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Order and Justice (Lithuanian: Tvarka ir teisingumas, TT), formerly the Liberal Democratic Party (Liberalų Demokratų Partija, LDP) was a right-wing[5][6] political party in Lithuania that self-identified as "left-of-centre", at least on economic matters.[citation needed] It had eight members in the Seimas, the unicameral Lithuanian parliament, as of the last election it participated in (2016).

Key Information

Formed as the 'Liberal Democratic Party' in 2002, the party achieved almost immediate success with the election of leader Rolandas Paksas as President of Lithuania within its first year. Paksas's impeachment led to the party reorganising itself as 'Order and Justice' to compete in the 2004 parliamentary election. Since then, it was the fourth-largest party in the Seimas, and finished third in the elections to the European Parliament and to the presidency.

The party sat on the right, possessed a radical and anti-establishment identity, and has been described as both socially conservative[7] and 'liberal' or 'right-liberal',[8] in line with its original identity.[9] Its support was strongest in the north-west Samogitia region.[7] The party's two MEPs sat in the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group in the European Parliament, with the party having previously belonged to the now-defunct Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN) and Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD) groups.

In 2020, the party chairman Remigijus Žemaitaitis signed an agreement with the chairman of the Lithuanian Freedom Union (Liberals), Artūras Zuokas, and former MP Arturas Paulauskas to unite their political movements to form the Freedom and Justice party. Žemaitaitis was later expelled from said party and founded a new party called Dawn of Nemunas. The party was officially liquidated in January 2025.

History

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Early years (2002–2004)

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After being defeated in the leadership election for the Liberal Union, Rolandas Paksas founded the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in 2002, taking with him 13 of his supporters from Liberal parliamentary group in the Seimas, making the party the fourth-largest party.[1] Nationally, founders of the new party were not only Liberal Union's members. It attracted members of Lithuanian Centre Union (e. g. Kęstutis Trečiokas) and New Union (Social Liberals).

Paksas finished second in the first round of the presidential election on 22 December, with 19.7%: qualifying him for a run-off against incumbent President Valdas Adamkus.[1] For the run-off, Paksas represented a youthful alternative to the ageing candidate, adopting the slogan 'Vote for Change';[10] despite all the parties except the LDP backing Adamkus, he won across almost all of the country, with 54.7%.[1] The campaign was likened to the previous spring's French presidential election and Paksas to Jean-Marie Le Pen for his populism.[1] However, unlike Le Pen, the Paksas immediately announced his support for Lithuania's ongoing process of accession to the European Union and NATO.[1]

In June, 2003, Paksas set about fighting political corruption that saw 700 public officials under the old administration acquire land illegally.[10] However, this was soon overshadowed by revelations in October that Paksas gave citizenship to, and heard requests for political favours from, Yury Borisov, a Russian businessman that had donated $400,000 to Paksas's campaign, and that high-ranking members of Paksas's staff had connections to Russian criminal groups.[10] Although Paksas was found not to have been influenced by the criminals, his staff had been; Paksas offered that his six close advisers named in the report resign, but calls for Paksas himself to resign mounted.[10]

Paksas alleged that the parliamentary commission set up to investigate the claims was set up for political reasons, and refused to cooperate.[10] In response, the four other parties (Social Democratic Party of Lithuania, New Union (Social Liberals), Liberal and Centre Union and Homeland Union) initiated impeachment proceedings.[11] In December, the Constitutional Court ruled that granting citizenship to Borisovas was illegal and impeachable.[10] Despite this, Paksas remained popular with the public.[10] On 6 April 2004, the Seimas voted to impeach him and remove him from office on three counts with 86, 86, and 89 MPs voting to impeach, with 85 required.[12] Nonetheless, after his impeachment, he was tried in the criminal courts, and acquitted on all charges.[12] The Constitutional Court found that Paksas shall be precluded for life from being elected as president, as a member of the Seimas and some other high-ranking official positions. Paksas complained against the lifetime duration of the impeachment and filed a complaint with the European Court of Human Rights (Strasbourg). In January 2011 the Court rendered his judgement in favor of Paksas. In spite of the Conventual obligation to fulfill Judgements of the Court and in spite of enforcement proceedings by the Council of Europe the Judgement of the European Court of Human Rights has not been fulfilled. In 2012 Paksas complained to the United Nations Human Rights Committee. In March 2014 the Committee found that the lifelong disqualification from political office violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. As of 2018 the violations of Human Rights as found by the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Committee on Human Rights still persist.

Recovery (2004–2006)

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Another presidential election was scheduled to elect a replacement for Paksas. The LDP nominated Paksas, giving the people a referendum on his impeachment. Whilst his nomination was initially accepted, it was then thrown out by the Constitutional Court, leaving the LDP without a nominee in the election.[12] In the first election to the European Parliament, the LDP won 6.8% of the vote, and one seat.[12] The member of the European Parliament from the Lithuanian Liberal Democratic party was Rolandas Pavilionis, a former rector of Vilnius University. He joined the Union for Europe of the Nations.

Throughout Paksas's scandal and impeachment, the Liberal Democrats presented soft opposition to the governing centre-left coalition, alongside the united Liberal and Centre Union and Homeland Union. In the parliamentary election in October, the LDP formed a coalition called Coalition for Rolandas Paksas 'For Order and Justice' , which was successful in winning 11 seats. However, the centre-left coalition managed to hold on to power, thanks to a failure of the centre-right parties to agree to cooperate.[12]

Renaming and joining the government (2006–2016)

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The congress of the party, held on 13 May 2006, declared, that the party had passed a difficult stage of its establishment successively, encouraging people of Lithuania to constantly oppose corruption and power misapplication in the country and changing the name of the party to 'Order and Justice'. The formal reason for changing the name was the fact that four different political groups used the word 'liberal' in their names. According to unofficial views of some party members, the new name mirrors the party's more conservative position than when it was founded in 2002.

