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Interfix
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An interfix or linking element[1] is a part of a word that is placed between two morphemes (such as two roots or a root and a suffix) and lacks a semantic meaning.[2]
Examples
[edit]
For a list of words relating to interfixes, see the Interfixes by language category of words in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Formation of compound words
[edit]In German, the interfix -s- has to be used between certain nouns in compound words, but not all, such as Arbeitszimmer ("workroom") as opposed to Schlafzimmer ("bedroom"). This originates from the masculine and neuter genitive singular suffix -s. German has many other interfixes, for example -es-, -(e)n-, -er- and -e-. Not all of them originate from the genitive. Likewise, it is often stated that German interfixes originated from plural forms, when in fact German plural forms and linking forms developed parallel to each other and are only partly similar by coincidence.[3]
In Dutch, the interfix -e- (schwa) sometimes can be traced back to the original form of the first part ending in an -e that has been lost in the present day form: zielerust ("peace of mind") was derived in Middle Dutch from ziele ("soul") and rust ("rest, peace"), but modern Dutch has ziel for "soul". In other compounds the -e- stems from a case suffix: petekind ("godchild") from peet ("godfather") and kind ("child"). The very common interfixes -s- and -en- originally were genitive suffixes. The much less frequent -er- in compounds can be seen as the remnant of an original plural suffix: rundergehakt, "ground beef" from rund, plural runderen "bovine(s)".[4]
In English, when technical compound words are formed from non-technical roots, an -o- interfix is sometimes used, as o has come to be seen as a connecting vowel (speed-o-meter, mile-o-meter) by analogy to tacho-meter, odo-meter, compounds of which the first part comes from an Ancient Greek noun whose stem includes o.
In Swedish, compound nouns are written as one word, and interfixes are very common. -s- is frequently used in this way, as in fabriksarbetare, which consists of fabrik ("factory") and arbetare ("worker"). Examples of other interfixes are -e-, as in when familj and far ("family" and "father") become familjefar, and -a-, when viking and by ("viking" and "village") become vikingaby. However, just like in Norwegian, not all compound words are written with an interfix. For example stenålder, which consists of sten ("stone") and ålder ("age"). Some words ending in a vowel lose the last letter. For example arbetarklass ("working class") consists of arbetare ("worker") and klass ("class").
Norwegian is closely related to Swedish and has a similar pattern, but uses interfixing somewhat more moderately. Examples: arbeid + rom = arbeidsrom ("workroom"), but fabrikk + arbeider = fabrikkarbeider and familie + far = familiefar. The most common interfix is -s-, but there are examples with -e-: barn + hage = barnehage ("kindergarten"), and bjørn + hi = bjørnehi ("bear hive" / "bear's nest").
In Serbo-Croatian, interfixes -o- and -e- are obligatory when forming a compound. For example, brod + gradilište = brodogradilište ("shipyard"), but kuća + pazitelj = kućepazitelj ("concierge"). Unless an interfix is added, the new-formed word is considered to be a word-joining, such as zimzelen (zima + zelen, "evergreen").
In Russian the most popular interfixes are letters -o- and -e- (Russian letters). For example: the word паровоз (пар-о-воз) — "parovoz" (par-o-voz) means "locomotive"; par means "steam" and voz means "cart".
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Rochelle Lieber (2022). Introducing morphology (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108957960. ISBN 978-1-108-95796-0. OL 35578155M. Wikidata Q125778052.
- ^ Müller, Peter (2015). Word-Formation: An International Handbook of the Languages of Europe. Berlin / Boston: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. p. 268. ISBN 9783110246247. Retrieved 2017-05-05.
- ^ Varsami, Johny. Fugenelemente im Deutschen. Universität Stuttgart, 2008, 15 pp.
- ^ Booij, Geert. "Linking elements". Taalportaal. Retrieved 2017-05-05.
