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In English, the word like has a very flexible range of uses, ranging from conventional to non-standard. It can be used as a noun, verb, adverb, adjective, preposition, particle, conjunction, hedge, filler, quotative, and semi-suffix.

Uses

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Comparisons

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Like is one of the words in the English language that can introduce a simile (a stylistic device comparing two dissimilar ideas). It can be used as a preposition, as in "He runs like a cheetah"; it can also be used as a suffix, as in "She acts very child-like". It can also be used in non-simile comparisons such as, "She has a dog like ours".[1]

As a conjunction

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Like is often used in place of the subordinating conjunction as, or as if.[2] Examples:

  • They look like they have been having fun.
  • They look as if they have been having fun.

Many people became aware of the two options in 1954, when a famous ad campaign for Winston cigarettes introduced the slogan "Winston tastes good—like a cigarette should." The slogan was criticized for its usage by prescriptivists, the "as" construction being considered more proper. Winston countered with another ad, featuring a woman with greying hair in a bun who insists that ought to be "Winston tastes good as a cigarette should" and is shouted down by happy cigarette smokers asking "What do you want—good grammar or good taste?"

The appropriateness of its usage as a conjunction is still disputed, however. In some circles, it is considered an error to use like instead of as or as if in formal prose.

As a noun

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Like can be used as a noun meaning "preference" or "kind". Examples:

  • She had many likes and dislikes.
  • We'll never see the like again.

When used specifically on social media, it can refer to interactions with content posted by a user, commonly referred to as "likes" on websites such as Twitter or Instagram.

  • That picture you posted got a lot of likes!

As a verb

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As a verb, like generally refers to a fondness for something or someone.[1]

  • I like riding my bicycle.

Like can be used to express a feeling of attraction between two people that is weaker than love. It does not necessarily imply a romantic attraction.[3][4] Example:

  • Marc likes Denise.
  • I've taken a liking to our new neighbors.

Like can also be used to indicate a wish for something in a polite manner.[1] Example:

  • Would you like a cup of coffee?

As a colloquial adverb

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In some regional dialects of English, like may be used as an adverbial colloquialism in the construction be + like + to infinitive, meaning "be likely to, be ready to, be on the verge of." Examples:

  • He was like to go back next time.
  • He was like to go mad.

As the following attest, this construction has a long history in the English language.

  • But Clarence had slumped to his knees before I had half-finished, and he was like to go out of his mind with fright. (Mark Twain, 1889, A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court)
  • He saw he was like to leave such an heir. (Cotton Mather, 1853, Magnalia Christi Americana)
  • He was like to lose his life in the one [battle] and his liberty in the other [capture], but there was none of his money at stake in either. (Charles MacFarlane and Thomas Napier Thomson, 1792, Comprehensive History of England)
  • He was in some fear that if he could not bring about the King's desires, he was like to lose his favor. (Gilbert Burnet, 1679, History of the Reformation of the Church of England)

As a colloquial quotative

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Like is sometimes used colloquially as a quotative to introduce a quotation or impersonation. This is also known as "quotation through simile". The word is often used to express that what follows is not an exact quotation but instead gives a general feel for what was said. In this usage, like functions in conjunction with a verb, generally be (but also say, think, etc.), as in the following examples:[5]

  • He was like, "I'll be there in five minutes."
  • She was like, "You need to leave the room right now!"

Like can also be used to paraphrase an implicitly unspoken idea or sentiment:

  • I was like, "Who do they think they are?"

The marking of past tense is often omitted (compare historical present):

  • They told me all sorts of terrible things, and I'm like "Forget it then."[6]

It is also sometimes used to introduce non-verbal mimetic performances, e.g., facial expressions, hand gestures, body movement, as well as sounds and noises:[7]

  • I was like [speaker rolls eyes].
  • The car was like, "vroom!"