In the 2007 municipal elections, although the party was disappointed with the general results, it won a plurality in Vilnius, and formed a coalition with the Social Democratic Party (LSDP) under mayor Juozas Imbrasas.[13] This was despite Law and Order members of the Seimas then supporting motions of no confidence in several LSDP cabinet members for handling of the privatisation of Alita.[13]

The Order and Justice Party ran in the 2008 election to the Seimas with a tactic of decontaminating Paksas, despite Paksas's inability to hold political office after his impeachment, and released a film that was shown in cinemas nationwide.[7] Aiming to greatly increase its number of seats and form the new government, the party saw its share of the vote increase only slightly, to 12.7%, and its number of seats increase by 4, to 15.[7] This minor increase was attributed to the rise of the National Resurrection Party, which shared the same electorate as the Order and Justice. The dramatic doubling of the centre-right's share of seats allowed them to form a government: including three parties, but not the Order and Justice.[7]

At the 2009 European elections, the Order and Justice won two seats, up from one in 2004, coming third. After the election, they left the disbanding Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN), and joined the more eurosceptic Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD).

In May 2012, ahead of the October 2012 election, Order and Justice signed a pact with the Labour and the Social Democrats to cooperate in any post-election negotiations.[14] The Order and Justice joined government with these parties, which lasted up until 2016.

Following the 2014 European election, the Order and Justice MEPs rejoined the EFD group in the European Parliament, which was renamed Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) for the new parliamentary term. In October 2016 election, the party fared poorly by getting 8 seats in Seimas. After this result, Rolandas Paksas resigned as party's chairman.

Decline and dissolution (2016–2025)

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By the summer of 2018, negotiations started between Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union, Social Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania and the Order and Justice considering possible cooperation between them. On September 11, 2018, those parties signed a confidence and supply agreement. On May 29, 2019, Social Democratic Labour Party of Lithuania and Order and Justice chairmen Gediminas Kirkilas and Remigijus Žemaitaitis announced to public that talks about expanded coalition between these parties and Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union has started.[15] On June 7, 2019, Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance council agreed that party should join these talks,[16] which were concluded on July 5, 2019.[17]

New coalition lasted just for two months as the Order and Justice parliamentary group dissolved itself on September 10, 2019, when majority of the Order and Justice parliamentary group's members founded new parliamentary group called "For the Welfare of Lithuania" (which by itself existed up until mid-January 2020).[18] On September 19, 2019, this parliamentary group signed a confidence and supply agreement with coalition's parties. On October 23, 2019, the Order and Justice had been expelled from coalition.[19]

By the end of 2018, Rolandas Paksas left the party. By this Order and Justice lost its representative in the European Parliament. In 2019 and 2020 the party lost many notorious members (e. g. Petras Gražulis, Kęstas Komskis) by expulsions or resignations. On September 25, 2019, Remigijus Žemaitaitis proposed formation of new party called "Sovereign Lithuania" or "United Lithuania – Sovereign Lithuania".[20]

Prior the 2020 parliamentary election, former party members joined ranks not only in the Freedom and Justice, but also in the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union (e. g. Algimantas Dumbrava) and in the Liberal Movement (e. g. most of Pagėgiai Municipality members along with the mayor, Vaidas Bendaravičius).[21]

Party underwent a prolonged disestablishment, partly due to being a defendant in criminal proceedings. Almantas Petkus, the former secretary-general lead the party through this time. Finally, the party was convicted for BK 226, influence peddling in November 2023 and ordered to pay around €113 thousand in damages while another €279 thousand were confiscated as ilicit gains.[22][23] However then the party was subsequently liquidated on 2 January 2025.

Leaders

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Notable members

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Elections

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Presidential elections

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Parliamentary elections

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Election Votes % Seats +/– Position Government
2004 135,807 (PR) (as part of the R. Paksas coalition “Order and Justice”) 11.36
11 / 141
 Increase 11 Increase 5th Opposition
2008 156,777 (PR) 12.68
15 / 141
 Increase 4 Increase 4th Opposition
2012 100,120 (PR) 7.63
11 / 141
 Decrease 4 Steady 4th Coalition
2016 67,817 (PR) 5.55
8 / 141
 Decrease 3 Decrease 5th Opposition (2016–2019)
Coalition (2019)
Opposition (2019–2020)

European Parliament elections

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  • 2004: 6th, 6.8% of the vote and 1 seat (of 13).
  • 2009: 3rd, 11.9% of the vote and 2 seats (of 12).
  • 2014: 4th, 14.25% of the vote and 2 seats (of 11).
  • 2019: 11th, 2.73% of the vote and did not receive any seats (former party leader Rolandas Paksas ran as an independent and received 4% of the vote).

References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Order and Justice

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Order and Justice (Lithuanian: Partija tvarka ir teisingumas, PTT), originally founded as the Liberal Democratic Party in March 2002 as a breakaway from the Liberal Union of Lithuania, is a right-wing populist in known for its national-conservative stance and advocacy for and measures. The party rapidly gained prominence through its leader , who was elected in 2003, marking an early electoral success that propelled PTT into parliamentary contention. Paksas's presidency ended in 2004 following his by the amid allegations of constitutional violations and ties to a Russian businessman, prompting the party to rebrand as Order and Justice to distance itself from the while maintaining its core populist appeal centered on law and order themes. In subsequent elections, the party secured notable parliamentary representation, including 11 seats in the 2016 elections, often aligning in coalitions with left-leaning or other populist groups despite its right-wing ideology, reflecting Lithuania's fragmented political landscape. The party's influence has waned in recent years, with internal divisions and leadership instability contributing to its marginalization; by , remnants of the party experienced further disintegration, and its group was renamed "Sovereign Lithuania" in 2019 amid efforts to reorient toward sovereignty-focused . Controversies have persistently shadowed PTT, including Russia-related scandals involving Paksas and associations with members linked to antisemitic , such as MP Petras Žemaitaitis, who joined via the party before facing legal scrutiny in for inciting hostility. These issues underscore the party's turbulent path, blending anti-establishment fervor with challenges in sustaining broad voter support in a EU-oriented wary of external influences.