Interfix
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An interfix is a type of bound morpheme in linguistics that is inserted between two stems, roots, or bases during word formation, primarily to link them phonologically or morphologically without contributing its own semantic meaning.[1] These elements, also known as linking morphemes or connecting vowels, facilitate the combination of morphemes in compounds or derivations, often appearing as vowels like -o- or consonants like -s-.[2]
Interfixes are particularly prominent in Germanic languages, where they help avoid awkward phonetic junctions in compound words. For instance, in English, the -o- in speedometer (from speed + meter) serves as an interfix to smooth the transition between the stems.[3] In Dutch, common interfixes include -s- as in schaap+s+hond ("sheepdog," from schaap "sheep" + hond "dog") and -en- as in schaap+en+kaas ("sheep cheese," from schaap + kaas "cheese").[1] Similar patterns occur in other languages, such as Norwegian with -s- in hund+s+kost ("dog food") or Afrikaans with forms like -e- in huis+e+eienaar ("homeowner").[4] Cross-linguistically, interfixes extend the valence of stems to allow combination with additional elements, though their forms vary by language family and phonological context.[5]
Scholars distinguish interfixes from other affixes like infixes, which typically insert within a single morpheme for semantic or grammatical purposes, whereas interfixes are semantically empty and junctional.[6] In neo-classical compounds, interfixes such as -i- or -o- (e.g., biology from Greek bios + logos) draw from historical Greco-Latin roots and are common in scientific terminology across European languages.[5] Their study contributes to understanding morphological productivity and language-specific rules for compounding.[7]
ulat (from sulat 'write') marks the actor voice.[11]
Unlike these affixes, interfixes do not modify the category or meaning of the stems they connect but facilitate euphonic joining in compounds, often realized as vowels or consonants with zero semantics. This non-derivational role sets interfixes apart from prefixes and suffixes, which actively contribute to word formation processes beyond mere connectivity.[10]
Interfixes are occasionally misclassified as infixes due to their internal placement relative to the full compound, but this overlooks key differences: infixes disrupt and integrate into a unitary base to encode features like tense or plurality, whereas interfixes bridge discrete stems without such categorical encoding or base-internal insertion.[10] For example, elements like Yoruba's /-ki-/ have been erroneously treated as infixes but function as interfixes in linking compounds, preserving the phonological integrity of each stem.[10]
Definition and Terminology
Core Definition
An interfix is a bound morpheme functioning as a linking element that is inserted between two roots in compound words or between a root and a suffix in derivatives, serving solely to connect the components without imparting any semantic or grammatical meaning of its own.[8] Unlike typical affixes, which modify meaning or grammatical category, interfixes are semantically empty and primarily facilitate phonological or prosodic adaptation at the word boundary.[9] The term "interfix" was coined by linguist Yakov Malkiel in 1958, in his analysis of Hispanic morphology, to describe such meaningless infix-like elements that had previously been ambiguously termed as "infixes" or "intercalary suffixes" in earlier linguistic discussions.[9] Although the specific label emerged in mid-20th-century scholarship, the phenomenon of linking elements in compounding—known in German morphology as Fugenmorpheme—had been observed and analyzed since the 19th century in studies of Indo-European word formation. In structural terms, an interfix appears in the formula Root₁ + Interfix + Root₂ (or Root + Interfix + Suffix), where it does not alter the inherent meanings of the adjacent elements but ensures smoother articulation or morphological cohesion in the resulting word form.[8] This positioning underscores its role as a non-autonomous connector within complex word structures across various languages.Distinction from Related Morphemes
Interfixes are distinguished from other affixes by their medial position between independent stems in compounds and their purely phonological linking function without any semantic or grammatical alteration of the combined elements.[10] Prefixes, by contrast, are bound morphemes added to the beginning of a base and frequently carry independent meaning, such as negation or location; for instance, un- in unhappy reverses the positive sense of the adjective happy. Suffixes attach to the end of a base and typically encode derivational or inflectional categories, like nominalization in -ness forming happiness from the adjective happy. Infixes, meanwhile, are inserted within a single base morpheme to convey grammatical information such as aspect or focus; in Tagalog, the infix -um- in s| Morpheme Type | Position | Semantic Contribution | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| Prefix | Initial (before base) | Often lexical or grammatical (e.g., negation) | un- in unhappy [negation] |
| Suffix | Final (after base) | Derivational or inflectional (e.g., nominalization) | -ness in happiness [abstract noun] |
| Infix | Within base | Grammatical (e.g., voice/aspect) | -um- in Tagalog s |
| Interfix | Medial (between stems) | None (phonological linking only) | -o- in speedometer [compound connector] |
