem momentum loss, as evidenced by subsequent resignations—including those of co-founders like and in June and July 2019—which fragmented the group's cohesion further.

Deregistration and Aftermath

On 19 December 2019, , the party's leader, announced the disbandment of the Independent Group for Change following its failure to secure any parliamentary seats in the , stating that the party would contact the Electoral Commission to initiate deregistration proceedings. The decision came amid post-election inactivity, with the party having fielded 42 candidates who collectively received fewer than 2% of the national vote share and forfeited deposits in every contested seat due to falling below the 5% threshold. This outcome left the organization without elected representation or viable infrastructure, rendering continued operations untenable under the UK's first-past-the-post , which disadvantages nascent parties lacking established local support. The Electoral Commission formally deregistered the party on 23 July 2020, after verifying the voluntary application submitted in late 2019, as required under the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 for parties ceasing activities. In the immediate aftermath, former members dispersed without forming a successor entity; several, including and , defected to the Liberal Democrats in the weeks following the election, though none retained parliamentary roles as all had lost their seats. Others, such as , opted for independent status or withdrew from active politics, highlighting the absence of a sustainable cadre or grassroots base to sustain the venture beyond elite parliamentary defections. The episode underscored the structural barriers to third-party success in UK elections, where voter loyalty to major parties and the mechanics of seat-winning prioritized incumbency over ideological appeals from short-lived groups.

Representation and Performance

Parliamentary Representation

The Independent Group, which later became Change UK, reached its maximum strength of 11 MPs in the House of Commons in March 2019, comprising eight defectors from the Labour Party—, , , , Joan Ryan, Angela Smith, , and —and three from the Conservative Party—, , and . The group formed initially with seven Labour MPs resigning the whip on 15 February 2019, followed by the three Conservatives on 20 February, and Joan Ryan's defection from Labour on 28 February. Six MPs departed the party on 4 June 2019, shortly after its poor showing in the European Parliament elections: , , , Angela Smith, , and , who subsequently sat as independents. The remaining five—Ann , , , Joan Ryan, and —retained their affiliation with Change UK until the December 2019 general election, in which all lost their seats, ending the party's parliamentary presence. Anna Soubry, who became leader following the June resignations, also acted as the party's spokesperson on matters. Change UK held no seats in other elected bodies, such as local councils or devolved assemblies, and did not contest or win any by-elections during its existence.

Electoral Results Analysis

In the 2019 European Parliament election on 23 May, Change UK secured 571,846 votes nationwide, equating to 3.3% of the total vote share, but won zero of the 73 available seats due to the regional system failing to allocate any based on their dispersed support across regions. This performance highlighted the challenges for new entrants in multi-party contests, where even a modest national share did not yield representation amid competition from established pro-Remain parties like the Liberal Democrats (19.6%) and Greens (11.7%). The party's fortunes plummeted in the UK general election on 12 December 2019, where it fielded candidates in a limited number of constituencies and amassed approximately 65,000 votes, less than 0.5% of the national total, resulting in no parliamentary seats.
ElectionDateVotesVote ShareSeats Gained
2019 European Parliament23 May 2019571,8463.3%0 / 73
2019 UK General Election12 December 2019~65,000<0.5%0 / 650
These outcomes underscore the structural barriers posed by the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system in s, which disproportionately penalizes nascent parties with fragmented voter bases by rewarding concentrated support in specific constituencies, unlike the partial proportionality in European elections. Tactical voting dynamics further eroded Change UK's viability, as Remain-oriented voters consolidated behind Liberal Democrats or Labour to maximize anti-Brexit impact, reflecting a broader empirical preference for electoral stability and established options over speculative protest vehicles. While the European result exposed underlying fragmentation among Remain supporters—dividing an estimated 40% pro-EU vote across multiple lists—the negligible showing indicated limited underlying demand, with media amplification failing to convert publicity into sustained electoral capital.