History

Founding and Early Expansion (2002–2004)

The Liberal Democratic Party (Liberalų Demokratų Partija; LDP), later known as Order and Justice, was founded on March 2, 2002, by and a group of defectors from the Lithuanian Liberal Union following Paksas's defeat in a party leadership election. The split arose from internal disagreements over direction, with Paksas advocating a more populist approach emphasizing direct engagement with voters and criticism of established elites, contrasting the Liberal Union's focus on traditional . Paksas was elected the party's chairman, positioning the LDP as a center-right alternative supportive of business interests and economic reforms while appealing to those disillusioned with mainstream parties. The party's early expansion was propelled by Paksas's personal popularity, stemming from his prior roles as mayor (1997–1999, 2000) and briefly as in 1999 and 2000. In the 2003 Lithuanian , Paksas campaigned under the LDP banner on a platform promising reduced , stronger national sovereignty, and responsiveness to ordinary citizens' concerns, defeating incumbent in the January 5, 2003, runoff with 54.7% of the vote. This victory, the first change of president since independence, significantly elevated the LDP's profile, attracting new members and establishing it as a viable challenger to the political establishment amid widespread frustration with and perceived elite detachment. Party membership grew rapidly, reflecting Paksas's charismatic appeal and the LDP's framing as an anti-system force despite its liberal origins. Paksas's presidency faced immediate scrutiny over alleged ties to Russian business interests and constitutional breaches, culminating in his by the on April 6, 2004, on charges including violation of and information leaks—marks that barred him from future office. In response, the LDP reoriented toward a broader protest movement, forming the Coalition of "For Order and Justice" (Rolando Pakso koalicija „Už tvarką ir teisingumą“) ahead of the October 10, 2004, parliamentary elections. This alliance, incorporating the LDP and smaller groups, capitalized on public sympathy for Paksas, securing 11.4% of the proportional vote and 11 seats in the 141-member , marking the party's parliamentary breakthrough and solidifying its expansion as a populist entity focused on law enforcement, , and justice reforms.

Electoral Challenges and Rebuilding (2004–2006)

Following the impeachment of President on April 6, 2004, for constitutional violations including ties to a Russian businessman that compromised , his Liberal Democratic Party rapidly reorganized into the "For Order and Justice" electoral coalition to participate in the October 10, 2004, parliamentary elections. This restructuring aimed to capitalize on Paksas's residual populist appeal amid widespread public discontent with the political establishment, though the scandal posed significant hurdles, including voter skepticism over corruption allegations and Paksas's lifetime ban from Lithuanian elective office. In the elections, the coalition garnered 135,807 votes (12.7 percent) in the list, securing 10 seats from that component plus one from single-member , for a total of 11 seats in the 141-member —positioning it as the fourth-largest despite the impeachment's shadow. The result reflected a partial rebound from the presidential crisis, bolstered by Paksas's strong showing in the concurrent , 2004, elections, where his personal list won two seats with 30,000 votes (roughly 13 percent), allowing him to continue influencing Lithuanian politics from . However, the party's inability to field Paksas in the June presidential runoff—where supporters fragmented, contributing to Valdas Adamkus's victory—highlighted ongoing legal and reputational barriers. As the sole major opposition faction outside the center-right bloc, Order and Justice spent rebuilding its organizational base and ideological profile in , emphasizing anti-corruption probes into the ruling Social Democrat-led and direct democracy initiatives to restore voter trust eroded by the Paksas . Internal efforts focused on formalizing the into a unified party structure, with Paksas retaining informal leadership from the EP while deputies like Valentinas Mazuronis advanced populist critiques of judicial inefficiencies and elite privileges. This period solidified the party's role as a vehicle, though persistent media scrutiny of Paksas's past limited broader alliances and , setting for future expansions.

Rebranding, Coalition Entry, and Peak Influence (2006–2012)

In 2006, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), founded in 2002 under Rolandas Paksas's leadership, was renamed the Order and Justice party (Tvarka ir teisingumas). This change followed the party's electoral setbacks after Paksas's 2004 as president, aiming to reposition it amid ongoing legal restrictions on his candidacy for high office. Paksas retained party leadership, emphasizing populist appeals against corruption and for , which sustained core voter support despite institutional scrutiny from bodies like the . The rebranded party demonstrated resilience in the October 2008 parliamentary elections, securing 11 seats in the 141-member and enabling Paksas's return to the legislature. As part of the opposition, Order and Justice critiqued the center-right government's economic policies during the global financial crisis, advocating for stronger measures and social protections while maintaining a national-conservative stance on issues. The party's performance reflected sustained populist momentum, with 12.7% of the proportional vote, positioning it as a key non-mainstream force. Order and Justice reached its zenith of influence in the October 2012 parliamentary elections, again winning 11 seats with 12.4% of the vote, after which it joined a led by the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) and the Labour Party. The coalition, approved by the on December 13, 2012, under Algirdas Butkevičius, granted Order and Justice the Environment Ministry, with Valentinas Mazuronis appointed minister—a role he held until 2014, overseeing policies on and EU-funded projects. This participation marked the party's first entry into executive power, amplifying its advocacy for direct presidential elections and , though it operated within a fragile alliance prone to populist tensions.

Governmental Roles and Internal Tensions (2012–2016)

Following the 2012 Seimas elections, in which Order and Justice secured 12 seats, the party joined a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party of Lithuania (LSDP) and the Labour Party, enabling the formation of the Butkevičius Cabinet on December 13, 2012. This marked the party's first significant governmental participation, with two ministers appointed: Valentinas Mazuronis as Minister of Environment and Dailis Alfonsas Barakauskas as Minister of the Interior. Mazuronis, serving until June 15, 2014, when he transitioned to the European Parliament, oversaw environmental policies amid debates over resource extraction taxes and EU compliance, prioritizing economic benefits from natural resources. Barakauskas held the interior portfolio until his resignation on September 8, 2015, officially due to health issues, though investigations into corruption involving his associates contributed to scrutiny. His replacement, Saulius Skvernelis, served as an independent. The coalition tenure highlighted Order and Justice's influence on security and environmental domains, but ministerial roles were marred by accountability issues. Barakauskas faced interpellation threats from opposition over alleged irregularities in his ministry, including potential links, underscoring the party's vulnerability to probes by the State Security Department (STT). In late 2014, the STT announced suspicions against party figures, framing broader challenges within the coalition. These episodes eroded public trust, with the party's support tied to its populist rhetoric clashing against governance realities. Internally, leadership under remained centralized, with his re-election as chairman in party congresses, including December 2014, sustaining stability amid coalition demands. However, emerging figures like Remigijus Žemaitaitis, a member since 2012, began voicing policy critiques, foreshadowing factional strains over strategic direction and integration. Fraktion membership fluctuated, with exits like Stasys Brundza in April reflecting interpersonal and ideological frictions, though no major schism occurred until post-. These tensions, compounded by scandals, contributed to the party's electoral decline in , dropping to 8 seats as voters penalized perceived inconsistencies between opposition-style rhetoric and governing compromises.

