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The term 'marketing' comes from the Latin, 'mercatus', meaning a marketplace. Pictured: La Boqueria, Barcelona, SpainScholars have found evidence of marketing practices in the marketplaces of antiquity. Pictured: The Moorish Bazaar, painting by Edwin Lord Weeks, 1873
The study of the history of marketing, as a discipline, is important because it helps to define the baselines upon which change can be recognised and understand how the discipline evolves in response to those changes.[1] The practice of marketing has been known for millennia, but the term "marketing" used to describe commercial activities assisting the buying and selling of products or services came into popular use in the late nineteenth century.[2] The study of the history of marketing as an academic field emerged in the early twentieth century.[3]
Marketers tend to distinguish between the history of marketing practice and the history of marketing thought:
the history of marketing practice refers to an investigation into the ways that marketing has been practiced; and how those practices have evolved over time as they respond to changing socio-economic conditions
the history of marketing thought refers to an examination of the ways that marketing has been studied and taught
Although the history of marketing thought and the history of marketing practice are distinct fields of study, they intersect at different junctures.[4]
Robert J. Keith's article "The Marketing Revolution", published in 1960, was a pioneering study of the history of marketing practice.[5] In 1976, the publication of Robert Bartel's book, The History of Marketing Thought, marked a turning-point in the understanding of how marketing theory evolved since it first emerged as a separate discipline around the turn of last century.[6]
According to etymologists, the term 'marketing' first appeared in dictionaries in the sixteenth century where it referred to the process of buying and selling at a market.[7] The contemporary definition of 'marketing' as a process of moving goods from producer to consumer with an emphasis on sales and advertising first appeared in dictionaries in 1897.[8] The term, marketing, is a derivation of the Latin word, mercatus meaning marketplace or merchant.[9]
In pre-literate societies, the distinctive shape of amphora served some of the functions of a label, communicating information about region of origin, the name of the producer and may have carried product quality claims
Historians of marketing tend to fall into two branches of marketing history – the history of marketing practice and the history of marketing thought. These branches are often deeply divided and have very different roots. The history of marketing practice is grounded in the management and marketing disciplines, while the history of marketing thought is grounded in economic and cultural history. This means that the two branches ask very different types of research questions, and they employ different research tools and frameworks.[10]
Historians of marketing have undertaken considerable investigation into the emergence of marketing practice, yet there is little agreement about when marketing first began.[11] Some researchers argue that marketing practices can be found in antiquity[12] while others suggest that marketing, in its modern form, emerged in conjunction with the rise of consumer culture in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe [13] while yet other researchers suggest that modern marketing was only fully realised in the decades following the Industrial Revolution in Britain from where it subsequently spread to Europe and North America.[14] Hollander and others have suggested that the different dates for the emergence of marketing can be explained by problems surrounding the way that marketing has been defined – whether reference to 'modern marketing' as a planned, programmed repertoire of professional practice including activities such as segmentation, product differentiation, positioning and marketing communications versus 'marketing' as a simple form of distribution and exchange.[15]
Mosaic showing garum container, from the house of Umbricius Scaurus of Pompeii. The inscription which reads "G(ari) F(los) SCO(mbri) SCAURI EX OFFI(CI)NA SCAURI" has been translated as "The flower of garum, made of the mackerel, a product of Scaurus, from the shop of Scaurus"
Studies have found evidence of advertising, branding, packaging and labelling in antiquity.[16][17] Umbricius Scauras, for example, was a manufacturer of fish sauce (also known as garum) in Pompeii, circa 35 B.C. Mosaic patterns in the atrium of his house were decorated with images of amphora bearing his personal brand and quality claims. The mosaic comprises four different amphora, one at each corner of the atrium, and bearing labels as follows:[18]
1. G(ari) F(los) SCO[m]/ SCAURI/ EX OFFI[ci]/NA SCAU/RI Translated as "The flower of garum, made of the mackerel, a product of Scaurus, from the shop of Scaurus"
2. LIQU[minis]/ FLOS Translated as: "The flower of Liquamen"
3. G[ari] F[los] SCOM[bri]/ SCAURI Translated as: "The flower of garum, made of the mackerel, a product of Scaurus"
4. LIQUAMEN/ OPTIMUM/ EX OFFICI[n]/A SCAURI Translated as: "The best liquamen, from the shop of Scaurus"
Scauras' fish sauce had a high reputation, not only in the Pompeii region; a garum container bearing his name has been found at Fos-sur-mer in southern France.[18] Curtis has described this mosaic as "an advertisement... and a rare, unequivocal example of a motif inspired by a patron, rather than by the artist."[19] In Pompeii and nearby Herculaneum, archaeological evidence also points to evidence of branding and labelling in relatively common use. Wine jars, for example, were stamped with names, such as "Lassius" and "L. Eumachius;" probably references to the name of the producer. Carbonised loaves of bread, found at Herculaneum, indicate that some bakers stamped their bread with the producer's name.[20]
David Wengrow has argued that branding became necessary following the urban revolution in ancient Mesopotamia in the 4th century BCE, when large-scale economies started mass-producing commodities such as alcoholic drinks, cosmetics and textiles. These ancient societies imposed strict forms of quality control over commodities, and also needed to convey value to the consumer through branding. Producers began by attaching simple stone seals to products which over time were transformed into clay seals bearing impressed images, often associated with the producer's personal identity thus giving the product a personality.[21]
Diana Twede has argued that the "consumer packaging functions of protection, utility and communication have been necessary whenever packages were the object of transactions" (p. 107). She has shown that amphoras used in Mediterranean trade between 1500 and 500 BCE exhibited a wide variety of shapes and markings, which provided information for transactions. Systematic use of stamped labels dates from around the fourth century BCE. In a largely pre-literate society, the shape of the amphora and its pictorial markings conveyed information about the contents, region of origin and even the identity of the producer which were understood to convey information about product quality.[22] Not all historians agree that these markings can be compared with modern brands or labels. Moore and Reid, for example, have argued that the distinctive shapes and markings in ancient containers should be termed proto-brands rather than modern brands.[23]
In England and continental Europe, market towns sprang up during the Middle Ages. Some analysts have suggested that the term 'marketing' may have first been used in the context of market towns, where it may have been used by producers to describe the process of carting and selling their produce and wares in market towns. Blintiff has investigated some early medieval networks of market towns, and suggests that by the 12th century there was an upsurge in the number of market towns, and an emergence of "merchant circuits" as traders bulked up surpluses from smaller regional, different day markets and resold them at the larger centralised market towns.[24]
Braudel and Reynold have made a systematic study of these European market towns between the thirteenth and fifteenth century. Their investigation shows that in regional districts markets were held once or twice a week, while daily markets were more common in the larger cities and towns. Over time, permanent shops began to open daily and gradually supplanted the periodic markets. Peddlers filled in the distribution gaps by travelling door-to-door to sell produce and wares. The physical market was characterised by transactional exchange, bartering systems were commonplace and the economy was characterised by local trading. Braudel reports that, in 1600, goods travelled relatively short distances – grain 5–10 miles; cattle 40–70 miles; wool and wollen cloth 20–40 miles. However, following the European age of discovery, goods were imported from afar – calico cloth from India, porcelain, silk and tea from China, spices from India and South-East Asia and tobacco, sugar, rum and coffee from the New World.[25]
Bronze plate for printing an advertisement for the Liu family needle shop at Jinan, Song dynasty China. It is considered the world's earliest identified printed advertising medium.
Although the rise of consumer culture and marketing in Britain and Europe have been studied extensively, less is known about developments elsewhere.[26] Nevertheless, recent research suggests that China exhibited a rich history of early marketing practices; including branding, packaging, advertising and retail signage.[27] From as early as 200 BCE, Chinese packaging and branding was used to signal family, place names and product quality, and the use of government imposed product branding was used between 600 and 900 AD.[28] Eckhart and Bengtsson have argued that during the Song dynasty (960–1127), Chinese society developed a consumerist culture, where a high level of consumption was attainable for a wide variety of ordinary consumers rather than just the elite (p. 212). The rise of a consumer culture led to the commercial investment in carefully managed company image, retail signage, symbolic brands, trademark protection and the brand concepts of baoji, hao, lei, gongpin, piazi and pinpai, which roughly equate with Western concepts of family status, quality grading, and upholding traditional Chinese values (p. 219). Eckhardt and Bengtsson's analysis suggests that brands emerged in China as a result of the social needs and tensions implicit in consumer culture, in which brands provide social status and stratification. Thus, the evolution of brands in China stands in sharp contrast to the West where manufacturers pushed brands onto the market in order to differentiate, increase market share and ultimately profits (pp 218–219).
Marketing in seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe
Josiah Wedgewood (1730–1795) invented many of the techniques of modern marketing
Scholars have identified specific instances of marketing practices in England and Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. As trade between countries or regions grew, companies required information on which to base business decisions. Individuals and companies carried out formal and informal research on trade conditions. As early as 1380, Johann Fugger travelled from Augsburg to Graben in order to gather information on the international textile industry. He exchanged detailed letters on trade conditions in relevant areas.[29] In the early 1700s British industrial houses were demanding information, that could be used for business decisions. In the early 18th-century, Daniel Defoe, a London merchant, published information on trade and economic resources of England and Scotland.[30][31] Defoe was a prolific publisher and among his many publications are titles devoted to trade including; Trade of Britain Stated, 1707; Trade of Scotland with France, 1713 and The Trade to India Critically and Calmly Considered, 1720; all books that were highly popular with merchants and business houses of the period.[32] While such activities might now be recognised as marketing research, at that time they were known as "commercial research" or "commercial intelligence" and not seen as part of the repertoire of activities that make up contemporary marketing practice.