Characteristics and Functions
Phonological Properties
Interfixes, also known as linking elements, typically manifest as vowels such as -o-, -i-, or -e-, or consonants like -s- in various languages, primarily selected to enhance euphony by smoothing transitions between morphemes.[12][13] These forms function as phonological bridges, often inserted without independent semantic content, to facilitate articulation in compound structures. In Germanic languages like German and Dutch, common interfixes include -e-, -en-, and -s-, where the choice depends on the phonological shape of the adjacent stems, such as adding -e- after stems ending in certain consonants to prevent awkward sequences.[12][13] Phonological constraints governing interfix insertion primarily address issues like hiatus resolution and consonant cluster avoidance. For instance, vowel epenthesis occurs to break potential vowel hiatus or excessive consonant clustering, as seen in neoclassical compounds derived from Greek and Latin roots in English, where -o- links stems to ensure smoother prosody and avoid phonetic clashes.[14] Similarly, in Modern Greek compounding, -o- and -i- are employed to resolve clusters or hiatus, with selection influenced by stem-final phonology for optimal euphonic flow.[15] The variability of interfixes is largely conditioned by the phonological environment, rendering them optional or obligatory accordingly. In Dutch, for example, the presence of -e(n)- versus zero interfix correlates with stem endings and paradigmatic frequency, allowing flexibility while adhering to euphonic preferences.[13] This environment-driven variability underscores interfixes' role in adapting to prosodic demands rather than fixed morphological templates.[12]Morphological Role in Compounding
Interfixes serve as linking elements in the formation of synthetic compounds, enabling the juxtaposition of morphemes by inserting phonetically adaptive material at their boundaries to ensure morphological and phonological cohesion. This process allows for the efficient combination of lexical items without the need for additional derivational mechanisms, thereby maintaining the structural integrity of complex words. Unlike prefixes or suffixes, interfixes do not modify the semantic content or grammatical category of the constituents they connect, functioning instead as semantically empty connectors that facilitate seamless integration.[16][8] The primary morphological role of interfixes lies in enhancing the productivity of compounding as a word-formation strategy, particularly in synthetic constructions where recursion builds multi-layered words. By standardizing the linkage between stems, interfixes promote the recursive expansion of compounds, allowing languages to generate novel expressions with high efficiency while preserving the head-dependent relations inherent to the process. For instance, in neoclassical compounding, the interfix -o- (derived from Greek models) links bound morphemes in technical terminology, such as in "biology" (bio- + -o- + -logy), thereby supporting the systematic creation of domain-specific vocabulary across scientific fields. This standardization boosts productivity by reducing phonological clashes and enabling consistent patterns in word formation.[8][17] Interfixes are inherently non-inflectional, distinguishing them from affixes that convey grammatical information or alter word classes; they contribute no independent semantics and instead support the overall architecture of compounds by bridging constituents. This non-semantic, non-inflectional nature permits their use in recursive structures, where multiple interfixes may appear in extended compounds without disrupting interpretability or grammatical function. Their forms, often vowels like -o- or consonants like -n-, adapt briefly to the phonological properties of adjacent morphemes to optimize articulation, but this adaptation remains subordinate to their linking role. Empirical studies confirm that certain interfixes, such as -n- in relevant contexts, exhibit high productivity due to their consistency and frequency in established paradigms, further underscoring their facilitative function in morphological productivity.[12][18]Occurrence Across Languages
In Germanic Languages
Interfixes, also known as linking elements, play a prominent role in the compounding processes of many Germanic languages, particularly in facilitating the juxtaposition of noun stems without altering their core semantics. In German, these elements include forms such as -s-, -en-, -er-, and variants like -e- or -n-, which appear between constituents in nominal compounds, though they are not universally obligatory; approximately 65% of noun-noun compounds in German corpora exhibit no linking element at all.[19] The selection of these interfixes is often influenced by analogical patterns from the paradigmatic families of the constituent nouns, with -s- being the most frequent (around 17% of compounds) and -en- following closely (15%), serving to ease phonological transitions or mark structural boundaries in complex words.[19] Traditional grammars identify up to nine possible linkers, including zero, highlighting their variable but systematic use in native compounding.[20] Dutch exhibits a similar system of interfixes, with -s-, -en-, and -er- as the primary forms used to connect stems in noun-noun compounds, mirroring patterns observed in German but with a stronger tendency toward paradigmatic analogy from both left and right constituents.