Decline, Scandals, and Merger (2016–2020)

Following the 2016 parliamentary elections, in which Order and Justice secured 8 seats in the Seimas with 5.49% of the proportional vote, the party experienced a marked decline in influence amid internal divisions and external pressures. The party's parliamentary group faced collapse, prompting the formation of a new cross-party grouping called "For the Well-Being of Lithuania" to maintain some legislative presence. This fragmentation reflected broader disintegration, with the party struggling to retain voter support as populist appeal waned against rising competition from the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union. Scandals further eroded the party's credibility. During the 2016 election campaign, allegations of vote-buying surfaced, with suspects detained in connection to irregularities, though acting leader Remigijus Žemaitaitis, who assumed chairmanship that year, denied any ties to the . Investigations into vote-buying and related electoral malpractices implicated members of Order and Justice alongside other parties during the 2016–2020 term, contributing to perceptions of systemic corruption within the group. In , Žemaitaitis sparked with statements during budget debates, claiming that Jews and Bolsheviks had killed more Lithuanian citizens than Nazis during , remarks widely condemned as antisemitic and historically distorted, though he defended them as factual. These incidents, combined with the party's minor role in the ruling coalition formed in with the Farmers and Greens Union and others, failed to reverse declining poll numbers. By early 2020, facing existential threats from low support and internal strife, Order and Justice merged with the Lithuanian Freedom Union (Liberals) and the Forward, Lithuania movement to form the Freedom and Justice party, led initially by Žemaitaitis. This amalgamation, formalized through an agreement signed by party chairs including Artūras Zuokas of the Freedom Union, aimed to consolidate liberal-populist forces ahead of the October 2020 elections, where the new entity garnered only 3.09% of the vote and no seats. The merger effectively ended Order and Justice as an independent entity, marking the culmination of its decline from a once-influential populist force.

Ideology and Political Positions

Core Populist and Anti-Corruption Principles

The Order and Justice party embodied populist principles by framing as a direct expression of the people's will against an unaccountable elite, positioning itself as an alternative in Lithuanian politics. Founded in the aftermath of Rolandas Paksas's 2004 , the party leveraged narratives of systemic injustice to appeal to disenfranchised voters, emphasizing people-centrism over elite-driven governance. This approach manifested in advocacy for mechanisms like referendums to bypass traditional representative structures and empower ordinary citizens. Anti-corruption formed a of the party's , with explicit pledges to eradicate and restore ethical standards in public life. Its programs underscored the fight against in the legal system and political spheres, promoting principles of , , and high moral conduct across institutions. The 2008 electoral , titled "For Order and ," highlighted these commitments as essential to national renewal, though implementation faced challenges amid the party's own involvement. These principles intertwined with a demand for , critiquing while invoking national pride and direct to mobilize support. Analyses of the party's reveal a moderate people-centrist orientation, less aggressively anti- than some counterparts but consistently focused on restoring public trust through reforms.

Social and Cultural Conservatism

Order and Justice espoused socially conservative positions, prioritizing traditional moral values and the preservation of conventional structures as foundational to societal stability. The party advocated for policies reinforcing the model, viewing it as essential for national cohesion and demographic sustainability amid Lithuania's low birth rates, which stood at 1.61 children per woman in 2019. In campaign rhetoric, particularly during the parliamentary elections, the party promoted slogans emphasizing "strong families" to counter perceived erosions of cultural norms by progressive reforms. This stance aligned with the party's broader platform, which critiqued liberal social experiments and EU-driven initiatives conflicting with Lithuanian traditions, such as expansive interpretations of that could undermine majority cultural practices. Party leader , who transitioned from liberal democratic roots to conservative leadership in the mid-1990s, articulated these views in internal addresses, positioning Order and Justice as a defender of consistent traditional ethics against elite-driven . While not explicitly detailing stances on issues like or same-sex unions in official programs—reflecting a populist focus on over doctrinal rigidity—the party's electoral appeals resonated with voters favoring cultural preservation, evidenced by its support base in rural and conservative-leaning regions. Critics, including mainstream analysts, attributed the party's to its identity, which blended with resistance to globalist cultural shifts, though internal factions occasionally diluted unified messaging on these fronts. This orientation contributed to coalition tensions, as seen in the 2012–2016 government where Order and Justice ministers navigated alliances with more centrist partners, prioritizing pragmatic over ideological purity.