Reactions and Controversies

Responses from Established Political Parties

Labour Party leader expressed disappointment over the defection of seven Labour MPs to form The Independent Group on 18 February 2019, stating that they had chosen to abandon the policies on which they were elected. He argued that the defectors should trigger by-elections to test their new independence, accusing them of aiding the Conservative government by weakening opposition unity on and antisemitism issues. This stance reflected Labour's official view of the group as betrayers whose centrist, pro-Remain position fragmented the anti-Tory vote, potentially benefiting Brexit-supporting Conservatives, though internal critics like deputy leader Tom Watson decried the party's response as spiteful and counterproductive. Prime Minister Theresa May responded to the three Conservative defectors—Anna Soubry, Heidi Allen, and Sarah Wollaston—on 20 February 2019 by expressing sadness at their departure but firmly rejecting their portrayal of the party as captured by hardline Brexiters and extremists. In a letter, she defended the Conservatives as a "moderate, open-hearted" party that remained committed to , dismissing comparisons to Labour under Corbyn as unacceptable and emphasizing that the defectors' complaints did not reflect the broader party's direction. This reaction underscored a strategic dismissal of the group as an irrelevant echo of Remain sentiment, allowing Conservatives to consolidate their Brexit-focused base without engaging the centrists' critiques. Liberal Democrats initially signaled willingness to cooperate with The Independent Group, with leader Vince Cable stating on 20 February 2019 that his party would work with the new MPs amid shared anti-Brexit goals. However, Cable later critiqued Change UK's approach as "embarrassingly wrong" and predicted the group's MPs were "very exposed to wipeout" in an early election, positioning Lib Dems as the established pro-Remain alternative. This opportunism culminated in poaching key figures, including Chuka Umunna's defection to Lib Dems on 14 June 2019 after quitting Change UK, with Cable confirming discussions to recruit other ex-members, viewing the party as duplicative and strategically vulnerable in splitting the Remain vote. In the 2019 European Parliament elections, Change UK's 3.3% vote share fragmented anti-Brexit support, enabling Liberal Democrats to secure second place while major parties like Conservatives and Labour benefited from the overall polarization.

Public and Media Criticisms

Public opinion polls throughout 2019 consistently showed low support for Change UK, typically ranging from 1 to 5 percent nationally. For instance, a YouGov poll conducted in mid-May 2019 placed the party at 5 percent, while subsequent surveys reflected declining figures amid the Brexit deadlock. This was corroborated by the party's performance in the European Parliament election on May 23, 2019, where it garnered 571,806 votes, or 3.3 percent of the total UK vote, resulting in zero seats despite contesting nationwide. In the December 2019 general election, Change UK's limited candidacy in 42 constituencies yielded approximately 52,000 votes overall, averaging under 2 percent per seat contested, with no parliamentary successes. Media coverage shifted from initial enthusiasm for a potential centrist alternative to widespread ridicule as a disorganized "flop" by mid-2019. Outlets highlighted the party's rapid rebranding—from The Independent Group to Change UK—and internal disarray, portraying it as emblematic of political opportunism without substance. Critics in conservative-leaning commentary argued that Change UK lacked depth, , and a unifying , rendering it ill-equipped for electoral realities and prone to fractious personalities. Broader assessments noted its failure to translate defection visibility into policy influence or voter mobilization, viewing the venture as an elite-driven sideshow detached from public priorities. Public perceptions echoed these critiques, often framing the party as out-of-touch and elitist, dominated by establishment defectors from Labour and Conservatives who offered anti- rhetoric but scant alternative vision amid national polarization. Surveys and commentary indicated widespread dismissal of Change UK as a distraction exacerbating the Brexit crisis rather than resolving it, with minimal resonance beyond metropolitan remain-voting circles. Despite briefly spotlighting dissatisfaction with major parties' handling of Brexit and leadership issues, the group achieved no tangible policy advancements or shifts in discourse.