The use of like as a quotative is known to have been around since at least the 1980s.[8]

As a discourse particle, filler or hedge

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History

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The word like has developed several non-traditional uses in informal speech. Especially since the late 20th century onward, it has appeared, in addition to its traditional uses, as a colloquialism across all dialects of spoken English, serving as a discourse particle, signalling either a hedge indicating uncertainty, or alternatively a marker of focus signalling that what follows is new information[9][10] Although these particular colloquial uses of like became widespread among young students in the 1980s, its use as a filler is a fairly old regional practice in Welsh English and in Scotland; it was used similarly at least as early as the 19th century. It is traditionally, though not quite every time, used to finish a sentence in the Northern English dialect Geordie.[11] It may also be used in a systemic format to allow individuals to introduce what they say, how they say and think.[12]

Despite such prevalence in modern-day spoken English, these colloquial usages of like rarely appear in writing (unless the writer is deliberately trying to replicate colloquial dialogue) and they have long been stigmatized in formal speech or in high cultural or high social settings. Furthermore, this use of like seems to appear most commonly, in particular, among people who were children and adolescents in the 1980s, while less so, or not at all, among people who were already middle-aged or elderly at that time. One suggested explanation was that younger English speakers were still developing their linguistic competence, and, metalinguistically wishing to express ideas without sounding too confident, certain, or assertive, use like to fulfill this purpose in the cases where they were using like as a hedge.[13]

In pop culture, such colloquial applications of like (especially in verbal excess) are commonly and often comedically associated with Valley girls,[14] as made famous through the song "Valley Girl" by Frank Zappa, released in 1982, and the film of the same name, released in the following year.[citation needed] Even though this use of like predates it, the stereotyped "valley girl" language is an exaggeration of the variants of California English spoken by people who were young in the 1980s.[10][14]

This non-traditional usage of the word has been around at least since the 1950s, introduced through beat (or beatnik) and jazz culture. The beatnik character Maynard G. Krebs (Bob Denver) in the popular Dobie Gillis TV series of 1959-1963 brought the expression to prominence; this was reinforced in later decades by the character of Shaggy on Scooby-Doo (who was based on Krebs).

Very early use of this locution[citation needed] can be seen in a New Yorker cartoon of 15 September 1928, in which two young ladies are discussing a man's workplace: "What's he got – an awfice?" "No, he's got like a loft."

It is also used in the 1962 novel A Clockwork Orange by the narrator as part of his teenage slang and in the Top Cat cartoon series from 1961 to 1962 by the jazz beatnik type characters.

A common eye dialect spelling is lyk.

Examples

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Like can be used in much the same way as "um..." or "er..." as a discourse particle. It has become common especially among North American teenagers to use the word "like" in this way, as in Valspeak. For example:

  • I, like, don't know what to do.

It is also becoming more often used (East Coast Scottish English, Northern England English, Hiberno-English and Welsh English in particular) at the end of a sentence, as an alternative to you know. This usage is sometimes considered to be a colloquial interjection and it implies a desire to remain calm and defuse tension:

  • I didn't say anything, like.
  • Just be cool, like.

Use of like as a filler has a long history in Scots English, as in Robert Louis Stevenson's 1886 novel Kidnapped:

"What'll like be your business, mannie?"
"What's like wrong with him?" said she at last.

Like can be used as hedge to indicate that the following phrase will be an approximation or exaggeration, or that the following words may not be quite right, but are close enough. It may indicate that the phrase in which it appears is to be taken metaphorically or as a hyperbole. This use of like is sometimes regarded as adverbial, as like is often synonymous here with adverbial phrases of approximation, such as "almost" or "more or less". Examples:

  • I have like no money left.
  • The restaurant is only like five miles from here.
  • I like almost died!

Conversely, like may also be used to indicate a counterexpectation to the speaker, or to indicate certainty regarding the following phrase.[5] Examples:

  • There was like a living kitten in the box!
  • This is like the only way to solve the problem.
  • I like know what I'm doing, okay?

In the UK reality television series Love Island the word 'like' has been used an average of 300 times per episode, much to the annoyance of viewers.[15]

See also

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Bibliography

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Like

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
''Like'' is a versatile word in the with a wide range of uses, functioning primarily as a preposition meaning "similar to," a meaning "to find pleasing or enjoyable," an or denoting similarity or preference, and a conjunction in comparisons. It also appears informally as an , quotative introducing reported speech (e.g., "She was like, 'No way!'"), and a particle or filler for hesitation or emphasis, particularly in casual spoken English among younger speakers. The word originates from Old English ''lic'' or ''gelic'', initially related to "body" or "form," evolving by the 12th century to express resemblance and likeness, with its verb sense of enjoyment deriving from Proto-Germanic roots around the same period. Over time, ''like'' has undergone grammatical and cultural shifts, influencing , , and digital communication, while sparking debates on its perceived overuse in modern speech.