Economic Policies and Direct Democracy Advocacy

The Order and Justice party promoted economic policies blending populist welfare expansions, state intervention for national priorities, and selective to support small businesses and reduce administrative burdens. In its 2016 Seimas election program, the party proposed a progressive personal income structure with rates of 5% on annual earnings up to €15,000, 20% on earnings from €15,001 to €30,000, and 35% on amounts exceeding €30,000, while pledging no new taxes on automobiles or . It advocated simplifying obligations for small enterprises by deferring payments until after generation, with a threshold of €60,000 in annual turnover, and called for proportional reductions in the bureaucratic apparatus relative to population size. To enhance social security, the program outlined a transition to a funded system, allocation of 3% of the 6% contributions to personal medical savings accounts, monthly child benefits of €100 per child, a one-time €5,000 birth grant, and a minimum equivalent to 60% of the national average wage. The party set a target minimum of €777, representing approximately 78% of the prevailing average wage of €999, and opposed restrictions on cash transactions. Interventionist measures included establishing a state-owned named "Vytis," securing 50% in heat energy production, and imposing price ceilings of 20% on basic foodstuffs and pharmaceuticals alongside 15% on products to curb and protect consumers. These positions reflected a national-conservative emphasis on shielding domestic markets and welfare from external pressures, though critics from free-market perspectives highlighted potential fiscal strains and inflationary risks from such controls. In parallel, Order and Justice championed direct democracy as a core mechanism to empower citizens against elite dominance, frequently initiating or supporting referendums on sovereignty-related issues. The party proposed a 2013 referendum to amend constitutional requirements, aiming to facilitate easier citizen-led referendums by reducing signature thresholds and procedural hurdles for future initiatives. It actively campaigned for a binding referendum on eurozone accession, collecting over 50,000 signatures in late 2013 to force parliamentary debate, underscoring opposition to monetary union without popular consent. Similarly, the 2012 election manifesto prioritized a referendum to restrict agricultural land sales to non-Lithuanian citizens, a goal pursued through the 2014 nationwide vote that aligned with party demands despite low turnout invalidating it. Party members defended referendum integrity against judicial interventions, as in 2014 critiques of Constitutional Court rulings limiting voter turnout thresholds. This advocacy extended to European Parliament affiliations, with its MEPs joining the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group, which prioritized national referendums to check supranational authority. Such efforts positioned direct democracy as a bulwark for national sovereignty, though implementation often faced legal and turnout barriers under Lithuania's constitutional framework.

Foreign Policy and National Sovereignty Stance

Order and Justice maintained a foreign policy stance that emphasized the protection of 's national sovereignty while endorsing the country's membership in and the as foundational to security and economic stability. The party viewed alliance as crucial for deterring external threats, particularly from , aligning with 's geopolitical necessities in the . However, it adopted a moderately eurosceptic position, critiquing mechanisms perceived to erode member states' autonomy, such as centralized decision-making on economic policies. Leader , serving as a from 2009 to 2019, affiliated with the eurosceptic Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) group, which prioritized national over further integration and opposed federalist tendencies. The party advocated for referendums on pivotal foreign policy decisions, exemplified by its call for a public vote on accession to ensure alignment with national interests rather than supranational mandates. This approach reflected a broader commitment to in international affairs, positioning the as a partnership of sovereign nations rather than a supranational authority. Criticism of Lithuania's under governments, voiced by Paksas, highlighted perceived inconsistencies in balancing relations with Western allies and regional powers, urging a more assertive defense of national priorities. Despite these reservations, the party did not advocate withdrawal from or frameworks, instead seeking reforms to curb bureaucratic overreach and preserve decision-making independence. This nuanced stance contributed to its appeal among voters wary of globalization's impacts on , though it faced accusations of ambiguity in addressing Russian influence due to Paksas's past associations.

Leadership and Organization

Party Chairs and Leadership Transitions

The Liberal Democratic Party, later renamed Order and Justice, was established on March 16, 2002, by , who became its inaugural chairman following his departure from the . Paksas's leadership emphasized populist appeals against political elites, drawing on his prior experience as of and . His tenure as party chair lasted until his election as president on January 5, 2003, during which the party rebranded to For Order and Justice amid coalition efforts. With Paksas's ascension to the , Valentinas Mazuronis, a co-founder and former deputy chairman, served as acting from 2003 to April 2004. Mazuronis, an architect and aligned with Paksas's stance, managed internal stability during the proceedings against Paksas, which culminated in his removal from office on April 6, 2004, on charges of violating the and . This transition period saw the party consolidate support among voters disillusioned with mainstream parties, though Mazuronis did not seek permanent leadership. Paksas resumed the chairmanship immediately after his , leading the party through its rebranding to Order and Justice in 2006 and into coalition governments. He was re-elected as chairman multiple times, including for a two-year term on December 13, 2014, at a party congress where he faced competition from Mazuronis but secured the position via with strong delegate support. Under Paksas, the party achieved peak electoral success, entering the in 2004 with 11 seats and participating in ruling coalitions in 2006–2008 and 2012–2016. However, internal tensions and scandals eroded cohesion; Paksas resigned as chairman on October 23, 2016, shortly after the party's disappointing results in the Seimas elections, where it won only 8 seats amid voter backlash over failures and allegations. Remigijus Žemaitaitis, a member and interim leader post-resignation, was elected unopposed as chairman on December 10, 2016, at a party congress with 607 delegates voting in favor. Žemaitaitis, known for his advocacy on rural issues and , aimed to refocus the party on and conservative values amid declining popularity. His leadership oversaw further electoral setbacks, including failure to secure seats in 2020, prompting a merger agreement signed on June 6, 2020, with the Lithuanian Freedom Union (Liberals) and other groups to form the Centre-Right Union. This effectively ended Order and Justice as an independent entity, with Žemaitaitis transitioning to roles in the successor organization.

Notable Members and Internal Factions

, the party's founder and former (2003–2004), led Order and Justice from its rebranding in 2004 until 2016, shaping its populist and anti-corruption platform amid his own impeachment-related controversies. , barred from presidential runs due to his 2004 removal, remained influential, with the party nominating him symbolically for elections in 2014 despite constitutional hurdles. Remigijus Žemaitaitis joined in 2009, serving as a member and rising to chairman from 2016 to 2020, during which he chaired the Economics Committee and advocated for party reforms amid electoral declines. Valentinas Mazuronis, a long-time member from 2001 to 2015, held vice-chair positions and served as Minister of Environment in the 2012–2016 coalition, focusing on policy implementation before defecting to the Labour Party. Petras Gražulis, elected in 2008 and vice-chairman thereafter, emerged as a vocal conservative voice on social issues, though his membership faced suspension in over personal scandals and was marked by expulsions amid broader party instability by 2019–2020. The party lacked formalized internal factions, maintaining cohesion around charismatic leadership and populist appeals, but experienced tensions through high-profile departures and leadership churn, as seen in Paksas's 2016 exit following poor results and Mazuronis's 2015 shift, which weakened bargaining power. These dynamics, exacerbated by scandals, contributed to member expulsions like Gražulis's and a 2020 merger push under Žemaitaitis, reflecting ad hoc divisions over strategy rather than ideological splits.