Eighteenth century advertising showed a high level of sophistication in its execution and ability to reach mass audiences.[33] In a major review of consumer society, McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb found extensive evidence of eighteenth century English entrepreneurs inventing modern marketing techniques, including product differentiation; sales promotion; loss leader; planned obsolescence; fashion magazines; national advertising campaigns, fancy showrooms, and concentration on elite taste-setting customers. English pottery makers Josiah Wedgewood (1730–1795) and Matthew Boulton (1728–1809) were the pioneers of modern mass marketing methods.[34][35] Wedgewood introduced direct mail, travelling salesmen and catalogues in the eighteenth century.[36] Wedgewood's marketing was highly sophisticated and recognisably 'modern' in that he planned production with the sale in mind.[37] He carried out serious investigations into the fixed and variable costs of production and recognised that increased production would lead to lower unit costs. He also inferred that selling at lower prices would lead to higher demand and recognised the value of achieving scale economies in production. By cutting costs and lowering prices, Wedgewood was able to generate higher overall profits.[38] Similarly, one of Wedgewood's colleagues Matthew Boulton, pioneered early mass production techniques and product differentiation at his Soho Manufactory in the 1760s. He also practiced planned obsolescence and understood the importance of 'celebrity marketing' – that is supplying the nobility, often at prices below cost and of obtaining royal patronage, for the sake of the publicity and cudos generated.[39]
Fullerton argues that the practice of market segmentation emerged well before marketers used the notion formally.[40] Certain strands of evidence suggest that simple examples of market segmentation were evident prior to the 1880s. The business historian, Richard S. Tedlow, argues that any attempt to segment markets prior to 1880 was highly fragmented since the economy was characterised by small, regional suppliers who mostly sold goods on a local or regional basis.[41] When retail shops began to appear from the 15th century, retailers needed to separate the "riff raff" from wealthier customers. Outside the major metropolitan cities, few stores could afford to serve one type of clientele exclusively. However, gradually retail shops introduced innovations that would allow them to separate wealthier customers from the lower classes and peasants. One technique was to have a window opening out onto the street from which customers could be served. This allowed the sale of goods to the common people, without encouraging them to come inside. Another solution, that came into vogue from the late sixteenth century was to invite favoured customers into a back-room of the store, where goods were permanently on display. Yet another technique that emerged around the same time was to hold a showcase of goods in the shopkeeper's private home for the benefit of wealthier clients. Samuel Pepys, for example, writing in 1660, describes being invited to the home of a retailer to view a wooden jack.[42] Evidence of early marketing segmentation has also been noted across Europe. A study of the German book trade found examples of both product differentiation and market segmentation in the 1820s.[43]
Marketing in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
Henry Ford began manufacturing the mass-produced Model T in 1908. Ford famously said that customers could own a car in any colour as long as it was black.
Until the nineteenth century, Western economies were characterised by small regional suppliers who sold goods on a local or regional basis. However, as transportation systems improved from the mid nineteenth century, the economy became more unified allowing companies to distribute standardised, branded goods at national level. This gave rise to a broader mass marketing mindset. Manufacturers tended to insist on strict standardisation to achieve scale economies with a view to keeping production costs down and also to achieving market penetration in the early stages of a product's life cycle.[44] The Model T Ford was an example of a product being manufactured at a price that was affordable for the burgeoning middle classes.
In the early twentieth century, as market size increased, it became more commonplace for manufacturers to produce a variety of models pitched at different quality points designed to meet the needs of various demographic and lifestyle market segments, giving rise to the widespread practice of market segmentation and product differentation.[45] Between 1902 -1910 George B Waldron, used tax registers, city directories and census data to show advertisers the proportion of educated versus illiterate consumers and the earning capacity of different occupations in what is believed to be the first example of demographic segmentation of a population.[46] Within little more than a decade, Paul Cherington had developed the 'ABCD' household typology - the first socio-demographic segmentation tool.[47] By the 1930s, market researchers Ernest Dichter were carrying out qualitative research into brand purchasers realised that demographic factors alone were insufficient to explain different marketing behaviour of various user groups. This insight led to the exploration of other factors such as lifestyles, values, attitudes and beliefs in market segmentation and advertising.[48]
When Wendell R. Smith published his article, Product Differentiation and Market Segmentation as Alternative Marketing Strategies in 1956, he noted that he was simply documenting marketing practices that had been observed for some time and which he described as a "natural force".[49] Other theorists agree that Smith was simply codifying implicit knowledge that had been used in marketing and brand management from the early twentieth century.[50][51]
Haven-Mason Hall at the University of Michigan, where the first academic course in marketing was taught
As industry grew, the demand for skilled business professionals also grew. To meet this demand, universities began offering courses in commerce, economics and marketing. Marketing, as a discipline, was first taught in universities in the very early twentieth century.[52] However, researchers only became interested in investigating the history of marketing in the mid twentieth century. From the outset, researchers tended to identify two strands of historical research; the history of marketing practice [53] and the history of marketing thought which was fundamentally concerned with the rise of marketing education and dissecting the way that marketing was taught and studied.[6][54]
The practice of marketing may have been carried out for millennia, but the modern concept of marketing as a professional practice appears to have emerged the post industrial corporate world.[55] In addition to the studies of specific cultures or time periods, discussed in the preceding section, some historians of marketing have sought to write more general histories of marketing's evolution in the modern era. A key question that has preoccupied researchers is whether it is possible to identify specific orientations or mindsets that inform key periods in marketing's evolution. Marketers disagree about the way that marketing practice has evolved over time.[56]
In the marketing literature, continuing debate surrounds the orientations or philosophies that might have informed marketing practice at different periods of time. An orientation may be defined as "the type of activity or subject that an organisation seems most interested in and gives most attention to".[57] In relation to marketing orientations, the term can be defined as a "philosophy of business management".[58] or "a corporate state of mind"[59] or as an "organisational culture".[60]
The general agreement amongst scholars as to what constitutes clearly identifiable periods and the orientation that characterised each distinct period has spawned a lengthy list of orientations. Space prevents an exhaustive description of all periods or eras. However, the salient features of the most commonly cited periods appear in the following section.
The production orientation is one of the oldest philosophies that guides sellers
A production orientation is often proposed as the first of the orientations that dominated business thought. Keith dated the production era from the 1860s to the 1930s, but other theorists argue that evidence of the production orientation can still be found in some companies or industries. Specifically Kotler and Armstrong note that the production philosophy is "one of the oldest philosophies that guides sellers" and "is still useful in some situations".[61]
The production orientation is characterised by:[62]
Focus on production, manufacturing, and efficiency
Attainment of economies of scale, economies of scope, experience effects or all three
Assumption that demand exceeds supply
Mindset that is encapsulated by Say's law; "Supply creates its own demand" or "if somebody makes a product, somebody else will want to buy it"
Limited research that is largely limited to technical-product research rather than customer research
Rose to prominence in an environment which had a shortage of manufactured goods relative to demand, so goods sold easily.
Minimal promotion and advertising, marketing communications limited to raising awareness of the product's existence
The sales orientation, often characterised by door-to-door selling is thought to have begun during the Great Depression of the 1890s and continues to this day. Pictured: A Rawleigh's salesman in 1915
The selling orientation is thought to have begun during the Great Depression and continued well into the 1950s although examples of this orientation can still be found today.[63] Kotler et al. note that the selling concept "is typically practised with unsought goods".[64]
The selling orientation is characterised by:
Aggressive selling to push products, often involving door-to-door selling
Accepting every possible sale or booking, regardless of its suitability for the business
Phillip Kotler is credited with first proposing the societal marketing orientation or concept in an article published in the Harvard Business Review in 1972.[66][67] However, some marketing historians, notably Wilkie and Moore, have argued that a societal perspective was evident in marketing theory and in marketing texts, since the discipline's inception in the early 1900s[68] or that societal marketing is merely an extension of the marketing concept.[69]
The societal marketing concept adopts the position that marketers have a greater social responsibility than simply satisfying customers and providing them with superior value. Instead, marketing activities should benefit society's overall well-being. Marketing organisations that have embraced the societal marketing concept typically identify key stakeholder groups including: employees, customers, local communities, the wider public and government and consider the impact of their activities on all stakeholders. They ensure that marketing activities do not damage the environment and are not hazardous to broader society. Societal marketing developed into sustainable marketing.
An attempt to balance corporate commitments to groups and individuals in its environment, including customers, other businesses, employees and investors.
Companies must include social and ethical considerations into their marketing practices
Consideration is given to the environment includes problems such as air, water, and land pollution
Consideration is given to consumer rights, unfair pricing and ethics in advertising
Starting in the 1990s, a new stage of marketing emerged called relationship marketing.[71] The focus of relationship marketing is on a long-term relationship that benefits both the company and the customer.[72] The relationship is based on trust and commitment, and both companies tend to shift their operating activities to be able to work more efficiently together.[73] One of the reasons for relationship marketing comes from Kotler's idea that it costs about five times more to obtain a new customer than to maintain the relationship with an existing customer.[74] A relationship marketing approach seeks to maximise the value of all the potential exchanges an organisation could have into the future.[75]
The characteristics of relationship marketing include:[76]
Focus on the relationship between seller and buyer
Investment in the lifetime of relationships rather than single transactions by calculating customer lifetime value (CLV)
Orientation on product benefits and/or customer value
Better customer service, commitment, and contact
Quality is the concern of all
All activities are coordinated with the customer interface, including the customer's involvement in the firm's processes
Customised offerings where practical
Empirical support for relationship marketing as a distinct paradigm is relatively weak. One study suggests that relationship marketing is a sub-component of large scale movements of the value-added process rather than a separate era or framework.[77] Some theorists suggest that marketing is moving from a relationship marketing paradigm and towards a social media paradigm where marketers have access to a more controlled environment and are able to customise offers and communications messages.[72][78]
To investigate the history of marketing practice, scholars often turn to a method known as periodisation.[79]Periodisation refers to the process or study of categorizing the past into discrete, quantified, named units for the purpose of analysis or study.[80] Scholars do not all agree on the periods that characterise the history of marketing practice. In a major review of the periodisation approach, Hollander et al. have identified fourteen different "stage theories" or "short periodisations" as well as a total of nineteen "long periodisations" that have been carried out since 1957. Of these, the contributions of Robert Keith (1960) and Ronald Fullerton (1988) are the most frequently cited.[81]
Robert Keith's marketing eras (production →selling →marketing) were based entirely on his experience at the Pillsbury Company
In 1960, Robert J. Keith, the then Vice President of Pillsbury,[82] set the stage for decades of controversy when he published an article entitled the "Marketing Revolution" in which he set out the way that the Pillsbury Company had shifted from a focus on production in the 1860s through to a consumer focus in the 1950s. He traced three distinct eras in Pillsbury's evolution:[83]
Production-oriented era (1869–1930s): characterised by a "focus on production processes"
Sales-oriented era (1930s–1950s): characterised by investment in research to develop new products and advertising to persuade markets of product benefits
Marketing-oriented era (1950s–present): characterised by a focus on the customer's latent and existing needs
In addition, Keith hypothesised that a "marketing control era" was about to emerge. Although Keith's article explicitly documented Pillsbury's evolution, the article appears to suggest that the stages observed at Pillsbury constitute a standard or normal evolutionary path (production→sales→marketing) for most large organisations.