Etymology and Historical Development

Origins

The English word "like" traces its origins to the Proto-Germanic root *gelikaz, which meant "having the same form or shape" and was formed from the element *li- (referring to "body" or "form") combined with the suffix -ka- indicating likeness or similarity. This root emphasized resemblance based on physical or structural similarity, reflecting early conceptualizations of likeness tied to bodily appearance. In Old English, the word appeared as gelīc around 900 AD, primarily functioning as an adjective to denote "similar," "alike," or "equal in form." It frequently occurred in compounds, such as gelīchamode, meaning "like-minded" or sharing similar thoughts and dispositions. These usages highlight its role in describing parallels in nature, appearance, or character within early medieval texts. The Proto-Germanic *gelikaz itself drew from broader Indo-European influences, particularly the Proto-Indo-European root *leikʷ-, associated with "to leave a mark" or "resemble," which connected ideas of form and body through the notion of an enduring shape or impression left behind. This etymological link underscores how concepts of similarity evolved from tangible, corporeal origins in ancient languages. One of the earliest attested uses of gelīc appears in the epic (c. 1000 AD), where it describes similarity in appearance or nature, such as in comparisons of warriors' deeds or monstrous forms (e.g., line 2164, denoting "alike"). Such instances in this foundational text illustrate the word's practical application in poetic expressions of equivalence and resemblance during the Anglo-Saxon period.

Evolution

The word "like" entered around 1200 AD in forms such as ilich or lik, representing an alteration of the gelīc and beginning to extend beyond its adjectival roots into functions, notably in phrases denoting similarity such as "in like manner." This expansion reflected broader syntactic shifts in , where the loss of heavy inflectional endings from prompted words like like to serve more versatile roles in expressing resemblance or equivalence. From the 14th to 16th centuries, "like" solidified its status as a preposition, particularly in literary works that popularized constructions. In Geoffrey Chaucer's (c. 1380s), it appears in comparative phrases such as "like one whose heart was set on ," enabling nuanced depictions of emotional states through . further entrenched this usage in the , employing "like" prepositionally in plays like (c. 1602) to evoke vivid imagery, as in references to characters acting "like a " in battle, thereby enhancing dramatic comparisons. These developments marked "like" as a key tool for metaphorical expression in and . By the , applications of "like" proliferated, including dialectal senses approximating "likely to" or "on the verge of," which conveyed imminent action or near-misses. A representative instance occurs in Gilbert Burnet's History of My Own Time (covering events of 1679), where he describes a perilous incident as "like to have been killed," illustrating the word's evolution toward probabilistic nuance in narrative prose. This usage persisted in regional varieties, underscoring "like"'s adaptability in everyday and formal registers. The Norman Conquest's linguistic legacy, including the infusion of French vocabulary and the streamlining of English syntax after , ultimately reinforced "like"'s flexibility by the 1600s, as reduced case endings elevated prepositions and adverbs in comparative structures, allowing native Germanic terms to fill diverse roles without competition from more rigid inflections.

Grammatical Uses

In Comparisons

In , "like" functions primarily as a preposition to express similarity or resemblance, most notably in where it compares two unlike things by denoting resemblance in quality or action, as in "She sings like an angel." This usage highlights analogous traits without implying identity, distinguishing from metaphors. Beyond similes, "like" serves in a non-possessive sense to indicate equivalence or similarity to a or , such as "a like mine," where it means comparable in characteristics rather than identical ownership. As a derivational , -like attaches to s to form s meaning "resembling or characteristic of," exemplified by "childlike" (innocent as a child) or "godlike" (divine in ); this form emerged in the late from the "like," building on earlier compounds like godlic. In , "like" is distinguished from "as": "like" governs nouns or pronouns for direct comparison (e.g., "flies like a "), while "as" introduces clauses with subjects and verbs (e.g., "flies as birds do"). This rule, rooted in traditional prescriptive , avoids using "like" to introduce full clauses in standard written English.