[21] These elements are enigmatic in their distribution, as they do not consistently encode plurality or other grammatical features, yet they occur frequently in both established and novel compounds, contributing to the language's productive analytic compounding style.[21] In both German and Dutch, interfixes underscore the languages' reliance on compounding for lexical expansion, where their presence helps distinguish compounds from phrases through subtle phonological adjustments. In English, interfixes are rare in native Germanic-derived words, where compounding typically involves direct juxtaposition without linking elements, a pattern tracing back to Old English practices of stem truncation or vowel harmony rather than dedicated interfixes.[16] However, they become more common in borrowings from Latin and Greek, particularly the connecting vowel -o-, which functions as an interfix in technical or scientific terms to facilitate pronunciation between consonantal roots, reflecting a historical adaptation of Greco-Latinate morphology into English word formation.[22] This usage highlights a shift from native simplicity to more fusional patterns in borrowed lexicon, though it remains limited to specialized domains. Scandinavian languages like Swedish and Norwegian parallel German and Dutch in employing vowel-based interfixes, such as -e- or -s-, to link constituents in nominal compounds, often through vowel addition or deletion for euphonic purposes.[23] In Swedish, these elements appear predictably in complex compounds, especially when a non-head constituent is itself a compound, aiding in the right-headed structure without inflectional marking.[24] Norwegian follows suit with similar linking forms, reinforcing the analytic nature of Mainland Scandinavian compounding and its emphasis on phonological cohesion over semantic content.[23]In Romance Languages
In Romance languages, interfixes primarily manifest as presuffixal elements—meaningless morphemes inserted between a base and a derivational suffix to facilitate phonological integration or euphony—rather than as linking elements between roots in compounds, distinguishing them from patterns in other language families.[9] These elements are ubiquitous across Romance varieties, often vowel-based or consonantal, and serve to adapt the stem for suffixation without altering core meaning.[9] In French and Spanish, interfixes frequently appear before evaluative or abstracting suffixes, enhancing prosodic suitability for short or consonant-ending bases. For instance, French employs consonantal interfixes like -c- in noirceur (from noir 'black' + suffix -eur forming 'blackness'), where the interfix resolves vowel hiatus and aligns with derivational paradigms.[9] Similarly, Spanish uses vowel interfixes such as -ar- in humareda ('smoky place', from humo 'smoke' + -eda), inserting before landscape-denoting suffixes to ensure smooth articulation.[9] These presuffixal forms are morphologically conditioned, appearing more readily with monosyllabic bases (e.g., 34% of French -on derivatives involve such bases).[9] Italian and Portuguese exhibit comparable patterns, with interfixes often incorporating geminates or augmentative consonants in diminutive or pejorative formations, inherited from Latin morphological templates. In Italian, examples include -icc- in libriccino ('little book', from libro + diminutive -ino), which augments the stem for expressive purposes.[9] Portuguese mirrors this with -arr- in santarrão ('sanctimonious person', from santo 'saint' + augmentative -ão), promoting euphonic flow in evaluative derivatives.[9] Vowel interfixes like -o- also occur in compounds, particularly neoclassical ones drawing on Latin and Greek roots, as in Italian televisione ('television', linking tele- and vis- via -o- before -ione), reflecting semi-productive linking from classical inheritance.[25] The evolution of these interfixes traces to Latin connecting vowels, which facilitated stem-suffix junctions in Vulgar Latin derivatives and were retained as semi-productive elements in modern Romance.[9] For example, Spanish -eg- in forms like petricola derives from Latin -ic- variants used in verbal extensions, now functioning as fixed interfixes in lexical series.[9] This inheritance underscores their role in morphological role in compounding, where they bridge bases and affixes without full productivity, varying by language (e.g., more active in Italian evaluatives than in declining French usage).[9]In Non-Indo-European Languages
In Turkic languages such as Uzbek, compounding typically involves direct juxtaposition of roots or the addition of suffixes to form new words, with analyses rarely identifying dedicated interfixes as semantically empty linking elements; instead, phonological smoothness is achieved through vowel harmony or elision at boundaries. This aligns with the family's agglutinative structure, where affixation predominates over interfixation.[8] In Austronesian languages like Malay and Indonesian, compounding typically involves direct juxtaposition of roots to form new lexical units, such as rumahsakit ('hospital' from rumah 'house' and sakit 'sick'), without obligatory linking morphemes. Infixation, such as -el-, occurs primarily in derivational processes within a single root rather than as interfixes linking multiple stems in compounds.[26] Semitic languages exhibit rare parallels to interfixes, with Arabic compounds often relying on juxtaposition or construct-state constructions (iḍāfa) for linkage, as in idiomatic formations like ra'smāl ('capital', from ra's 'head' and māl 'property'). In some cases, epenthetic vowels or consonants may appear to resolve phonological constraints through fusion or assimilation, though this is infrequent and typically involves omission rather than dedicated interfixes; such elements, when present, support idiomatic opacity without semantic independence, reflecting the root-and-pattern morphology dominant in Semitic, where true compounding remains marginal compared to non-concatenative derivation.[27][28]Illustrative Examples