Keith's notion of distinct eras in the evolution of marketing practice has been widely criticised and his periodisation described as "hopelessly flawed".[84][85] Specific criticisms of Keith's tripartite periodisation include that:
It ignores historical facts about business conditions[86]
It slights the growth of marketing institutions[87]
The article, which is based on Keith's personal recollections and did not use a single reference, is best described as anecdotal. Systematic studies carried out since Keith's work have failed to replicate Keith's periodisation. Instead, other studies suggest that companies exhibited a marketing orientation in the 19th century and that the business schools were teaching marketing decades before Pillsbury adopted a marketing-oriented approach.[88] Jones and Richardson also investigated historical accounts of marketing practice and found evidence for both the sales and marketing era during the so-called production era and concluded that the idea of a "marketing revolution" was a myth.[89] A detailed study of the chocolate manufacturer, Rowntree, found that this company had shifted from a production orientation through to a marketing orientation by the 1930s, without having transitioned through the so-called sales orientation.[90] Other critiques of Keith's work have pointed out that the so-called "production era" fails to align with historical facts and have also suggested that it is a myth.[91] Keith's eras have become known, somewhat cynically, as the standard chronology.[92]
The English industrial revolution is often seen as a trigger for the rise of modern marketing
In 1988, Fullerton developed a more subtle and nuanced periodisation for the so-called marketing eras.[93][94] Fullerton's eras were:[91]
Era of antecedents (1500–1750): a long gestational period in which people were largely self-sufficient and rural; economy characterised by low levels of consumption; commerce was seen as suspicious
Era of origins (1750–1870): precipitated by the dislocations of the English industrial revolution and the rise of a more urban population, this era is characterised by more attention to persuasive tactics designed to stimulate demand
Era of institutional development (1850–1929): many of the large institutions and modern marketing practices emerged during this period
Era of refinement and formalization (1930–present): further development and refinement of principles and practices developed in the preceding period
In spite of the intense criticism leveled at Keith's eras of marketing practice, his periodisation is the most frequently cited in textbooks[79] and has become the accepted wisdom.[14] One content analysis of 25 introductory and advanced texts found that Keith's eras were reproduced in all but four.[95][88] Another study, which examined 15 of the top selling marketing texts, found that the although the incidence of repeating Keith's eras was waning, it had not been replaced by Fullerton's periodisation, nor any other more meaningful framework.[96]
For all the controversies surrounding marketing stages or periods, Keith and others appear to have contributed a lasting legacy.[97] A study by Grundey (2010) suggests that many contemporary textbooks begin with Keith's eras and expand on it by including newer concepts such as the societal marketing concept, the relationship marketing concept and the interfunctional concept, as shown in the table below.[98] More recently, Kotler and Keller added the holistic marketing concept to the list of eras in marketing.[99] Marketing theorists continue to debate whether the holistic era represents a genuine new orientation or whether it is an extension of the marketing concept. Grundey summarised five different periodisations in the history of marketing, as shown in the following table, as a means of highlighting the general lack of agreement among scholars.[98]
Marketing philosophies or orientations in popular texts
University of Pennsylvania was among the first universities to offer courses in marketing
Dating the history of marketing, as an academic discipline, is just as problematic as the history of marketing practice. Marketing historians cannot agree on how to date the beginnings of marketing thought.[105] Eric Shaw, for instance, suggests that a period of pre-academic marketing thought can be identified prior to 1900.[106] Other historians suggest that the theory of marketing only emerged in the 20th century when the discipline began to offer courses at universities.[107] Nevertheless, the birth of marketing as a discipline is usually designated to the first decade of the twentieth century when "marketing courses" appeared in universities. In 1902, the University of Michigan offered what many believe to be the very first course in marketing.[108] The University of Illinois also started offering coursework in marketing in 1902.[109] In the academic year, 1904–1905, the University of Pennsylvania commenced teaching marketing. Other universities soon followed, including the Harvard Business School.[110] In 1914 Harvard's required course "Economic Resources of the United States" was renamed "Marketing."[111]
Prior to the emergence of marketing courses, marketing was not recognised as a discipline in its own right; rather it was treated as a branch of economics and was often called applied economics. Subjects, which today might be recognised as marketing-related, were embedded in economics courses. Early marketing theories were described as modifications or adaptations of economic theories.[112]
The impetus for the separation of marketing and economics was due, at least in part, to economic's focus on production as the creator of economic value and general failure to investigate distribution. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, as markets became more globalised, distribution began to assume increasing importance. Some economics professors began to run courses examining various aspects of the marketing system, including "distributive and regulative systems." Other courses, such as the "marketing of products" and the "marketing of farm-products" followed. As the first decades of the 20th century progressed, books and articles concerning marketing topics began to emerge.[113] In 1936, the publication of the new Journal of Marketing gave marketing academics a forum for exchanging ideas and research methods and also gave the discipline a real sense of its own distinct identity as a maturing academic discipline.[114]
Several scholars have attempted to describe the evolution of marketing thought chronologically and to connect it with broader intellectual and academic trends. Bartels (1965) provided a brief account of marketing's formative periods, and Shah and Gardner (1982) briefly considered the development of the six dominant schools in contemporary marketing.[115] However, these initial attempts have been criticised as overly descriptive.[116] One of the first theorists to consider the stages in the development of marketing thought was Robert Bartels, who in The History of Marketing Thought, (1965) used a periodisation approach. He categorised the development of marketing theory decade by decade from the beginning of the 20th century:
1900s: discovery of basic concepts and their exploration
1910s: conceptualisation, classification and definition of terms
1920s: integration on the basis of principles
1930s: development of specialisation and variation in theory
1940s: reappraisal in the light of new demands and a more scientific approach
1950s: reconceptualisation in the light of managerialism, social development and quantitative approaches
1970s: socialisation; the adaptation of marketing to social change
Bartels was the first historian to provide a "long view of marketing’s past and wide sweep of its subdisciplines" and in so doing, he nurtured an interest in the history of marketing thought.[117]
Other marketing historians have eschewed the periodisation approach, and instead considered whether distinct schools within marketing reflect different facets of common theory and whether a more unifying intellectual structure has emerged. These approaches tend to identify distinct schools of thought. A school of thought refers to an intellectual tradition or a group of scholars who share a common philosophy or set of ideas.[118] Marketing historians, Shaw and Jones, define a school of thought as one that has "a substantial body of knowledge; developed by a number of scholars; and describing at least one aspect of the what, how, who, why, when and where of performing marketing activities."[119]
To a certain extent, there is some agreement that in early marketing thought, three so-called traditional schools, namely the commodity school, the functional school and the institutional school co-existed.[120] Marketing historians such as Eric Shaw and Barton A. Weitz point to the publication of Wroe Alderson's book, Marketing Behavior and Executive Action (1957), as a break-point in the history of marketing thought,[121] moving from the macro functions-institutions-commodities approach to a micromarketingmanagement paradigm. Following on from Alderson, marketing began to incorporate other fields of knowledge besides economics, notably behavioral science and psychology, becoming a multi-disciplinary field. For many scholars, Alderson's book marks the beginning of the Marketing Management Era. Of those historians who identify schools, there is no real agreement about which schools were dominant at different stages in marketing's development. Although the distinctive features of these schools can be identified and described, many of the early text-books included elements drawn from two or more schools of thought- for example, in a series of chapters devoted to commodities followed by a series of chapters devoted to the institutional and functional schools.[122]
In the following section, a brief overview of the contributions of key thinkers will be outlined with respect to the prevailing schools that have dominated marketing thought.
Hunt and Goolsby, identified four schools of thought that have dominated marketing, namely; the commodity school, the institutional school, the functional school and the managerial school.[123]
The Commodity School: A focus on different types of goods in the marketplace and how they are marketed.[124]
The Institutional School: Emphasised the functions of middlemen (or intermediaries); similar to the functional school, but with a focus on channel flows.[125]
The Functional School: A focus on the characteristics of marketing, identifying the functions and systems of marketing; adopts a systems approach.[119]
The Managerial School: A focus on the problems faced by marketing managers; focuses on the perspective of the seller.[126]
Some marketing historians like Jagdish Sheth have identified the modern "marketing schools" as:[127]
The Managerial school emerged during the late 1950s and became arguably the predominant and most influential school of thought in the field
The Consumer/buyer behavior school, which dominated the academic field in the second half of the twentieth century (apart from the Managerial school), features theories emerging from behavioral science
The Social exchange school, which focuses on exchange as the fundamental concept of marketing
Yet other commentators identify a broader range of schools. O'Malley and Lichrou, for example, document the schools as:[128]
Functional: What activities does marketing perform? Focus on intermediaries and value adding.