Key Controversies and Scandals

Shortly after launching its slate of candidates for the 2019 elections on 23 , Change UK encountered immediate setbacks when two high-profile nominees resigned amid revelations of offensive historical activity, exposing deficiencies in the party's candidate vetting procedures. Alastair McGlennan, designated as the lead candidate for the constituency, withdrew that same day following the discovery of tweets from 2015 in which he described as a "death cult" and expressed toward , prompting accusations of Islamophobia. The rapid unearthing of such content, overlooked during selection, underscored the party's hasty assembly just months after its formation in February 2019, which compromised systematic background checks on applicants. The following day, 24 April 2019, Joseph Russo, Change UK's top for Scotland, also stepped down after a series of derogatory tweets surfaced, including a 2013 post using the racial slur "crazy black wh*te" in reference to a perceived aggressor, alongside others questioning the age of consent and mocking issues. Party officials acknowledged the vetting lapses, with a spokesperson conceding that external agencies used for checks had "clearly failed" to identify the problematic material, further eroding public confidence in the group's operational competence. These incidents, occurring within 24 hours of the candidate announcement, exemplified how the party's accelerated timeline—forged amid defections from major parties—prioritized momentum over rigorous scrutiny, leading to avoidable reputational damage. Internally, the June 2019 leadership contest to select an interim leader drew criticism for procedural irregularities, with some members alleging an overly centralized and opaque voting mechanism that favored frontrunner . Complaints centered on a compressed 48-hour window and limited member input, prompting accusations from dissenting voices, including former MP , of insufficient democratic safeguards in a party ostensibly committed to political renewal. While no legal challenges materialized, these grievances highlighted tensions between the founding MPs' dominance and expectations, contributing to early fractures that foreshadowed broader instability. The absence of robust internal protocols, again attributable to the party's precipitous launch, amplified perceptions of and control among a fledgling membership base.

Legacy and Analysis

Short-Term Political Impact

Change UK, contesting the May 2019 European Parliament elections as a newly formed party, secured 571,846 votes nationally, equating to 3.3% of the total vote share, placing fifth behind the Brexit Party (30.8%), Liberal Democrats (19.6%), Greens (11.4%), and Labour (14.4%), but winning no seats due to the proportional but regionally distributed allocation system. This performance fragmented the pro-Remain vote, which collectively reached approximately 40% but was divided among multiple parties, diluting potential gains for established anti- forces like the Liberal Democrats and Greens; party figures and observers noted that Change UK's candidacy siphoned votes from these groups, with some candidates defecting to Liberal Democrats mid-campaign to avoid further splitting Remain support. The result underscored immediate challenges for new entrants in polarizing contests, as the party's centrist, pro-second-referendum stance failed to consolidate disillusioned Labour and Conservative voters amid heightened fatigue. In the ensuing months, Change UK's rapid post-election implosion—marked by leadership resignations from figures like and in June 2019, internal defections, and rebranding attempts—exemplified fleeting disruption rather than sustained . By the December , the party had effectively ceased operations, with its former MPs either joining other parties (e.g., to Liberal Democrats) or standing unsuccessfully as independents, contributing no seats and minimal vote influence under the first-past-the-post system. This collapse reinforced the dominance of the two major parties, as Boris Johnson's Conservatives capitalized on perceptions of Remain disarray, securing 43.6% of the vote and 365 seats—a net gain of 48—by framing the election as a binary delivery mandate, with fragmented centrists unable to mount a credible challenge. Empirically, the party's brief existence accelerated consolidation among Remain advocates toward the Liberal Democrats, who polled stronger post-EU elections but still garnered only 11.5% nationally in the general election (up from 7.4% in ) and 11 seats, insufficient to alter the pro-Brexit outcome. Change UK's failure highlighted causal barriers under first-past-the-post, where new parties struggle without geographic strongholds, indirectly bolstering the Conservatives' narrative of ary gridlock resolution and enabling Johnson's "Get Brexit Done" campaign to prevail without structural shifts in opposition dynamics.