English and Borrowed Forms
In English, interfixes most prominently appear in neoclassical compounds derived from Greek and Latin elements, where the linking vowel -o- serves as a semantically empty connector between bound stems. For instance, in biology, the structure is bio- (life) + -o- + -logy (study of), facilitating smooth phonological integration in scientific terminology.[17] Similarly, speedometer combines the native root speed with -o- and the Greek-derived -meter (measure), illustrating hybrid formations common in technical neologisms.[17] This -o- interfix originates from ancient Greek connecting vowels and is obligatory in many such compounds to avoid consonant clusters.[17] Native English compounds rarely feature productive interfixes, with occurrences limited to fossilized forms where elements like -er- or -en- appear as historical connectors. These native instances contrast with the borrowed neoclassical type, often resulting from phonological adaptation rather than regular morphological rules.[29] Contemporary productivity of interfixes in English is concentrated in scientific and technical domains, where neoclassical formations enable the creation of international terminology. Words like geophysics (geo- + -o- + physics) exemplify this, combining Greek roots with modern concepts to form terms in fields such as earth sciences.[17] Since the 19th century, this process has supported neologisms like hydrodynamics and biomechanics, underscoring the interfix's role in expanding lexical resources for specialized knowledge.[17]German and Dutch Compounds
In German, the interfix -s- is a common linking element in noun-noun compounds, often obligatory after certain nouns, particularly those ending in specific suffixes such as -ung, -heit, or -keit, to facilitate constituent separation and ease pronunciation.[30] For instance, in Haus-schuhe ('house shoes' or slippers), the -s- links Haus ('house') to Schuhe ('shoes'), a form required after monosyllabic nouns or those with strong codas to avoid phonological awkwardness.[30] Similarly, Teufel-s-weib ('she-devil') and Prüfung-s-note ('exam mark') illustrate how -s- historically derives from the genitive singular suffix and now functions primarily as a boundary marker in synthetic compounds.[30] In Dutch, interfixes such as -s-, -e-, or -en- serve analogous roles in noun-noun compounds, with selection influenced by the morphological properties of the left constituent, such as its plural form, and prosodic factors to prevent stress clashes.[31] The linker -en- is preferred when the left noun takes an -en- plural, as in boek-en-kast ('bookcase'), where boek ('book') combines with kast ('cupboard') via -en-, reflecting paradigmatic analogy to plural contexts.[32] In contrast, -s- appears after nouns without -en- plurals or in possessive-like structures, such as schaap-s-kooi ('sheep fold') or meisjes-jurk ('girl's dress'), emphasizing its role in marking immediate constituent boundaries without semantic contribution.[31] Other examples include zon-e-lucht ('sun air') with -e- and boer-en-kaas ('farmer's cheese') with -en-, where the choice adheres to conventions tied to the noun's inflectional class.[31] Interfixes also appear in multi-part compounds in both languages, structuring complex formations by probabilistically signaling major boundaries between constituents.[33] In German, this is evident in derivations like Arbeit-s-los-igkeit ('unemployment'), a triconstituent abstract noun where -s- obligatorily follows Arbeit ('work') before los ('less') and the suffix -igkeit, aiding parseability in extended synthetic chains.[30] Dutch multi-part compounds similarly employ interfixes for clarity, as in triconstituent forms where -s- or -en- recurs at key junctures, with about 31% of compounds overall featuring such elements to cue hierarchical structure.[33]Romance Language Examples
In French, presuffixal interfixes facilitate the integration of stems with suffixes in derivational morphology, often serving a phonological adaptation role. A representative example is coquetier ('eggcup'), derived from coque ('eggshell') with an interfix -et- that eases prosodic fitting before the suffix -ier.[9] These elements are meaningless and occur systematically, as seen in approximately 31% of French -ette derivatives from monosyllabic bases.[9] In Spanish, interfixes commonly appear in adjectival derivations to convey nuances like diminution or quality, enhancing segmental harmony. For instance, rojizo ('reddish') incorporates the interfix -iz- between the color stem rojo ('red') and the suffix -o, yielding rojo-iz-o to form a diminutive or approximate sense.[9] Similarly, humareda ('smoky place') derives from humo ('smoke') with an interfix linking to the suffix -eda, illustrating how Spanish employs over 470 such interfix-suffix combinations in its lexicon.[9] Italian utilizes interfixes in nominal derivations to connect stems with augmentative or diminutive suffixes, often adjusting for vowel harmony or syllable structure. This pattern underscores the role of interfixes in Romance languages as suffix-like elements that are prosodically and morphologically supportive without semantic content.[9]Theoretical and Analytical Perspectives