Commodities: How are goods classified? Focus on classification of goods; trade flows
Marketing Institutions: Who performs marketing functions on commodities? Focus on retailers, wholesalers, intermediaries, distribution channels
Marketing Management: How should marketers and managers market products and services to consumers? Business firm as seller/ supplier
Marketing Systems: What is a marketing system and how does it work? Channels of distribution and aggregate systems,
Consumer behaviour: How and why do consumers buy? organisational buyer and consumer buyer
Macro-marketing: How do marketing systems impact on society? Industries, channels, consumer movement, environmentalism
Exchange: What are the forms of exchange? Who are the parties to the exchange process? Aggregations of buyers and sellers
Marketing history: When did marketing practice and ideas emerge and evolve? Marketing thought and marketing practice
Brief description of the dominant schools of thought
By the 1920s, the marketing discipline was organised into three schools of thought: the commodity school, the institutional school and the functional school. The following sections briefly outlines the schools of thought as conceptualised by key thinkers in the discipline. Although these can be treated as separate schools of thought, considerable overlap between them is evident. The three schools that preceded marketing management exhibited a highly descriptive approach and collectively these are often called the classical schools. These schools borrowed heavily from economics and were largely concerned with aggregate demand and lacked a focus on the individual firm.[129] By the 1960s, all previous schools of thought had been eclipsed by the managerial school because it offered a problem-solving approach and presented marketers with potential solutions to marketing problems that were frequently encountered.[130]
The commodity school focused on the objects of exchange. Pictured: Cacao beans
The commodity school is thought to have originated with an article by C.C. Parlin (1916) with a focus on the objects of exchange and was primarily concerned with classifying commodities. A different article published by Copeland, and published in the Harvard Business Review (1923) proposed the convenience-shopping-specialty goods classification which is still in use today. Other theorists developed a plethora of methods for classifying goods.[131]
The institutional school focused its attention on the agents of market transactions, specifically those organisations active in the intermediary channel system, such as wholesalers and retailers. It was primarily concerned with documenting the channels of distribution, the functions performed by channel members and the value-adding services they provided. In short, the institutional school was fundamentally concerned with the activities required to achieve efficiency within distribution systems. The institutional school was heavily influenced by economics, but in the 1970s, began to take on ideas from behavioural science.[132] A key work in the institutional school tradition is Weld's The Marketing of Farm Products, (1916) while other important contributors included: Butler's Marketing and Merchandising, (1923); Breyer's Commodity and Marketing (1931); Converse's Marketing: Methods and Policies (1921) and Duddy & Revzan's Marketing: An Institutional Approach (1947).[133]
The functional school was thought to have originated with the publication of Shaw's article, Some Problems in Market Distribution, (1912) The functional school was primarily concerned with documenting the functions of marketing. In other words, it attempted to address the question, What work does marketing do? Different theorists within the functional school produced long lists of marketing's functions. Although there was little agreement about what should be included in the list, much of it revolved around the value added by marketing intermediaries. In those early years, advertising and promotion was rarely seen as a marketing function. In addition to Shaw, key thinkers in the functional school included Weld, Vanderblue and Ryan.[134]
The marketing management school focuses on typical problems encountered by marketers
Wroe Alderson changed marketing thought with the publication of his work, Marketing Behaviour and Executive Action (1957) in which he was primarily concerned with the problems and challenges faced by marketers and the types of solutions that had been found to be successful. This shifted the emphasis away from the functions of marketing and towards a more problem-solving approach, thereby paving the way for a more managerial approach within the discipline.[135] Some historians have claimed that Alderson's article signalled a paradigm shift in thinking, towards a new macromarketing approach.[136]
The marketing management school emerged as the dominant school in the 1960s following the publication of Basic Marketing: A Managerial Approach, written by E. Jerome McCarthy and replaced the so-called functional school which had been the dominant school for the first part of the twentieth century. In the words of Hunt and Goolsby, the publication of McCarthy's text, sounded the "beginning of the end for the functional school."[137]
However, Hunt and Goolsby note that the 1960s was a transitional period in which both the functional school and the managerial school co-existed.[138] Shaw and Jones have described the emergence of the managerial school in the mid-twentieth century as a "paradigm shift."[139]
While the management school continued to borrow from economics, it also introduced ideas from the new and emerging fields of sociology and psychology, which offered useful insights for explaining aspects of consumer behaviour such as the influence of culture and social class. Key works in the marketing management tradition include Wroe Alderson's Marketing Behavior and Executive Action, (1957), Howard's Marketing Management (1957), Lazer's Managerial Marketing: Perspectives and Viewpoints, (1957) and McCarthy's Basic Marketing: A Managerial Approach (1960).[140]
The salient features of the managerial approach to marketing are:
"an overt marketing-as-management orientation, and
an overt reliance on the behavioral and quantitative sciences as means of knowing." [141]
Key innovations that influenced marketing practice
1839: Posters on private property banned in England [142]
The telegraph was an early form of mass communication
1864: Earliest recorded use of the telegraph for mass unsolicited spam
Newspapers were an early form of mass communication. Pictured: The Boston News-Letter, 17041867: Earliest recorded billboard rentals
1876: Films produced by French film-makers, Auguste and Louis Lumiere, made at the request of a representative of Lever Brothers in France and feature Sunlight soap, are thought to be the first recorded instance of paid product placement.[144]
Sunlight was an early advertiser in cinema, radio and TV. Pictured: Advertisement for Sunlight Soap washing powder, 1897
1957: Three key scholarly texts published Wroe Alderson's Marketing Behavior and Executive Action; Howard's Marketing Management and Lazer's Managerial Marketing: Perspectives and Viewpoints
1960 E. Jerome McCarthy published his now classic, Basic Marketing: A Managerial Approach (1960).
Wroe Alderson (1898–1965) – proponent of marketing science and instrumental in developing the managerial school of marketing
Igor Ansoff (1918–2002) – marketing/ management strategist; noted for the product/market growth matrix
David Aaker – highly awarded educator and author in the area of marketing and organisational theory
N. W. Ayer & Son – probably the first advertising agency to use mass media (i.e. telegraph) in a promotional campaign
Leonard Berry (professor) – author and educator with strong interest in health marketing and relationship marketing
Neil H. Borden (1922–1962) – coined the term, 'marketing mix'
Clayton Christensen – educator, author and consultant, published in the areas of innovation and entrepreneurship
George S. Day – author and educator; has published in the area of strategic marketing
Ernest Dichter (1907–1991) – pioneer of motivational research
Andrew S. C. Ehrenberg (1926–2010) – made contributions to the methodology of data collection, analysis and presentation, and to understanding buyer behaviour and how advertising works
Edward Filene (1860–1937) – early pioneer of modern retailing methods
Seth Godin – Popular author, entrepreneur, public speaker and marketer
Paul E. Green -academic and author; the founder of conjoint analysis and popularised the use of multidimensional scaling, clustering, and analysis of qualitative data in marketing.
Shelby D. Hunt -former editor of the Journal of Marketing and organisational theorist
John E. Jeuck (1916–2009) – early marketing educator
Philip Kotler (1931–) – popularised the managerial approach to marketing; prolific author
E. St. Elmo Lewis – developed the AIDA model used in sales and advertising
Christopher Lovelock (1940–2008) – author of many books and articles on services marketing
Theodore Levitt (1925–2006) – former editor of Harvard Business Review, prolific author of marketing articles and famed for his article, "Marketing Myopia"
E. Jerome McCarthy – popularised the managerial approach and developed the concept of the 4Ps
Arthur Nielsen – early market researcher; pioneered methods for radio and TV ratings
Rosser Reeves – advertising guru; advocate of frequency; pioneered the concept of the unique selling proposition (USP) – now largely replaced by the positioning concept
Al Ries – advertising executive, author and credited with coining the term, 'positioning' in the late 1960s
Don E. Schultz – father of 'integrated marketing communications'
Arch Wilkinson Shaw (1876–1962) – early management theorist, proponent of the scientific approach to marketing
Byron Sharp – N.Z. academic; one of the first to document buyer loyalty in empirical work
Daniel Starch – developed the so-called Starch scores to measure impact of magazine advertising; Starch scores are still in use
^
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^Lehu, J-M, Branded Entertainment: Product Placement & Brand Strategy in the Entertainment Business, Kogan Page, 2007, pp 19–20
^Jones, D. G. B. and Monieson, D.D., "Early Development of the Philosophy of Marketing Thought," In Marketing: Critical Perspectives on Business and Management, Vol. 2, Michael John Baker (ed), London, Routledge, 2001, p.92
^Lehu, J-M, Branded Entertainment: Product Placement & Brand Strategy in the Entertainment Business, Kogan Page, 2007, p. 20
^Bingham, A., Family Newspapers?: Sex, Private Life, and the British Popular Press 1918–1978 Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 40
^Jenkinson, A., "Do organisations now understand the importance of information in providing excellent customer experience?" Journal of Database Marketing & Customer Strategy Management, Vol. 13 no 4., 2006, pp 248–260
^Schultz, D. E., "Integrated Marketing Communications: The Status of Integrated Marketing Communications Programs in the US Today," Journal of Promotion Management, Vol 1, No 1, 1991, 99–104
^Pickton, D. and Broderick, A., Integrated Marketing Communications, 2nd ed, Financial Times/Prentice Hall, Harlow, England, 2008
^Payne, A., Handbook of CRM: Achieving Excellence in Customer Management, Burlington, MA, Butterworth Heinemann, 2008 [Chapter 1]
^See www.centreforintegratedmarketing.com at the University of Bedfordshire, England
^Iacobucci, D., and Calder, B., (eds),Kellogg on Integrated Marketing, Hoboken, N.J., John Wiley & Sons, 2003
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Wright, John S. and Parks B. Dimsdale, Pioneers in Marketing: A Collection of 25 Biographies of Men Who Contributed to the Growth of Marketing Thought and Action, Georgia State University, 1974
Marketing, encompassing the processes of promoting, distributing, and exchanging goods and services to meet consumer needs, has ancient roots in barter systems and trade networks but emerged as a formalized academic discipline in the early 20th century amid rapid industrialization and the shift from production surpluses to consumer-driven economies.[1] The term "marketing" derives from the Old French "market" and Latin "mercatus," initially denoting the act of buying or selling in marketplaces as early as the 1560s, though its modern usage as a systematic field of study solidified between 1906 and 1911.[2][1]Early marketing practices trace to antiquity, where civilizations like those in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Rome employed rudimentary advertising through shop signs, product branding (e.g., stamped pottery), and organized bazaars to inform buyers and build trust in commodities such as garum fish sauce or textiles.[3] These methods facilitated causal links between supply chains and demand signaling via price mechanisms, predating formal theory but demonstrating empirical patterns of exchange efficiency.[4] The discipline's academic origins lie in U.S. institutions influenced by economic distribution studies; the first collegiate course appeared in 1902 at the University of Michigan, taught by E.D. Jones on distributive industries, followed by dedicated "Marketing" courses by 1911 at the University of Wisconsin.[1][5] Drawing from German Historical School emphases on regulation and the U.S. focus on middlemen justification, early thought prioritized descriptive analysis of channels over prescriptive strategy.[1]Subsequent evolution reflected causal shifts in production paradigms: the production era (circa 1870–1930) emphasized efficient manufacturing output, giving way to the sales era (1930s–1950s) with aggressive promotion to clear inventories, before the marketing concept post-1950 prioritized consumer orientation, as articulated by figures like Philip Kotler.[1][6] Key achievements include the 4Ps framework (product, price, place, promotion) formalized in 1960 by E. Jerome McCarthy, enabling systematic planning, though critiques persist over potential distortions in demand perception versus genuine value creation.[7] By the late 20th century, marketing integrated data analytics and relational approaches, adapting to digital tools while rooted in first-order exchange principles observable since antiquity.[7]
Etymology and Conceptual Foundations
Origins of the Term "Marketing"
The term marketing derives from the English verb to market, which traces back to the Latin mercatus, denoting a marketplace or the act of trading. In English, the noun form emerged in the 1560s to describe the process of buying and selling goods or commodities, with an initial emphasis on the disposal of farm products or livestock at markets.[2] This usage reflected practical activities of exchange rather than a formalized discipline.[8]By 1701, marketing extended to refer to produce purchased at a market, broadening its scope beyond immediate transactions to include goods intended for resale.[2] The term's application to general merchandise solidified in the 19th century, but its modern connotation—as the systematic process of moving goods from producers to consumers, with a focus on promotion and sales—crystallized by 1897, coinciding with industrial expansion and economic analysis of distribution channels.[2] Early economic discussions often centered on agricultural contexts, where marketing denoted the logistics of farm-to-market flows, influencing its adoption in scholarly work.[1]In academic settings, marketing first appeared as a distinct field of study in the early 20th century, with Edward David Jones introducing the inaugural course at the University of Michigan in 1902, framed around commodity distribution and economic efficiency.[9] Similar offerings followed at institutions like Ohio State University by 1904, marking the term's transition from descriptive trade language to a structured component of business education, particularly in agricultural economics.[10] This evolution underscored marketing's roots in empirical observation of markets, predating broader theoretical frameworks.