Lessons on Party Formation and Voter Dynamics

Change UK's experience illustrates the inherent vulnerabilities of parties formed top-down by political elites without a preexisting foundation, as this approach deprives them of essential mechanisms for voter mobilization, local organization, and resilience against setbacks. Initiated by defecting MPs in 2019, the party operated without membership rolls, candidate vetting infrastructure, or even a finalized name until electoral deadlines forced hasty decisions, leading to operational chaos and inability to contest effectively. Former MP Mike later reflected, "We had no organisation. No membership. No name," highlighting how the absence of bottom-up structures—such as local branches or activist networks—prevented the development of sustained loyalty or adaptive campaigning. This causal gap between elite initiative and popular anchorage explains the party's rapid dissolution after securing just 3.4% in the May 2019 elections, as voters require tangible evidence of organizational viability beyond prominent defectors. A core misreading of voter dynamics compounded these structural deficiencies, particularly in conflating Brexit negotiation delays with widespread public remorse that could fuel a centrist revival. Change UK positioned itself as a pro-Remain alternative assuming fatigue would erode the referendum's 52% Leave majority, yet polling data from to 2019 demonstrated relative stability in attitudes, with Leave support persisting around 50-55% amid deepening partisan realignments rather than convergence toward moderation. This empirical persistence—evident in the 2019 general election's -driven shifts toward pro-Leave parties—revealed a causal realism: polarized identities entrenched by the referendum outweighed elite appeals for pragmatic , as voters prioritized decisiveness over anti- unity. The party's advocacy for tactical voting alliances with Liberal Democrats and Greens backfired, diluting its identity and confirming that absent organic demand, such interventions fail to bridge divides. Ultimately, while Change UK exposed flaws in the entrenched two-party system's handling of and internal party dysfunctions, its collapse validated broader skepticism of top-down elite projects that bypass voter-driven evolution. Participants' post-mortems admitted naivety in underestimating polarization's grip and the establishment's resistance, with internal leadership vacuums and ideological vagueness accelerating fragmentation. This outcome debunked optimistic myths of seamless "progressive" or centrist coalitions, as the lack of a coherent alternative to major-party dominance underscored that viable formations demand pre-existing voter ecosystems, not improvised elite consensus.

Retrospective Assessments of Failures

Post-dissolution analyses have attributed Change UK's collapse primarily to organizational deficiencies and strategic miscalculations. Formed hastily in February 2019 without a formal structure, membership base, or even a registered name, the party entered the May 2019 European Parliament elections unprepared, securing just 3.4% of the vote and no seats, which former MP Mike Gapes described as stemming from "no organisation, no membership, no name." This rushed timeline, accelerated by the UK's compelled participation in the EU vote, transformed initial polling enthusiasm—peaking at 18% in February per YouGov—into ridicule, with Gavin Shuker noting that "new parties might survive many things, but they cannot survive ridicule." Internal exacerbated these issues, as experienced MPs clung to Westminster habits like anonymous briefings, necessitating external coaching akin to FTSE 100 executive training, according to Shuker. Power dynamics sidelined figures like Gapes, while repeated name changes—from Independent Group to Change UK—highlighted bureaucratic in party registration, forcing interim leadership on an inexperienced . later reflected that registering as a party invited establishment backlash from Labour and Conservatives, compounding the failure to adapt ideals to voter realities amid fatigue. characterized this as emblematic of atrophied political thought, where overreliance on elite ignored broader ideological stagnation. Outcomes for defectors underscored the venture's futility. Umunna joined the Liberal Democrats in June 2019, lost his seat in December, and transitioned to a senior role at JP Morgan by 2021. Allen defected to the Lib Dems in October 2019 but withdrew from politics citing intimidation, while Soubry, who led the remnants, lost Broxtowe and shifted to media commentary without electoral revival. Five MPs eventually joined the Lib Dems, two retired, and all candidates were defeated in 2019, leaving no parliamentary footprint. The party's Remain-focused platform, launched as Brexit implementation loomed, demonstrated a disconnect from voter priorities post-2016 , prioritizing elite anti- consensus over democratic mandates. This centrist myopia, blind to shifting public sentiment favoring resolution over reversal, rendered Change UK a cautionary exemplar of splinter groups' structural vulnerabilities rather than a viable alternative. No lasting institutional legacy emerged, with analyses confirming its role as a transient absent or programmatic depth.

References

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