As a Conjunction

In , "like" can function as a conjunction to introduce a expressing supposition or resemblance, often substituting for "as if" or "as though" in informal contexts. For example, the sentence "It looks like it will rain" implies a hypothetical based on appearance, where "like" connects the main to the subordinate indicating probability. This usage treats "like" as a subordinating conjunction, linking an to a dependent one in contexts of manner or condition, such as "Do it like I showed you," which instructs replication of a demonstrated action. The acceptability of "like" in this role has long been debated, gaining prominence through a 1954 Winston cigarette advertisement : "Winston tastes good like a cigarette should." This phrasing, intended to suggest sensory similarity, sparked controversy among linguists and broadcasters, who argued it misused "like" as a conjunction instead of the preposition "as," leading to refusals by figures like Walter to air it unaltered. The debate influenced prescriptive style guides, including by Strunk and White, which deemed the conjunctive use of "like" unacceptable in formal writing, favoring "as" for clause connections. In , this conjunctive "like" is widely accepted in informal speech and writing but generally avoided in formal registers to adhere to traditional standards. It appears more frequently in than in , where speakers and writers tend to prefer "as" even in casual settings, though crossover occurs in global informal communication. Linguistic analyses confirm its role as a subordinating conjunction in hypothetical or manner clauses, though purists maintain it should remain a preposition limited to noun phrases.

As a Noun

As a noun, "like" refers to a feeling of preference, inclination, or fondness toward something or someone, often contrasted with "dislike" to express personal tastes or aversions, as in the common phrase "likes and dislikes." This usage derives from the period, where it evolved from the verb form denoting pleasure or suitability, with "liking" appearing as a by the late to signify the act or state of taking pleasure in something.

As a Verb

As a verb, "like" primarily expresses a feeling of fondness, approval, or enjoyment toward an object, activity, or person, often indicating a mild positive . For instance, in the sentence "I like coffee," the speaker conveys derived from the beverage without implying intense passion. This core sense traces back to līcian, attested from the pre-1150 period, where it meant "to please" or "be sufficient," with the pleasing entity as the grammatical subject and the experiencer in the , as in constructions equivalent to "The pleases me." A key semantic shift occurred during the transition to , around the , transforming "like" into a subject-oriented of where the experiencer becomes the nominative subject. This evolution aligned it with modern psych-verbs, emphasizing personal inclination over the object's inherent pleasing quality, as seen in Chaucer's works where "liketh" begins to denote the subject's approval. By this period, the verb had fully inverted to express the subject's enjoyment, distinguishing it from its original causative-like structure. In forms, particularly polite offers, "like" facilitates courteous inquiries about desires or willingness, such as "Would you like some ?" This usage, which implies "Would it please you to have...?", leverages the for indirectness and emerged in as a refined expression of , contrasting with direct imperatives. The records this sense of "to desire or wish" from the 13th century onward, with conditional constructions solidifying its function by the . The can be intensified for emphasis, as in "I like it a lot" to convey stronger approval, or colloquially in phrases like "I like-like you" to differentiate romantic interest from platonic fondness. However, it remains semantically distinct from intenser verbs like "," which denote deeper emotional attachment rather than mere approval or enjoyment. This nuanced gradation allows "like" to function transitively or intransitively in expressing scaled preferences.