Status in Morphological Theory
In generative morphology, interfixes—also known as linking elements—are typically analyzed as phonologically realized but semantically empty morphemes that facilitate the combination of stems in compound words, with their distribution governed by prosodic, morphological, and syntactic constraints.[8] This framework posits that interfixes emerge from rule-based processes in word formation, where they serve to optimize phonological well-formedness without contributing independent meaning.[8] Within models like Distributed Morphology, interfixes are treated as null affixes or empty morphemes inserted post-syntactically during morphological realization, often via mechanisms such as Vocabulary Insertion or Fusion to realize abstract features like compound-marking or edge-position requirements.[34] For instance, rules for their insertion apply after Spell-Out, adjusting the hierarchical structure built in syntax to ensure phonological interpretability, distinguishing between expletive types (null before Logical Form) and those encoding morphological heads.[34] This approach integrates interfixes into a unified generative system spanning syntax and morphology, emphasizing their role in late insertion stages as per seminal works by Halle and Marantz.[34] Lexicalist approaches, in contrast, regard interfixes as integral components of language-specific word-formation templates stored in the lexicon, rather than as autonomous units derived by generative rules.[35] Under principles like Lexical Integrity, they are embedded within lexical schemata that dictate compounding patterns, such as those in Germanic languages, where interfixes like -s- function as non-inflectional connectors without syntactic derivation.[35] This view aligns with theories where morphology operates as a distinct lexical module, avoiding syntactic intrusion into word-internal structure.[35] From a historical linguistics perspective, interfixes trace their origins to Proto-Indo-European linking vowels and suffixes, such as thematic vowels or case markers, which evolved into semantically bleached elements in daughter languages through processes like grammaticalization and analogy.[8] In Indo-European branches like Germanic and Greek, these elements, originally tied to inflectional paradigms (e.g., nominative or genitive markers), lost their paradigmatic function over time, becoming optional connectors in compounds while retaining phonological form.[8] This diachronic shift underscores their role as relics of earlier morphological systems, adapting to prosodic needs in synthetic word formation.[8]Debates and Alternative Views
One central debate in morphological theory concerns the status of interfixes as true morphemes versus mere phonological fillers. Proponents of their morphemic nature, such as Dressler and Merlini Barbaresi (1989), argue that interfixes in languages like Italian can carry subtle connotative meanings or facilitate semantic distinctions, such as differentiating homonyms in Spanish (e.g., llamada 'call' vs. llamarada 'flame').[9] In contrast, scholars like Malkiel (1958) and Mascaró (1987) contend that interfixes are empty morphs lacking independent semantic content, functioning primarily as phonological adapters to ensure prosodic well-formedness, as seen in French tartelette where dissimilation avoids vowel hiatus.[9] This perspective views them as epiphenomenal, derived from stem modifications or lexical analogies rather than dedicated morphological units.[9] Within optimality theory, interfixes are often analyzed as emergent phenomena arising from ranked constraints on alignment and linearity, rather than underlying morphemes with fixed slots. For instance, Lacy (1999) proposes that elements like English -o- (e.g., speed-o-meter) behave as partial functions in OT, realized only between adjacent morphemes to satisfy phonological uniformity, without requiring a dedicated interfix category.[36] This constraint-based derivation reinforces the view of interfixes as phonologically motivated, challenging traditional affixal analyses by emphasizing competition among candidates.[36] Alternative classifications further complicate their categorization, with some typologies treating interfixes as "linking elements" or combiners that serve connective roles without affixal properties, particularly in compound-heavy languages like German and Dutch.[5] In non-Indo-European grammars, they are occasionally conflated with infixes, though distinct in positioning between roots rather than within them; for example, West African languages exhibit interfix-like elements that support affixal status through phonological independence.[37] Cross-linguistic variability underscores questions of universality, as interfixes show inconsistent productivity and forms across language families. Post-2000 corpus studies reveal gradients: in Dutch, interfix duration correlates with morphological predictability, with more probable linkers (e.g., -s-) appearing in high-frequency compounds, indicating redundancy-driven variation rather than fixed rules.[38] Similarly, German and Dutch corpora demonstrate that interfix selection depends on constituent probabilities, challenging universal models and highlighting language-specific constraints.[39] This evidence suggests interfixes are not a universal category but emerge from typological differences in compounding strategies.[38]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/-o-