Early Human Exchange Practices as Precursors
Archaeological evidence indicates that early hominins engaged in the transport of raw materials over distances exceeding local foraging ranges as early as 2 million years ago, with stone tools manufactured from materials sourced up to 12 kilometers away at sites like Kanjera in Kenya.[11] This behavior suggests nascent exchange networks, as such distances imply coordination beyond solitary procurement, potentially involving reciprocal sharing or direct transfers within and between groups to access preferred resources for tool-making.[12]By approximately 300,000 years ago, Middle Stone Age populations in East Africa demonstrated more structured exchange, as evidenced by non-local obsidian points at Kenyan sites, sourced from volcanic deposits over 30 kilometers distant and heat-treated for enhanced quality.[12] These practices reflect an emerging recognition of material value, where groups valued specific lithic properties for durability and sharpness, facilitating the distribution of specialized tools through social ties rather than universal barter, which ethnographic studies of later hunter-gatherers suggest was rare in egalitarian bands dominated by generalized reciprocity and demand-sharing.[13] Such exchanges laid groundwork for proto-marketing elements, including the assessment of utility and the maintenance of inter-group relations to secure access to scarce, high-value goods.In the Upper Paleolithic, around 40,000 to 10,000 years ago, long-distance trade intensified, with artifacts like marine shells and raptor talons appearing hundreds of kilometers from their origins across Eurasia, indicating prestige item exchanges that reinforced alliances and status.[14] Obsidian from central Anatolian sources reached sites in the Levant over 800 kilometers away, underscoring organized procurement and transport systems that prefigured division of labor and value-based distribution.[15] While direct monetary barter lacks direct prehistoric attestation—anthropological consensus favors embedded exchanges within kinship or ritual contexts over impersonal markets—these practices fostered skills in persuasion, valuation, and negotiation essential to later marketing, as groups implicitly "promoted" goods' desirability through demonstration of utility in tools, adornments, or pigments.[16]
Pre-Modern Marketing Practices
Marketing in Ancient Civilizations
In ancient Mesopotamia, rudimentary marketing emerged through barter systems and record-keeping innovations dating back to approximately 5000 BCE, where clay tokens tracked quantities of goods exchanged, facilitating early trade accountability.[17] By the third millennium BCE, merchants in Sumerian city-states like Ur conducted long-distance trade in commodities such as textiles, metals, and grains, often using standardized sealed packaging on processed goods, which laid foundational elements for brand differentiation by ensuring product integrity and origin verification.[18] These practices operated amid state oversight, with cuneiform tablets documenting transactions that supported economic expansion, though primarily serving elite and temple needs rather than widespread consumer markets.[19]Ancient Egypt's trade networks, active from the Predynastic Period (c. 6000–3150 BCE), relied on Nile River routes for exchanging goods like grain, papyrus, and luxury imports such as cedar wood from Lebanon and incense from Punt, typically via barter in state-controlled depots or informal riverside gatherings rather than formalized markets.[20] Pharaohs wielded trade as a tool for political leverage, securing foreign resources to sustain centralized economies, with evidence from tomb reliefs depicting weighed exchanges and quality inspections, indicating rudimentary promotional assurances of value.[21] While private commerce existed, particularly among artisans hawking wares in urban centers like Thebes, the absence of coinage limited scalability, confining marketing to direct negotiation and reputation-based trust over the 3000-year span of pharaonic rule.[22]In ancient Greece, the agora functioned as the primary venue for commerce from the Archaic Period onward, exemplified by Athens' marketplace around the 6th century BCE, where citizens bartered or exchanged pottery, olive oil, wine, and imported metals amid public discourse.[23] Merchants promoted goods through vocal hawking and fixed stalls displaying wares, fostering competition that incentivized quality signaling via vessel markings or potter signatures, precursors to branding.[24] The introduction of coinage in Lydia by 600 BCE and its adoption in Greek poleis enhanced transaction efficiency, enabling broader market participation, though retail remained localized without systematic advertising beyond interpersonal networks.[25]Roman marketing advanced with imperial expansion, incorporating trademarks stamped on amphorae for products like garum fish sauce, where producers such as those in Pompeii differentiated offerings by origin and quality seals as early as the 1st century BCE.[26] Shop signs, wall paintings, and graffiti advertised services—ranging from barbers to healers—in urban forums and viae, with evidence from Pompeian excavations showing pictorial endorsements and endorsements to attract clientele.[27] State-regulated markets like the Macellum ensured supply chains for staples, blending free enterprise with oversight, while long-distance trade in spices and silks relied on merchant networks propagating reputation as a core promotional mechanism across the empire by the 2nd century CE.[28] These elements prioritized practical exchange over persuasive messaging, reflecting causal drivers of scarcity and surplus in agrarian economies.
Marketing in Medieval and Early Modern Europe
In medieval Europe, marketing practices primarily revolved around localized markets, periodic fairs, and guild-regulated commerce, which enabled the exchange of agricultural produce, manufactured goods, and luxury imports amid feudal structures. Weekly markets in towns and villages served as primary venues for barter and sales, where peasants and artisans traded surpluses under oversight from local lords who levied tolls. [29] These markets fostered direct buyer-seller interactions, with prices often fluctuating based on supply from seasonal harvests or regional shortages. [30]The Champagne fairs, held in northeastern France from the late 12th to the 13th century, exemplified large-scale international marketing hubs, attracting merchants from Italy, Flanders, and England to trade wool, cloth, spices, and furs. Six annual fairs rotated among towns like Troyes and Lagny, lasting up to 49 days each, with counts of Champagne providing safe conduct, standardized weights and measures, and dispute resolution via royal officials to minimize risks in long-distance trade. [31][32] At their peak around 1200–1250, these fairs handled up to half of Europe's international commerce, innovating early credit instruments like bills of exchange to facilitate cashless transactions. [33] Their decline by the 14th century stemmed from disruptions like the Hundred Years' War and shifts in trade routes toward Italian city-states and Bruges. [34]Merchant guilds, emerging in the 11th–12th centuries, structured marketing by coordinating long-distance trade caravans, enforcing contracts through collective enforcement, and negotiating privileges with rulers for toll reductions and protection against piracy or confiscation. [35] In northern Europe, the Hanseatic League, formalized around 1356, comprised guilds from over 200 cities dominating Baltic and North Sea trade in timber, fish, and grain, standardizing commercial practices and wielding political influence to secure market access. [36] Craft guilds, proliferating from the 12th century in urban centers like Paris and Florence, regulated production quality through apprenticeships, journeymen oversight, and hallmarks—precursors to branding—that distinguished guild-approved goods, thereby building consumer trust in an era of widespread counterfeiting. [37] These guilds limited entry to maintain prices but also reduced transaction costs by assuring uniformity, contributing to urban economic growth. [38]Promotional methods relied on non-literate cues, including shop signs depicting goods like a boot for cobblers or a golden boot for luxury footwear, hung outside premises to attract illiterate passersby in crowded streets. [39] Town criers, employed by merchants in medieval English and continental towns, announced arrivals of ships or fairs, proclaimed wares' qualities, and alerted to auctions, serving as oral advertising amplified by bells or public demonstrations. [39]During the early modern period (c. 1450–1750), marketing evolved with expanded trade networks from Atlantic exploration and the printing press, shifting toward more permanent retail establishments and proto-advertising. Permanent markets and shops in cities like Antwerp and London grew, supported by joint-stock companies such as the English East India Company (chartered 1600), which marketed exotic imports like spices and textiles through auctions and branded warehouses. [29] The secondhand goods trade, vital in urban economies, featured specialized brokers in secondhand clothing and metalware markets, recycling luxury items downward to broaden consumer access amid population growth from 60 million in 1500 to 100 million by 1650. [40] Early printed handbills and posters, post-Gutenberg (c. 1450), advertised auctions, remedies, and books, marking a transition to visual mass communication, though fairs like those in Leipzig persisted for bulk wholesale. [41] Guild influences waned as mercantilist policies favored state-backed monopolies, yet signage and criers continued, adapting to rising literacy and colonial inflows that diversified marketed goods. [42]
Industrial and Modern Marketing Emergence
Nineteenth-Century Transformations
The Industrial Revolution during the 19th century transformed marketing by enabling mass production of standardized goods, which outstripped local demand and required expanded distribution and promotional efforts to stimulate consumer interest.[39] In Britain and the United States, factories produced items such as textiles, soaps, and canned foods at scales previously unimaginable, shifting economic focus from artisanal craftsmanship to industrial output and necessitating strategies to reach distant markets.[43]Transportation innovations, particularly railroads, were instrumental in this expansion. In the United States, railroad mileage grew from about 3,000 miles in 1840 to over 30,000 miles by 1860, connecting producers to national audiences and reducing shipping costs for bulk goods.[44] This infrastructure allowed manufacturers to envision and access broader consumer bases, fostering the development of wholesale and retail networks beyond regional confines.[39]Parallel advancements in media supported promotional growth. The penny press, exemplified by the New York Sun launched in 1833, sold for one cent and relied on advertising revenue rather than subscriptions, making newspapers accessible to the working class and increasing ad exposure for consumer products.[45] Advertising content evolved from simple classified notices to more persuasive formats, with volume reaching $200 million by 1880.[43]Professionalization emerged with the founding of the first advertising agency by Volney B. Palmer in Philadelphia in 1841, which brokered space in publications and aided systematic campaigns.[46] By the late century, branding differentiated mass-produced items; Procter & Gamble introduced Ivory Soap in 1879, marketing it as "99 44/100% pure" and able to float due to an over-whipping process that incorporated air.[47] Similarly, H.J. Heinz, established in the early 1870s, pioneered quality assurances like purity labels and symbols to build trust, targeting urban markets and expanding westward.[48]These elements—mass production, improved logistics, media proliferation, and branding—marked the transition from localized selling to coordinated marketing systems, setting precedents for 20th-century practices.[43]
Early Twentieth-Century Orientations: Production and Sales