Electoral Performance

Seimas Parliamentary Elections

In the 2008 Seimas elections held on October 12, Order and Justice secured 156,777 votes in the multi-member constituency, representing approximately 12.7 percent of valid votes cast therein, and was allocated 11 mandates under . This outcome marked the party's breakthrough into parliament as a significant opposition force, capitalizing on sentiment following the impeachment-linked controversies surrounding its informal ties to former President . The result reflected empirical voter dissatisfaction with mainstream parties amid economic pressures post-EU accession, though the party's support derived partly from single-member constituency wins, contributing to its initial bloc of around 11-15 seats depending on post-election adjustments. By the 2012 Seimas elections on October 14, Order and Justice maintained parliamentary presence but experienced a contraction in support, holding 9 seats during the ensuing 2012–2016 term. Vote shares in the multi-member constituency hovered below 7 percent, insufficient for dominant proportional gains, as voters fragmented toward emerging alternatives like the Path of Courage party; this decline correlated with internal leadership strains and scandals implicating members in corruption probes, eroding the anti-corruption platform that had propelled earlier gains. Single-member victories provided residual representation, yet the party's marginalization in coalition formations underscored causal links between governance scandals and electoral erosion. The 2016 Seimas elections on October 9 and 23 represented a further setback, with Order and Justice retaining limited seats amid a vote share of roughly 5.3 percent in the multi-member constituency, yielding 3 proportional mandates per official tabulations. Total representation fell to 8 seats, as single-member successes (approximately 5) offset proportional losses but failed to counter the surge of the , which captured rural discontent previously amenable to populist appeals. This performance, verified through Central Electoral Commission data, highlighted systemic challenges: persistent corruption allegations against leaders like Remigijus Žemaitaitis undermined credibility, while competition from less scandal-plagued options shifted voter preferences, per observable patterns in turnout and regional breakdowns. The diminished foothold precipitated post-election instability, paving the way for the party's merger amid existential decline.
Election YearMulti-Member VotesVote Share (%)Proportional Seats
2008156,777~12.711
2012Not specified in primary tallies; below prior peak<7~4-6 (inferred from total term seats)
2016~79,0005.33
The party did not field independent candidates in the 2020 elections, having dissolved into alliances by then, reflecting a terminal phase driven by accumulated scandals and failure to adapt to evolving demands.

Presidential Elections

The Order and Justice party did not nominate its own candidates in Lithuanian presidential elections after its founding in 2002, primarily because leader faced a lifelong constitutional ban from seeking the presidency following his 2004 for violating his through ties to a Russian businessman and other improprieties. The ban, initially enacted by parliamentary amendment to prevent Paksas from contesting the 2004 , was upheld by Lithuania's in multiple rulings, including ahead of the 2014 contest, despite a 2011 decision criticizing the lifelong political disqualification as disproportionate. In the 2009 presidential election, the party endorsed independent candidate Kazimira Prunskienė, a former , aligning with her platform emphasizing and criticism of the political elite. Prunskienė collected sufficient signatures for registration but finished fourth with limited national support amid a field dominated by incumbent-linked figures. The party's backing reflected its populist stance but yielded no advancement to a runoff, as Dalia secured an outright victory with over 50% of the vote. Subsequent elections saw no TT-endorsed contenders advance significantly. In 2014, Paksas attempted to challenge the ban via court petitions and campaign registration but was denied candidacy by the Central Electoral Commission and , leaving the party without a . For the 2019 race, party statements indicated no intention to field a , with decisions on potential endorsements deferred without material impact. This pattern underscored the party's electoral constraints, channeling efforts toward parliamentary and European contests where Paksas could participate as an MEP.

European Parliament and Municipal Elections

In the 2009 European Parliament elections held on 7 June, Order and Justice received 12.24% of the valid votes cast nationwide, translating to two seats out of Lithuania's 12 allocated mandates; topped the party list and was elected, with the second seat going to Valentinas Mazuronis following preferential vote distribution. The party's performance reflected its appeal among voters disillusioned with establishment parties, though it operated as a non-attached group initially before aligning with Eurosceptic factions. The 2014 elections on 25 May saw Order and Justice improve to approximately 16% of the vote, again securing two seats; Paksas retained his position via strong preferential support, joined by Mazuronis, who focused on and issues during the campaign. This result positioned the party as a key Eurosceptic voice, with its MEPs contributing to debates on EU overreach and national referendums. By the 2019 elections on 26 May, however, the party's share fell below the effective threshold, yielding no seats amid broader voter shifts toward mainstream and farmer-green alliances; internal divisions and allegations contributed to the decline. In municipal elections, Order and Justice established a foothold in local , particularly in smaller towns and rural areas emphasizing anti-corruption and . The 2015 elections on 1 resulted in 9.4% of the national vote, yielding about 80 seats across municipal councils and no direct mayoral wins but enabling influence in several districts. Performance varied regionally, with stronger showings in eastern where populist sentiments prevailed. In the 2019 municipal elections on 3 , the party garnered around 5% nationally, securing fewer than 50 council seats and limited mayoral successes, reflecting eroded support amid national scandals; it maintained pockets of representation in councils like those in and Utena districts through targeted local campaigns. These outcomes underscored the party's reliance on charismatic local figures rather than broad organizational strength.