Informal Uses

As an Adverb

In certain dialects of English, particularly those in the American South, "like" serves as an meaning "likely to" or "on the verge of," conveying near-occurrence or a counterfactual event that almost happened. This usage, often appearing as "like to" or the contracted form "liketa," is exemplified in expressions such as "He like to died," indicating that the subject nearly died but ultimately did not. Common since the in Southern U.S. English, it functions to intensify verbs without modifying their core semantic content, frequently in past-tense narratives to heighten dramatic effect. Historical attestation of this adverbial sense dates back to at least 1679 in the writings of , where "like" denotes likelihood in phrases akin to impending action. Earlier roots appear in , including Shakespearean works like (c. 1602), where "like" shorthand for "likely" underscores potential outcomes, as in "you are like to be much advanced." Linguistic analyses trace its evolution from older constructions such as "was like to" or "had liked to," which may have influenced the modern dialectal form through analogy. Grammatically, "liketa" operates as a fixed element or raising , uninflected for tense or person, and typically preceding past-tense verbs or like "have" but not "be." It is ungrammatical in questions and emphasizes events that were imminent but averted. This feature endures in , , and white Southern varieties, as documented in sociolinguistic surveys of communities in , and the Smoky Mountains of and . Though rare in contemporary , where it has declined in favor of explicit adverbs like "almost" or "nearly," the construction persists robustly in oral traditions, , and regional vernaculars, maintaining its role in expressive dialectal speech.

As a Quotative

The quotative use of "like" emerged in the 1980s among American youth, particularly in casual speech patterns associated with teenage girls from California's San Fernando Valley, where it served as an introducer for reported speech or thoughts. This construction, often in the form of "be like," allows speakers to approximate what someone said or thought, as in "She was like, 'No way!'" rather than a direct verbatim report. The stereotype of the "Valley Girl"—an affluent, materialistic young woman with exaggerated speech features—helped cement this usage in popular perception, though linguists note it originated organically in youth vernacular before gaining notoriety. This quotative "like" was thrust into the national spotlight through Frank Zappa's 1982 satirical song "Valley Girl," featuring his daughter reciting stereotypical phrases laden with "like," such as "Like, oh my God, like, gag me with a spoon!" Intended as a of teen culture, the track ironically amplified the feature's visibility and contributed to its adoption beyond regional boundaries. From its roots, the construction spread globally through media portrayals and migration of youth , becoming a hallmark of informal English in diverse English-speaking communities by the late . Beyond strictly quoting speech, quotative "like" extends to describing tones, gestures, or actions, enabling speakers to vividly reenact scenarios, as in "He was like, waving his arms frantically" or "She like shrugged and walked away." This versatility positions it as a tool for mimetic in retellings, capturing not just words but the manner of expression. Linguistically, quotative "like" functions as a paratactic introducer, juxtaposing the reporting directly with the quoted material without subordinating conjunctions or , in contrast to traditional verbs like "said" that often integrate quotes hypotactically. This paratactic structure allows for flexible, approximate reporting that prioritizes vividness over precision, a trait that distinguishes it from older quotatives. Studies of spoken corpora reveal its rapid rise, with "be like" saturating quotative systems among young speakers by the early and continuing to dominate in subsequent generations. Corpus analyses up to 2023 indicate a sustained increase in quotative "like" usage among speakers, who employ it at rates exceeding those of previous cohorts, often in digital and spoken contexts to convey immediacy and relatability. For instance, in conversational data from young adults born after 1997, "be like" accounts for over 50% of quotative instances in informal settings, reflecting its entrenchment as a default for approximation. This trend underscores its role in evolving practices, with occasional overlap in filler-like positions briefly noted in analyses of discourse particles.

As a Discourse Particle or Filler

In spoken English, "like" functions as a discourse particle, serving multiple pragmatic roles beyond its lexical meanings. As a filler, it acts as a hesitation marker during pauses, allowing speakers to maintain conversational flow while formulating thoughts, as in "I was, like, surprised by the news." It also operates as a hedge to approximate or soften statements, introducing or , such as "It was like 10 feet away." Additionally, "like" can mark focus, drawing attention to salient elements in the for emphasis, exemplified by "There was like a huge crash outside." These uses signal nuanced intentions, fostering listener engagement without disrupting the utterance. The historical trajectory of "like" as a discourse particle traces back to 19th-century varieties of Welsh and , where it appeared in as a quotative or approximative form, such as in Frances Burney's Evelina (1788) and Robert Louis Stevenson's Kidnapped (1886). Its adoption surged in the among American beatniks, evident in Jack Kerouac's (1957), where it initiated sentences to convey spontaneity. By the , the term gained widespread prominence through the "Valley Girl" stereotype, popularized by Frank Zappa's 1982 song, leading to a significant increase in its frequency in U.S. spoken English by the . Linguistic research highlights "like" as a tool that alleviates in real-time by previewing upcoming content and aiding lexical retrieval, distinguishing it from simpler pauses like "um." A 2022 analysis of Love Island episodes noted approximately 76 instances in a five-minute segment from 2017 data, equating to roughly one use every four seconds, with usage patterns remaining stable into the 2020s. Despite these functions, "like" has faced stigmatization as a marker of inarticulateness or lower , with instances like a 2019 UK school banning it and public criticisms from figures such as in 2010. Sociolinguistic studies from the 1990s onward, including work by Alexandra D'Arcy, have validated its pragmatic utility, reframing it as a sophisticated element of interactive rather than mere sloppiness.