In the early twentieth century, the production orientation prevailed in business practices, where firms prioritized efficient manufacturing processes and widespread distribution under the assumption that consumer demand exceeded supply. This mindset, rooted in the efficiencies of the Second Industrial Revolution, held that success depended on producing goods at low cost and high volume, with minimal emphasis on consumer preferences or promotional efforts. Companies believed that affordable, accessible products would sell themselves, focusing internal resources on operational improvements rather than market analysis.[49][50]Henry Ford exemplified this orientation through the introduction of the moving assembly line at his Highland Park facility on December 1, 1913, which revolutionized automobile production by reducing Model T assembly time from approximately 12 hours to 90 minutes per vehicle. This innovation enabled Ford Motor Company to scale output dramatically, dropping the Model T's price from $825 in 1908 to $260 by 1925, thereby expanding the automobile market to middle-class consumers. Ford's approach standardized production, famously allowing customers "any color so long as it is black" to maximize efficiency and minimize costs, reflecting a causal emphasis on supply-side capabilities over demand-side customization. Concurrently, Ford raised daily wages to $5 in 1914, attracting labor and supporting consumer purchasing power, which indirectly bolstered the production model's viability.[51][51]By the 1920s, as mass production techniques proliferated across industries, supply began to outpace demand, prompting a shift toward the sales orientation, particularly intensified by the Great Depression beginning October 29, 1929. With unemployment soaring to 25% by 1933 and consumer spending contracting, firms could no longer rely on production efficiencies alone and turned to aggressive promotional tactics to offload inventories. This era featured expanded personal selling forces and advertising campaigns, including the rise of radio commercials in the 1920s and jingle-based promotions in the 1930s, aimed at persuading reluctant buyers rather than ascertaining needs. The sales orientation dominated through the 1930s until World War II redirected manufacturing to wartime production in 1939–1945, underscoring a reactive strategy focused on pushing existing outputs amid economic scarcity.[52][52][52]Historians note that while these orientations are often delineated sequentially, evidence suggests sales practices coexisted with production emphases even earlier, challenging narratives of discrete eras and highlighting continuous evolution in marketing strategies.[53]
Evolution of Core Marketing Philosophies
Shift to Customer-Centric Marketing Orientation
The transition to customer-centric marketing orientation occurred primarily in the 1950s, amid post-World War II economic expansion that shifted markets from demand scarcity to abundance and heightened competition. With production efficiencies achieved during the war enabling surplus supply, firms faced the challenge of persuading discerning consumers to choose their offerings, prompting a reevaluation of business strategies away from production or sales dominance toward prioritizing customer needs and satisfaction for sustained profitability.[54][55]General Electric became an early adopter, formally articulating the marketing concept in its 1952 annual report, which emphasized serving customer requirements as the core business objective and integrating marketing across organizational functions.[56] This approach contrasted with prevailing sales tactics by advocating systematic consumer research to guide product development and promotion.[56] Peter Drucker further formalized the idea in his 1954 book The Practice of Management, positing that a business's valid purpose is "to create a customer" by understanding and fulfilling market demands through marketing efforts.[57]The philosophy gained wider traction through John J. McKitterick's 1957 presentation "What is the Marketing Concept?" which framed it as a customer-driven integration of company activities.[58] Theodore Levitt's influential 1960 Harvard Business Review article "Marketing Myopia" critiqued narrow product-focused views, arguing that industries grow by addressing broader customer solutions rather than assuming perpetual demand for existing outputs.[59] Levitt's analysis, drawing on cases like railroads failing to recognize transportation needs, underscored causal links between customer problem-solving and long-term viability, influencing corporate leaders to redefine industries around unmet needs.[59]Empirical adoption manifested in expanded market research and segmentation practices; for instance, Procter & Gamble, building on its 1924 initiation of consumer studies, intensified post-war efforts to tailor brands like Camay soap via targeted insights, achieving measurable sales growth through need-based positioning.[60][61] By the late 1950s, surveys indicated that over half of large U.S. firms had reoriented toward customer focus, correlating with rising consumer goods innovation rates amid affluence-driven demand diversification.[62] This orientation's causal efficacy stemmed from aligning supply with evidenced preferences, reducing inventory waste and enhancing loyalty, though implementation varied by firm size and sector adaptability.[63]
Advanced Orientations: Societal, Relationship, and Value-Based
The societal marketing orientation emerged in the 1970s as an extension of the customer-centric marketing concept, incorporating long-term societal welfare alongside consumer satisfaction and organizational profitability. This philosophy posits that marketing decisions should address potential conflicts between short-term consumer wants and enduring societal interests, such as environmental sustainability and public health. Philip Kotler formalized the concept in his writings during this period, arguing that businesses risk backlash if they prioritize immediate gains over broader impacts, as evidenced by growing consumer activism against practices like tobacco advertising.[54][49]Relationship marketing orientation developed in the late 1970s and gained prominence in the 1980s, shifting focus from discrete transactions to cultivating enduring customer bonds for mutual benefit. Leonard Berry coined the term in 1983, defining it as efforts to attract, maintain, and enhance customer relationships through personalized interactions and loyalty-building strategies, particularly in services where repeat business drives revenue. This approach drew from industrial marketing practices and database advancements, enabling firms to track customer lifetime value and reduce acquisition costs, with empirical studies showing retention efforts yielding 5-25% profit increases per percentage point of loyalty.[64][65]Value-based marketing orientation, gaining traction in the 1990s and 2000s, emphasizes delivering superior customer-perceived value to justify premium pricing and foster competitive differentiation, often integrated with shareholder value metrics. Peter Doyle advanced this framework around 2000, linking marketing investments to discounted cash flows from enhanced customer equity, arguing that traditional metrics like market share overlook causal links to profitability. Practitioners applied it through value proposition analysis, where firms like Procter & Gamble quantified value gaps via conjoint analysis, leading to product innovations that boosted margins by prioritizing utility over volume. This orientation critiques prior models for neglecting economic realism, insisting marketing efficacy be measured against verifiable returns rather than anecdotal satisfaction.[66][67]
Critiques of Marketing Philosophies from Economic and Efficiency Perspectives
Critics of marketing philosophies from an economic viewpoint have long contended that practices embedded in orientations such as sales and customer-centric models foster inefficient resource allocation by prioritizing persuasive advertising over genuine utility creation. John Kenneth Galbraith, in his 1958 work The Affluent Society, introduced the "dependence effect," arguing that advanced marketing techniques manufacture consumer wants that would not otherwise exist, diverting societal resources from essential public goods—like infrastructure and education—to superfluous private consumption driven by artificial demand.[68] This critique posits that marketing philosophies exacerbate economic imbalances in affluent economies, where production decisions respond to engineered preferences rather than organic needs, leading to suboptimal welfare outcomes as measured by standard economic metrics like Pareto efficiency.[68]The distinction between informative and persuasive advertising underscores further efficiency concerns. Informative advertising, which conveys factual product attributes and reduces consumer search costs, can enhance market efficiency by facilitating better-informed choices and competition; however, persuasive advertising—central to many marketing orientations—primarily aims to alter preferences without adding verifiable information, often resulting in zero-sum demand shifting among rivals.[68] Economic analyses, such as those by Kyle Bagwell, highlight that in oligopolistic markets, heavy reliance on persuasive tactics can inflate costs (e.g., U.S. advertising expenditures reached approximately 2.2% of GDP by the early 2000s) without proportional productivity gains, erecting barriers to entry and sustaining higher prices through non-price competition rather than cost reductions or quality enhancements.[68] Critics argue this undermines allocative efficiency, as resources expended on branding and hype crowd out investments in tangible innovations, with empirical evidence from industries like cereals and tobacco showing advertising intensity correlating more with market concentration than consumer surplus.[68]From a pure efficiency lens, customer-centric marketing philosophies risk promoting reactive adaptations to fluctuating demands, which may stifle economies of scale and long-term technological advancements in favor of customized offerings with higher marginal costs. For instance, excessive focus on immediate consumer feedback can lead to fragmented production runs, increasing unit costs by up to 20-30% in some manufacturing sectors compared to standardized approaches, as noted in critiques of over-reliance on market orientation without balancing internal efficiencies.[69] Moreover, societal marketing orientations, which incorporate ethical or environmental constraints, introduce additional layers of decision-making that can reduce operational speed and raise compliance expenses, potentially diminishing net economic output in competitive global markets where rivals prioritize unencumbered profit maximization. These inefficiencies are compounded in data-heavy modern implementations, where algorithmic personalization amplifies waste through redundant targeting, diverting funds from core value creation.[70] Such perspectives emphasize that while marketing philosophies claim to align supply with demand, they often embed causal distortions—via persuasion and short-termism—that erode overall systemic productivity, as evidenced by stagnant total factor productivity growth in high-marketing-spend economies during periods of orientation shifts post-1950s.[68]
Development of Marketing Theory and Schools
Foundational Schools: Commodity, Institutional, and Functional
The foundational schools of marketing thought—commodity, institutional, and functional—emerged in the early 20th century as the discipline transitioned from descriptive studies of distribution to more systematic analysis, primarily between 1900 and the 1930s.[71] These approaches, dominant during what scholars term Era II of marketing thought (roughly 1920–1950), complemented one another by examining marketing through distinct yet interconnected lenses: specific products (commodity), organizational entities (institutional), and operational processes (functional).[71] They arose amid growing academic interest in marketing's economic role, influenced by agricultural and industrial expansions, and were reflected in early textbooks and journals like the Journal of Marketing (founded 1936).[71] Unlike later managerial orientations, these schools prioritized descriptive and classificatory frameworks over firm-level decision-making, aiming to rationalize marketing's contributions to efficiency in exchange and distribution.[71]The commodity school focused on the unique marketing challenges and processes associated with specific product categories, such as agricultural goods like wheat or cotton, to uncover patterns not generalizable across all items.[71] Pioneered in the 1910s–1920s, it drew from empirical studies of commodity flows from production to consumption, emphasizing factors like perishability, standardization, and seasonal demand that shaped handling, pricing, and channels.[71] Key early work includes Paul T. Cherington's 1920 analyses of marketing performance for particular commodities, which highlighted product-specific inefficiencies and informed targeted improvements.[71] This approach's strength lay in its granular detail, revealing causal links between product attributes and marketing outcomes, though it risked overemphasizing idiosyncrasies at the expense of broader principles.[71] By the 1930s, texts like R.F. Breyer's Commodity Marketing (1931) synthesized these insights, influencing agricultural policy and commodity exchange practices.[72]The institutional school examined the structures and operations of marketing intermediaries, such as wholesalers, retailers, and brokers, to understand their roles in facilitating exchange within economic systems.