Policies and Achievements

Anti-Corruption Initiatives and Reforms

The Order and Justice party (Tvarka ir teisingumas) identified corruption as a pervasive issue in Lithuanian society, particularly in sectors such as healthcare and law enforcement, where it viewed entrenched elites as exploiting public resources. In a 2013 Transparency International Lithuania survey of political parties ahead of municipal elections, the party rated corruption as a "very important" problem and acknowledged its widespread nature, aligning with broader calls for heightened accountability among state officials. However, its proposals largely echoed existing national frameworks without introducing novel mechanisms, such as enhanced transparency in public procurement or stricter oversight of procurement processes. During parliamentary terms, party members participated in anti-corruption committees, with figures like Vytautas Kamblevičius serving on such bodies from to , focusing on oversight rather than legislative . The party's platform, as articulated in election programs, emphasized restoring "order and justice" through populist critiques of systemic graft, but lacked detailed, party-specific reform agendas beyond supporting Lithuania's ongoing national programs coordinated by the Special Investigation Service (STT). In coalition governments, such as the 2012–2016 alliance with the Labour Party, the party contributed to implementation of EU-aligned integrity measures, though attribution of distinct reforms to Order and Justice remains elusive amid general governmental efforts. Critics, including anti-corruption watchdogs, noted that the party's rhetoric often served to deflect from its own members' involvement in influence-trading cases, as evidenced by STT investigations into party-linked schemes in 2014 and subsequent convictions for trading in influence by 2021. Despite these challenges, the party maintained that such probes exemplified elite backlash against its efforts to expose higher-level corruption, framing them as obstacles to genuine reform. Overall, Order and Justice's approach prioritized narrative opposition to perceived corrupt establishments over enacting verifiable, standalone legislation.

Advocacy for Direct Democracy and Referendums

The Order and Justice party (Tvarka ir teisingumas, TT) advocated for expanded mechanisms, positioning referendums as a to elite-driven in Lithuania's representative system. In its 2012 parliamentary election manifesto, the party explicitly called for broader application of tools, including mandatory referendums on pivotal issues such as constitutional amendments, foreign land ownership restrictions, and integration policies, arguing that these would enhance citizen and reduce perceived in parliamentary processes. A prominent example of this stance occurred in 2013, when TT leaders, including then-party chairman Valentinas Mazuronis, proposed a national on adopting the as Lithuania's , contending that the decision warranted public validation amid economic uncertainties following the global financial crisis. This initiative faced opposition from coalition partners in the Social Democratic-led government, who argued that prior parliamentary votes and accession commitments had already implicitly endorsed euro entry, highlighting tensions between TT's populist direct-democracy push and established institutional norms. Founder continued to champion referendums post-impeachment, notably in 2018 when he urged a plebiscite on reinstating the litas , criticizing policies for exacerbating Lithuania's and inequality without sufficient public consent. TT framed such referendums not merely as procedural tools but as essential for restoring trust in , often linking them to narratives by alleging that indirect elite influence suppressed popular will on sovereignty matters like and land sales to non-citizens. Despite these advocacies, TT's proposals rarely advanced to votes, reflecting limited parliamentary leverage and resistance from mainstream parties wary of direct democracy's potential to disrupt EU-aligned reforms.

Controversies and Criticisms

The impeachment of President on April 6, 2004, by a vote of 88-4 in the , stemmed from findings by the that he had grossly violated the Constitution, including illegally granting Lithuanian citizenship to Russian businessman Yuri Borisov—a major campaign donor with alleged ties to —and abusing presidential powers to shield Borisov from deportation and influence state security decisions. These actions were substantiated by investigations revealing Borisov's involvement in unauthorized recordings of state officials and threats against critics, prompting the process initiated on , 2003. Following the , Paksas, who had founded the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in as a populist alternative to established parties, reoriented his political base into the Order and Justice coalition, which formalized as a party to contest the October 2004 Seimas elections. This transition positioned Order and Justice as a direct continuation of Paksas' movement, leveraging widespread public sympathy for him—polls showed over 50% of viewed the as unjust at the time—to challenge the parliamentary majority and elite institutions that orchestrated his removal. The party's platform emphasized reforms targeting entrenched elites, portraying the as a coordinated effort by political and media establishments to neutralize Paksas' outsider appeal and his pushes for greater public accountability, such as referendums on key issues. Order and Justice framed the impeachment as emblematic of elite backlash against populist threats to the , with Paksas publicly alleging that the charges were exaggerated to prevent his interference in oligarchic networks and /EU integration processes favored by the ruling conservatives. This narrative gained traction amid procedural controversies, including the subsequent lifetime ban on Paksas holding office, which the ruled in 2011 violated his rights due to its disproportionate and irreversible nature, leading to amend its Constitution in 2022 to allow time-limited bans instead. Party rhetoric consistently highlighted these international critiques to argue in Lithuanian institutions, though from the rulings affirmed the core violations, such as the citizenship grant bypassing legal requirements under Article 20 of the Citizenship Law. The linkage persisted through Order and Justice's internal dynamics, with Paksas serving as an informal leader and the party nominating him for the 2014 presidential election despite the ban, underscoring its role as a platform for resisting elite-imposed barriers. This stance fueled accusations of the party embodying "backlash politics," yet it also reflected causal factors like Paksas' pre- popularity—winning 54.7% of the vote in the 2002-2003 presidential runoff—and the Seimas's narrow impeachment threshold, which some analysts attributed to partisan consolidation rather than isolated . While mainstream accounts from outlets like LRT emphasize the impeachment's legitimacy in safeguarding democratic norms, the party's enduring appeal in subsequent elections demonstrated how crystallized divisions between elite accountability mechanisms and public demands for unfiltered leadership.

Corruption Scandals and Political Persecution Claims

In 2021, the District Court convicted the Order and Justice party, then in , along with five individuals including former party treasurer Remigijus Skaisgirys, of offenses such as trading in influence, of party assets, and document forgery related to illicit funding received between 2006 and 2010. The court determined the party had obtained over 350,000 s through bribes or other illegal means from businessmen seeking political favors, imposing a 112,000 fine on the party and confiscating more than 279,000 s in assets. This ruling was upheld by the Lithuanian Court of Appeal in 2022 and confirmed by the in November 2023, rejecting appeals that the transactions were legitimate donations or loans. Additional scandals involved individual members, such as Petras Komskis, a deputy speaker in the , who suspended himself from the party in October 2016 amid allegations of vote-buying during municipal elections; the party subsequently withdrew support, leading to his loss of and seat. In October 2014, the Special Investigation Service conducted raids on the party's headquarters, investigating senior members for suspected corruption in public procurement influence peddling dating back to 2006. , the party's founder and long-time leader, faced separate charges in 2017 for alleged abuse of position in 2015, including promising influence over investigations in exchange for funds while serving as party chairman. Party leaders, particularly Paksas, have repeatedly framed these investigations and convictions as politically motivated by Lithuania's political and state institutions, echoing claims from his impeachment over ties to a Russian businessman granting citizenship and loans. Paksas described the impeachment as an "unprecedented phenomenon" driven by opponents using secret services for political ends, and he briefly fled the country in citing before returning to face trial. Former members like Petras Gražulis and Remigijus Žemaitaitis echoed this narrative in their own legal cases, dismissing corruption probes as retaliation for opposing , though courts rejected such defenses based on evidence of financial irregularities. These assertions align with the party's broader platform, positioning probes as backlash against its populist challenges, despite judicial findings upholding the charges through multiple appeals.