Cultural and Digital Impact

The use of "like" as a filler and quotative in gained prominence in the 1980s through satirical portrayals of teenage speech patterns. Frank Zappa's 1982 song "Valley Girl," featuring his 14-year-old daughter Moon Unit Zappa reciting exaggerated monologues filled with "like" as a particle, mocked the perceived vapidness of affluent youth. Intended as satire, the track ironically popularized "Valley Girl" , including frequent "like" usage, reaching No. 32 on the and embedding the word in mainstream . In television and film, "like" has been central to stereotypes of youthful, often female, characters, reinforcing associations with superficiality or trendiness. The 1995 film Clueless, directed by Amy Heckerling, depicted protagonist Cher Horowitz (Alicia Silverstone) and her peers using "like" prolifically in dialogue, drawing from Valley Girl tropes to portray Beverly Hills teens as bubbly and materialistic. Similarly, the 2004 comedy Mean Girls, written by Tina Fey, parodied high school cliques with characters like Regina George (Rachel McAdams) employing "like" as a quotative and filler to convey gossip and social maneuvering, amplifying the word's link to mean-spirited femininity. More recently, HBO's Euphoria (2019–present) has showcased Gen Z speech patterns, with characters like Rue Bennett (Zendaya) and Cassie Howard (Sydney Sweeney) integrating "like" naturally into raw, authentic dialogues about trauma and relationships, reflecting contemporary youth vernacular without heavy satire. In music, particularly rap and hip-hop, "like" has been adopted as a quotative to narrate stories and mimic dialogue, evolving from its filler roots into a stylistic tool for and emphasis in the 2020s. Artists like incorporate it in tracks such as "" (2018, remixed 2019) and "" (2021) to blend humor, bravado, and cultural commentary, broadening its appeal beyond stereotypes. trends from 2023 to 2025 have further amplified the quotative "like" through viral challenges and skits, where users recreate exaggerated dialogues, aligning with the platform's growth in slang-driven videos. Cultural critiques of "like" often highlight its gendered and class-based stigma, portraying it as a marker of inauthenticity tied to young women and lower socioeconomic speech. Frequently associated with since the Valley Girl era, its use invites judgment as unprofessional or unintelligent, particularly for women in professional settings. A 2022 linguistic analysis linked frequent "like" employment to youth , suggesting it fosters authenticity and relational bonding among peers, countering stigma by framing it as a deliberate expressive choice rather than sloppiness. These debates underscore ongoing tensions between linguistic innovation and societal biases.

In Social Media

The "Like" button, originating from Facebook's 2007 concept by product manager Leah Pearlman and engineer Justin Rosenstein, quickly spread to other platforms as a core endorsement mechanic. Instagram launched with a heart-shaped like button in 2010, while Twitter (now X) replaced its star "favorite" icon with a heart "like" in 2015 to enhance emotional resonance. From 2020 to , the accelerated social media adoption, with global users reaching 5.66 billion active identities as of October , equivalent to 69% of the world's ; likes have been central to this growth, as algorithms prioritize content based on like counts to increase . However, this reliance on likes has raised concerns, particularly among teens, where studies have linked "like anxiety"—the stress from anticipating or comparing like counts—to increased anxiety and issues. Platform evolutions have refined the like mechanic to address limitations in expressing nuanced feedback. algorithms weigh likes alongside comments and shares to rank content, promoting high-like posts in feeds. To expand beyond approval, added the Care reaction in 2020 amid the for empathy; similarly, hid public dislike counts in 2021 to reduce while keeping it for creators' . Across platforms like , the word "like" has evolved into a viral tool in captions and spoken content, where trends in 2024-2025 encourage its use as a casual or filler to mimic conversational authenticity, driving through relatable videos. This has contributed to 's growth, with short-form content using such fillers gaining virality via trend-aligned algorithms.