[71] Originating in the 1920s–1930s, it built on observations of institutional evolution amid urbanization and retail innovations, analyzing how entities like chain stores adapted to scale and competition.[71] Paul H. Nystrom's Economics of Retailing (1915) provided an early foundation by dissecting retail institutions' functions and efficiencies, while later works like Edward A. Duddy and David A. Revzan's Marketing: An Institutional Approach (1947) explored inter-institutional dynamics.[71] This perspective underscored causal mechanisms in institutional specialization—e.g., wholesalers reducing transaction costs through aggregation—but critiqued inefficiencies like markups in fragmented channels.[71] Its contributions included frameworks for evaluating institutional performance, which informed antitrust discussions and the rise of integrated supply chains by mid-century.[71]The functional school classified marketing into core activities—such as buying, selling, transportation, storage, financing, risk-bearing, and market information—to delineate the work performed in exchange processes and assess their economic value.[71] Emerging prominently in the 1910s–1920s, it was advanced by L.D.H. Weld's 1916 The Marketing of Farm Products, which categorized functions to rationalize middlemen roles, and Arch W. Shaw's earlier 1912 proposals for functional analysis.[71][73] Theorists like Paul D. Converse (1945) and Wroe Alderson further refined it, viewing functions as interdependent flows enhancing overall system efficiency, with empirical emphasis on minimizing redundancies.[71] This approach's enduring appeal stemmed from its first-principles breakdown of marketing as a set of separable, measurable tasks, enabling comparisons across contexts, though it sometimes abstracted from firm-specific strategies.[71] By integrating with commodity and institutional views, it formed a tripartite foundation for later theories, peaking in adoption during the 1930s–1940s when over half of marketing scholarship addressed functional efficiencies.[71]Together, these schools established marketing's intellectual legitimacy by empirically mapping its components, fostering data-driven critiques of waste (e.g., estimated at 40–50% of distribution costs in early studies) and paving the way for quantitative and managerial shifts post-1950.[71] Their descriptive focus yielded verifiable insights into causal drivers of marketing performance, such as functional specialization reducing search costs, but waned as business-oriented paradigms emphasized consumer demand over supply-side analysis.[71]
Mid-Century Management and Quantitative Approaches
The mid-20th century marked a shift in marketing thought toward a managerial orientation, emphasizing decision-making processes within firms as responses to growing market complexity post-World War II. This approach, emerging prominently in the 1950s, viewed marketing as a functional area requiring systematic planning, implementation, and control, drawing from general management principles to address strategic choices in product, price, promotion, and distribution.[74] Influenced by economic expansion and competitive pressures, scholars reconceptualized marketing beyond descriptive functions toward prescriptive tools for executives, integrating it with broader business strategy.[74]A cornerstone of this era was the formalization of market segmentation as a strategic alternative to mass product differentiation, articulated by Wendell R. Smith in his 1956 analysis. Smith argued that in heterogeneous markets, firms could achieve efficiency by targeting distinct consumer subgroups with tailored offerings rather than undifferentiated appeals, enabling better resource allocation amid rising affluence and variety-seeking behavior. This framework underpinned managerial decisions, promoting segmentation based on demographics, geography, or psychographics to optimize market coverage without overextending production.Philip Kotler's Marketing Management, first published in 1967, synthesized and advanced this managerial paradigm, presenting marketing as an analytical discipline focused on customer needs assessment, competitive positioning, and performance measurement. Kotler emphasized frameworks like the marketing mix for tactical planning, drawing on economic theory and empirical observation to guide executives in volatile environments.[75] The text, which became a standard reference, highlighted decision variables such as pricing models and distribution logistics, reflecting the era's push for marketing's elevation to a core executive function.[6]Parallel to managerial developments, quantitative approaches gained traction in the 1950s and 1960s, applying operations research techniques—honed during wartime logistics—to marketing problems. These methods included mathematical modeling for sales forecasting, inventory optimization, and advertising budget allocation, often using linear programming and statistical regression to quantify demand elasticities and media efficiencies.[76] By the early 1960s, computational advances enabled simulations and econometric analyses, allowing firms to test scenarios empirically rather than intuitively, as seen in studies of consumer purchase patterns via probability models.[77] This "quantitative revolution" enhanced precision in decision-making, though it required validation against real-world data to avoid over-reliance on assumptions of rationality.[78]These intertwined strands—managerial strategy and quantitative rigor—facilitated marketing's integration into corporate planning amid postwar industrialization, with applications evident in sectors like consumer goods where firms like Procter & Gamble employed segmentation analytics for brand proliferation. However, critiques noted limitations, such as quantitative models' sensitivity to data quality and their occasional neglect of qualitative behavioral factors, underscoring the need for hybrid approaches.[77] By the late 1960s, this foundation supported broader theoretical expansions, solidifying marketing's role in firm competitiveness.[74]
Late Twentieth and Contemporary Theoretical Advances
In the late 1980s, marketing theory began incorporating interpretive and relational paradigms, moving beyond mid-century quantitative models toward frameworks emphasizing long-term customer interactions. Relationship marketing, formalized by Leonard Berry in 1983, posited that firms should prioritize customer retention and loyalty over one-off transactions, drawing on empirical observations of industrial and service sectors where repeat business reduced acquisition costs by up to 5-25 times compared to new customers.[79] This approach, further developed by scholars like Christian Grönroos in 1994, integrated concepts of trust, commitment, and mutual value exchange, supported by case studies showing improved profitability in sectors like banking and telecommunications through customized service programs.[80]Services marketing theory advanced concurrently, extending E. Jerome McCarthy's 4Ps framework to the 7Ps model in 1981 by Bernard Booms and Mary Bitner, adding people, process, and physical evidence to address intangible service delivery challenges.[81] Empirical research validated this adaptation, with studies demonstrating that service quality dimensions—reliability, assurance, tangibles, empathy, and responsiveness—correlated with customer satisfaction scores rising by 20-30% in hospitality and retail applications.[82] Postmodern marketing theory, critiqued by Stephen Brown in 1995, challenged positivist assumptions of rational consumers, arguing instead for fragmented markets influenced by hyperreality and cultural symbolism, evidenced by analyses of advertising trends where ironic, self-referential campaigns increased brand recall by 15% in fragmented media environments.[83]Entering the contemporary era post-2000, service-dominant (S-D) logic, proposed by Stephen Vargo and Robert Lusch in 2004, reframed marketing as operand resources (goods) yielding to operant resources (knowledge and skills), with value co-created through actor networks rather than embedded in products.[84] This paradigm, grounded in historical reevaluations of economic exchange from Adam Smith's service exchanges, has been tested in B2B contexts, where co-creation initiatives boosted innovation rates by 25% in supply chain partnerships.[85] Empirical support includes longitudinal data from manufacturing firms showing S-D implementations reducing value leakage by emphasizing beneficiary experience over output transfer.[86]Consumer culture theory (CCT), articulated by Eric Arnould and Craig Thompson in 2005, shifted focus to socio-cultural processes shaping consumption, integrating anthropology and sociology to explain how identities, ideologies, and marketplaces co-constitute consumer practices.[87] Unlike economic models prioritizing utility maximization, CCT's ethnographic studies reveal consumption as a site of cultural production, with findings from global fieldwork indicating that marketplace myths sustain demand in luxury goods markets, where perceived authenticity drives 40% of premium pricing variance.[88] Contemporary extensions incorporate digital ethnographies, linking social media rituals to brand communities that enhance loyalty metrics by 18-22% through shared narratives.[89]These advances reflect a causal progression from transaction-focused efficiency to relational and experiential value, informed by accumulating data on market fragmentation and technological mediation, though critiques note overemphasis on qualitative interpretation risks underplaying verifiable quantitative outcomes in scalable models.[90] Ongoing theoretical work integrates behavioral economics, with prospect theory applications since Kahneman and Tversky's 1979 framework adapted in the 2000s to predict loss aversion in pricing, yielding 10-15% uplift in conversion rates via reference-dependent strategies.[91]
Key Technological and Strategic Innovations
Advertising, Branding, and Distribution Milestones
The earliest known printed advertisement in the English language appeared around 1476-1477, when William Caxton promoted his edition of the Ordinale ad usum Sarum, a handbook for priests, using a single-sheet flyer distributed in England.[92] This marked the inception of print advertising, leveraging the newly introduced printing press to reach broader audiences beyond oral or hand-painted announcements. By 1704, newspaper advertising emerged in the American colonies with the Boston News-Letter, where postmaster John Campbell included classified ads for goods and services, establishing periodicals as a key medium for commercial promotion.[93]Outdoor advertising advanced in 1835 when printer Jared Bell created large-format posters exceeding 50 square feet in New York to publicize the Barnum & Bailey Circus, laying the groundwork for modern billboards that capitalized on high-visibility urban spaces.[94] Radio advertising debuted on August 28, 1922, with a 10-minute spot on New York station WEAF by the Queensboro Corporation for a real estate development in Queens, sold for $100 and read live on air, demonstrating broadcasting's potential for direct sales pitches to mass audiences.[95] Television advertising followed on July 1, 1941, when Bulova Watch Company aired a 10-second spot on WNBT (now WNBC) during a Brooklyn Dodgers-Philadelphia Phillies baseball game, featuring a simple clock graphic and voiceover for $4 (equivalent to about $9 adjusted), the first legally sanctioned TV commercial in the U.S.[96]Branding practices evolved from artisanal marks to systematic strategies during the Industrial Revolution. Josiah Wedgwood, founding his pottery firm in 1759, pioneered consumer branding by applying impressed marks on ceramics, developing product lines like creamware (branded "Queen's Ware" after royal endorsement), and using catalogs, showrooms, and endorsements to differentiate goods in a mass market.[97] Legal protections solidified with the U.S. Trademark Act of 1881, the first federal legislation enabling registration of trademarks for interstate commerce, addressing prior constitutional challenges and facilitating brand ownership amid expanding markets.[98]Distribution channels transformed with innovations in retail and logistics. Mail-order catalogs gained prominence in 1893 when Sears, Roebuck and Company expanded from watches to general merchandise, distributing thick annual catalogs via rural free delivery to reach isolated consumers, bypassing traditional wholesalers and enabling direct manufacturer-to-buyer sales.[99] Self-service retailing revolutionized grocery distribution in 1916 with Clarence Saunders' opening of the first Piggly Wiggly store in Memphis, Tennessee, where customers selected items from open shelves rather than requesting from clerks, reducing labor costs and accelerating throughput in an era of growing consumer independence.[100] These milestones collectively shifted marketing from producer-driven to channel-efficient models, enhancing product accessibility and visibility.