Accusations of Pro-Russian Leanings and Counterarguments

Order and Justice has faced accusations of pro-Russian leanings primarily due to the background of its founder and longtime leader, , who served as Lithuania's president from 2003 to 2004 before his . Paksas was removed from office on , 2004, by a parliamentary vote of 88-4 following rulings that he violated his oath by restoring citizenship to Yuri Borisov, a Russian-born aviation businessman with alleged ties to Russian and intelligence services, raising concerns. Critics, including , argued that Paksas's associations allowed Russian-linked figures to influence the presidential office, framing the party—formed as the Liberal Democratic Party in 2002 and renamed Order and Justice in 2006—as susceptible to influence. These claims intensified with reports of financial connections; investigative journalism revealed that Paksas received millions in funding traceable to Russian sources during his pre-presidential business and political rise, including aviation deals involving Russian entities. In 2018, after stepping down as in 2016, Paksas met Russian officials including in the , discussing issues like the , which Lithuanian Prime Minister criticized as undermining foreign policy unity. Analysts have portrayed the party as part of a populist bloc potentially favorable to pro-Russian interests, especially in 2008 and 2012 elections where it allied with figures like Viktor Uspaskich of the Labour Party, amid voter shifts toward such groups amid economic discontent. Counterarguments from Paksas and party affiliates emphasize pragmatic economic diplomacy over ideological alignment with , noting Lithuania's reliance on Russian investments—comprising over 12% of direct foreign investments in Lithuanian firms as of 2008—and advocating balanced bilateral ties without endorsing aggression. Paksas has rejected pro-Russian labels in interviews, classifying his relations as standard interstate engagement and attributing impeachment-era accusations to domestic political vendettas tied to his exposure of elite rather than substantiated security threats. Party platforms, such as those from 2008 onward, supported strengthening ties with and for trade benefits while operating within and frameworks, with no recorded votes or policies opposing Lithuania's Western alliances; participation in coalition governments (e.g., 2012-2016) under pro-EU premises further underscores this stance. Critics of the accusations highlight potential elite backlash, given the party's origins in Paksas's , which some view as exaggerated over a single decision lacking direct evidence of treasonous acts.

Legacy and Dissolution

Merger into Successor Parties

In early 2020, amid ongoing internal divisions and electoral decline, Order and Justice experienced further disintegration, culminating in its formal dissolution later that year. Party chairman Remigijus Žemaitaitis, who had headed the organization since , facilitated the integration of its core elements into a new political entity through an agreement with Artūras Zuokas, leader of the Lithuanian Freedom Union (Liberals). This merger established the Freedom and Justice party (Laisvė ir teisingumas), which adopted a centre-right orientation and contested the October 2020 parliamentary elections, securing representation in the . Parallel to this primary merger, fragments of Order and Justice splintered off, with several prominent members founding Welfare Lithuania (Lietuvos gerovė) as an alternative successor vehicle. The dissolution reflected the party's inability to maintain viability amid repeated failures to surpass the 5% independently, as evidenced by its 3.04% vote share in the 2016 elections and subsequent coalition dependencies. These successor formations preserved aspects of Order and Justice's populist and anti-establishment rhetoric, though diluted by alliances with liberal and regionalist factions. Freedom and Justice later rebranded as the Centre-Right Union in 2022, continuing limited parliamentary presence.

Long-Term Impact on Lithuanian Politics

The Order and Justice party (Tvarka ir teisingumas) exerted a persistent influence on Lithuanian politics by mainstreaming , particularly through advocacy for mechanisms like referendums, which compelled mainstream parties to incorporate similar pledges to capture disaffected voters. During its peak in the mid-2000s, the party's rapid rise—securing 11 seats in the 2004 elections and participating in short-lived coalitions—highlighted systemic grievances over elite corruption and judicial overreach, echoing the 2004 impeachment of founder , which the party framed as political persecution by entrenched interests. This rhetoric pressured conservative and social democratic blocs to address transparency reforms, as evidenced by subsequent legislative pushes for standards in municipalities post-2012 elections, where populist vote shares fragmented traditional majorities. Despite its eventual decline and dissolution on January 2, 2025, the party's fragmentation redistributed its voter base—estimated at 5-7% in late polls—to emerging right-wing and independent challengers, contributing to Lithuania's volatile characterized by high turnover and short tenures averaging under four years. Analyses of populist indicate that Order and Justice normalized critiques of institutional , including accusations of foreign influence in domestic affairs, fostering a legacy of toward EU-aligned elites that persists in 2024 campaigns by successor far-right groups. However, its internal scandals and leadership dependency—tied heavily to Paksas until 2018—underscored the instability of personalist movements, leading to electoral erosion from 12.6% in 2008 municipal votes to under 3% by , which indirectly stabilized centrist coalitions by diluting radical alternatives. In the broader causal chain, the party's emphasis on national conservative policies amid geopolitical tensions amplified debates on versus integration, influencing voter polarization without yielding sustained ; post-dissolution, former members' shifts to parties like the Centre-Right Union perpetuated soft Euroskeptic strains, as seen in 2020 Seimas runoffs where ex-Order and Justice candidates secured marginal gains in rural constituencies. This diffusion effect, rather than dominance, marks its long-term imprint: elevating empirical demands for verifiable metrics while exposing the fragility of populist vehicles in a favoring pragmatic alliances over ideological purity.

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