References

  1. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/like
  2. https://dictionary.cambridge.org/us/grammar/british-grammar/like
  3. https://www.theguardian.com/science/2022/may/15/why-do-people-like-say-like-so-much-in-praise-of-an-underappreciated-word
  4. https://www.etymonline.com/word/like
  5. https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2016/11/the-evolution-of-like/507614/
  6. https://bosworthtoller.com/014983
  7. https://archive.org/stream/beowulf02unkngoog/beowulf02unkngoog_djvu.txt
  8. https://academic.oup.com/book/4263/chapter/146128073
  9. https://www.poetryintranslation.com/PITBR/English/TroilusandCressidaBkV.php
  10. https://www.oed.com/dictionary/like_adj
  11. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/47791/47791-h/47791-h.htm
  12. https://scholarworks.harding.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1060&context=tenor
  13. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/simile
  14. https://www.grammarly.com/blog/literary-devices/simile/
  15. https://www.britannica.com/dictionary/eb/qa/Idioms-metaphors-similes-and-hyperbole
  16. https://www.grammarly.com/blog/grammar/like-vs-such-as/
  17. https://www.etymonline.com/word/childlike
  18. https://www.etymonline.com/word/godlike
  19. https://www.grammarly.com/blog/commonly-confused-words/like-vs-as/
  20. https://www.grammar-quizzes.com/like-as.html
  21. https://www.englishgrammar.org/preposition-conjunction/
  22. https://www.creators.com/read/rob-kyff-word-guy/02/23/this-slogan-had-grammarians-smoking
  23. https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/502471/time-walter-cronkite-angered-rj-reynolds
  24. https://www.merriam-webster.com/grammar/read-this-if-you-hate-the-word-like
  25. https://www.jstor.org/stable/455799
  26. https://www.etymonline.com/word/liking
  27. https://www.oed.com/dictionary/like_v1
  28. https://www.latl.leeds.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/49/2019/05/Eythors_2000.pdf
  29. https://dictionary.cambridge.org/grammar/british-grammar/would-like
  30. https://ygdp.yale.edu/phenomena/liketa
  31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24742091
  32. https://books.google.com/books/about/Variation_and_Change_in_Alabama_English.html?id=dL1ZAAAAMAAJ
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  34. https://journals.openedition.org/aes/513
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  36. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/english-language-and-linguistics/article/be-like-and-the-constant-rate-effect-from-the-bottom-to-the-top-of-the-scurve/28759D56C54C3533A57FF2DA6DEE6EFD
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  38. https://www.mentalfloss.com/language/like-discourse-marker-history
  39. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9620696/
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  43. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318094466_%27Haters_gonna_Hate%27_A_Corpus_Linguistic_Analysis_of_the_Use_of_Non-Standard_English_in_Pop_Songs
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  45. https://www.fastcompany.com/90780140/the-inside-story-of-how-facebook-designed-the-like-button-and-made-social-media-into-a-popularity-contest
  46. https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2017/oct/05/smartphone-addiction-silicon-valley-dystopia
  47. https://blog.x.com/en_us/a/2015/hearts-on-twitter
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  49. https://datareportal.com/social-media-users
  50. https://www.smartinsights.com/social-media-marketing/social-media-strategy/new-global-social-media-research/
  51. https://www.hhs.gov/surgeongeneral/reports-and-publications/youth-mental-health/social-media/index.html
  52. https://sproutsocial.com/insights/social-media-algorithms/
  53. https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Facebook-reaction-set-as-of-early-2020_fig2_349335205
  54. https://blog.youtube/news-and-events/update-to-youtube/
  55. https://www.shopify.com/blog/tiktok-trends
  56. https://www.wordstream.com/blog/tiktok-algorithm
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