Digital Revolution and Data-Driven Innovations
The advent of the internet in the 1990s marked a pivotal shift in marketing, transitioning from analog to digital channels that enabled unprecedented reach and interactivity. On October 27, 1994, AT&T placed the first clickable banner advertisement on HotWired.com, the online arm of Wired magazine, featuring the slogan "Have you ever clicked your mouse right HERE? You will." This ad achieved a 44% click-through rate, demonstrating early viability for web-based promotions despite rudimentary technology.[101][102] The proliferation of search engines further catalyzed this evolution; Yahoo launched in 1994, followed by Google's indexing in 1998, which facilitated search engine optimization (SEO) and pay-per-click (PPC) models as marketers sought to capture user intent.[103]Google AdWords, introduced on October 23, 2000, epitomized this innovation by implementing an auction-based PPC system that charged advertisers only for clicks, generating over $100 billion in annual revenue by the 2010s and shifting budgets from traditional media.[104][105] Social media platforms amplified digital engagement; Facebook's 2007 ad launch enabled targeted outreach based on demographics, while YouTube (2005) and Twitter (2006) introduced video and real-time content marketing, with global digital ad spend surpassing $300 billion by 2020.[106] Mobile marketing emerged post-2007 iPhone launch, leveraging apps and location data for contextual ads. These developments democratized access for small businesses but intensified competition, prompting refinements like programmatic advertising, which automated ad buying via real-time bidding by the mid-2010s.[103]Data-driven innovations transformed marketing from intuition-based to empirically grounded strategies, rooted in customer relationship management (CRM) systems originating in the 1980s but digitized in the 1990s. Salesforce pioneered cloud-based CRM in 1999, enabling scalable tracking of customer interactions and sales pipelines without on-premise hardware, which by 2024 supported over 150,000 companies in predictive lead scoring.[107][108] Google Analytics, launched in 2005, provided free web traffic insights, allowing marketers to measure conversion rates and user behavior, with adoption correlating to a 20-30% uplift in ROI for data-informed campaigns.[109]The big data era, accelerated by Hadoop's 2006 open-source framework, enabled processing of vast datasets from online behaviors, yielding personalized marketing at scale. By the 2010s, machine learning algorithms analyzed petabytes of consumer data for segmentation, reducing acquisition costs by up to 50% through retargeting and recommendation engines, as seen in Amazon's systems.[110] This precision stemmed from causal linkages between data points—such as clickstreams and purchase history—enabling A/B testing and dynamic pricing, though reliant on accurate attribution models to avoid overcounting influences.[111] Privacy regulations like GDPR (2018) imposed constraints, yet innovations persisted, with AI-driven tools forecasting churn rates with 85% accuracy in enterprise settings.[110]
Controversies, Ethical Challenges, and Regulatory Impacts
Historical Scandals and Manipulation Allegations
In the late 19th century, patent medicines exemplified widespread deceptive marketing practices, with manufacturers promoting tonics and elixirs as cures for diverse ailments including cancer, tuberculosis, and impotence, often without scientific basis and containing addictive substances such as opium, morphine, cocaine, or high alcohol content.[112][113] These products, rarely under actual patents despite the name, relied on hyperbolic newspaper advertisements and almanacs promising miraculous results, contributing to public health harms like addiction and delayed medical treatment.[114][115] The prevalence of such fraudulence prompted regulatory reforms, culminating in the U.S. Pure Food and Drug Act of 1906, which mandated accurate labeling to curb unsubstantiated claims.[116]Mid-20th-century allegations of psychological manipulation intensified scrutiny, notably through claims of subliminal advertising. In 1957, market researcher James Vicary asserted that flashing imperceptible messages—"Eat Popcorn" and "Drink Coca-Cola"—during a New Jersey cinema screening boosted popcorn sales by 57% and Coca-Cola by 18%, sparking fears of hidden mind control in marketing.[117] Vicary later admitted fabricating the data for publicity, yet the hoax fueled congressional hearings and enduring public distrust of subconscious persuasion techniques, despite subsequent research showing limited real-world efficacy of subliminal priming on consumer behavior.[118] Concurrently, the Colgate-Palmolive case of 1965 highlighted staged demonstrations; the company's television ad depicted a razor blade shaving a substance mimicking sandpaper to promote Rapid Shave, but the Supreme Court ruled it deceptive for creating a false impression of live testing, violating Federal Trade Commission standards against misleading visuals.[119]The tobacco industry's marketing tactics from the 1950s onward represented systemic deception, as internal documents revealed executives knew of smoking's links to lung cancer and heart disease by the mid-1950s but publicly denied these risks through campaigns emphasizing "light" or filtered cigarettes as safer alternatives.[120][121] Tactics included funding biased research, suppressing unfavorable studies, and targeting vulnerable groups like youth with flavored products and imagery portraying smoking as glamorous or rebellious, despite evidence of addiction and health harms.[122][123] These practices persisted until the 1998 Master Settlement Agreement, which extracted $206 billion from major U.S. firms for Medicaid reimbursements and mandated corrective advertising to dispel myths of reduced harm from "low-tar" variants.[124]In the 1970s, Nestlé faced allegations of manipulative infant formula marketing in low-income developing countries, where saleswomen in nurse uniforms distributed free samples to new mothers, discouraging breastfeeding and fostering dependency on formula.[125] Improper dilution with contaminated water led to malnutrition and diarrheal diseases; economic analyses estimate Nestlé's market entry correlated with approximately 212,000 additional annual infant deaths in regions lacking clean water access around 1981, though causation involved broader factors like poverty and sanitation deficits.[126] The controversy triggered a global boycott starting in 1977, pressuring the World Health Organization to adopt the 1981 International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes, restricting aggressive promotion to mitigate health risks from over-reliance on substitutes.[127] While Nestlé contested claims of direct causation, the episode underscored ethical perils in cross-cultural marketing absent local infrastructure.[128]
Balanced Assessment: Benefits vs. Overstated Criticisms of Consumer Influence
Marketing's influence on consumers, through advertising and promotion, primarily operates by disseminating product information, which empirical economic analysis demonstrates enhances consumer welfare by lowering search costs and facilitating informed decision-making. George Stigler's 1961 framework in "The Economics of Information" posits that advertising serves as a mechanism to reduce the time and effort consumers expend in identifying suitable goods, thereby mitigating price dispersion and enabling more efficient market outcomes. This informational role has been corroborated in subsequent studies, where targeted advertising correlates with higher click-through rates and better product matching, saving consumers time and reducing purchase uncertainties.[129] For instance, a macroeconomic model of digital advertising expansion estimates substantial consumer surplus gains from intensified price competition, as firms vie for informed buyers, potentially lowering effective prices across categories.[130]Quantifiable historical impacts further underscore these benefits, with advertising expenditures aligning with broader economic gains in consumer satisfaction and spending. Data from the American Customer Satisfaction Index (ACSI) reveal that surges in satisfaction—often tied to improved marketing-driven product discovery—have driven U.S. GDP growth, as seen in 2023 when a record quarterly ACSI increase of over 2 points coincided with robust consumer spending contributing 0.5-1% to quarterly GDP expansion. Similarly, field experiments removing online ads, such as a nine-country Facebook study, found minimal welfare losses for users, implying that ad exposure yields offsetting advantages like enhanced awareness of options, with disutility appearing small relative to utility from relevant promotions.[131] These effects extend to innovation incentives, where marketing signals demand, prompting firms to develop goods aligned with preferences, historically evident in post-World War II consumer goods booms that elevated living standards without commensurate price hikes.Criticisms portraying marketing as predominantly manipulative—eroding consumer autonomy through psychological coercion—overstate harms by neglecting evidence of consumer sovereignty and net positive outcomes, often rooted in assumptions of passive buyers unsubstantiated by data. Economic critiques, such as those from the Institute of Economic Affairs, argue that viewing advertising solely as preference-shaping ignores its pro-competitive informational core, where consumers actively filter and reject unappealing messages, retaining agency in allocations.[132] Empirical welfare analyses, including meta-implications from randomized ad exposures, consistently show aggregate benefits outweighing perceived manipulations, with no widespread evidence of sustained irrationality overriding sovereignty; instead, advertising correlates with higher brand loyalty and satisfaction when informative.[133] Such overstated narratives, prevalent in certain academic and media critiques, frequently discount causal realism—firms succeed by meeting real demands, not fabricating them—while underemphasizing regulatory checks and market corrections that curb excesses, as validated by stable long-term consumption patterns amid rising ad volumes.[134]
Evolution of Regulations and Free-Market Responses
The earliest significant regulations targeting deceptive marketing practices emerged in the United States during the Progressive Era, driven by exposés on fraud such as Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906), which highlighted adulterated meat products and misleading labels. The Pure Food and Drug Act of June 30, 1906, prohibited the interstate shipment of misbranded or adulterated foods, drugs, and related advertising claims, establishing federal oversight through what became the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). This law addressed causal links between false promotions—often for patent medicines promising cures without evidence—and public health harms, marking a shift from laissez-faire tolerance of buyer-beware norms to empirical intervention against verifiable deception.The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Act of September 26, 1914, created the FTC to investigate and halt "unfair methods of competition" in commerce, initially focusing on business-to-business harms like monopolistic advertising suppression rather than direct consumer deception.[135] This framework evolved with the Wheeler-Lea Act of March 21, 1938, which amended the FTC Act to empower the agency against "false advertising" injuring consumers, including non-competitive claims for foods, drugs, devices, and cosmetics—such as unsubstantiated efficacy assertions that empirical evidence later disproved in cases like radium-infused products.[136] The Act responded to documented scandals, like the 1930s surge in quack remedies amid economic distress, by authorizing cease-and-desist orders and fines, thereby extending causal accountability from producer intent to market outcomes.Post-World War II consumerism and revelations of manipulative tactics, including subliminal advertising claims debunked by empirical studies (e.g., James Vicary's 1957 hoax experiment yielding no verifiable sales uplift), intensified regulatory scrutiny in the 1960s-1970s.[137] The FTC's 1971 "Unfair or Deceptive Acts or Practices" policy statement broadened enforcement against implied falsehoods, targeting children's advertising and environmental claims lacking data substantiation. In parallel, free-market responses emphasized industry self-regulation to avert heavier government burdens; the National Advertising Division (NAD), established in 1971 under the Council of Better Business Bureaus alongside the National Advertising Review Board (NARB), created a voluntary system for preemptive claim reviews, resolving over 95% of cases without litigation by 2021 through evidence-based adjudication.[138] This mechanism, funded by advertisers, preserved commercial speech—protected under First Amendment precedents like Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council (1976)—while addressing credibility gaps from biased academic critiques overemphasizing persuasion over informational value.Free-market proponents, drawing on economic analyses, countered regulatory expansion by highlighting advertising's role in disseminating price, quality, and availability data, which empirical models show enhances competition and consumer surplus without net deception in mature markets.[139] Responses included trade associations' codes (e.g., American Association of Advertising Agencies' 1924 standards, updated post-1938) and lobbying for deregulation, arguing that overreach—such as failed 1970s FTC bans on kids' ads—stifles innovation without proportional harm reduction, as market penalties for fraud (e.g., boycotts post-scandals) provide faster causal feedback than bureaucratic delays.[140] By the 1980s-1990s, deregulatory shifts under administrations prioritizing antitrust over paternalism allowed adaptive strategies like comparative advertising, validated by studies showing net informational benefits outweighing rare manipulations.[141] Self-regulation's efficacy, evidenced by NAD's handling of 1,000+ annual challenges with high compliance rates, underscores industry incentives for trust-building over coercion, mitigating biases in regulatory sources favoring intervention despite uneven enforcement records.[142]