Hubbry Logo
Rex 84Rex 84Main
Open search
Rex 84
Community hub
Rex 84
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Rex 84
Rex 84
from Wikipedia

Rex 84B, short for Readiness Exercise 1984 Bravo, was a classified scenario and drill developed by the United States federal government to detain large numbers of United States residents deemed to be "national security threats" in the event that the president declared a National Emergency. The scenario envisioned state defense forces rounding up to 500,000 undocumented Central American residents and 4,000 American citizens whom the US Attorney General had designated as "national security threats" as part of the secret Continuity of Government program. These people would be detained at 22 military bases in prison camps run by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.[1]

The plan was first discovered by the Christic Institute in 1984 and first revealed in detail in a major daily newspaper by reporter Alfonso Chardy in the July 5, 1987 edition of the Miami Herald. The possible reasons for such a roundup were reported to be widespread opposition to a U.S. military invasion abroad, such as if the United States were to directly invade Central America.[2][3][4] To combat what the government perceived as "subversive activities", the plan also authorized the military to direct the movement of civilian populations at state and regional levels, according to Professor Diana Reynolds.[5]

Background

[edit]

The existence of master military contingency plans (of which Rex 84 was a part), Operation Garden Plot and a similar earlier exercise, Lantern Spike, were originally revealed by journalist Ron Ridenhour, who summarized his findings in a 1975 article in CounterSpy magazine.[6] Starting in 1981, the DoD and FEMA began a tradition of bi-annual joint exercises to test civil mobilization using the names Proud Saber and Rex 82. In 1984, the scenario involved a US Army rehearsal of airlifting the entire 82nd Airborne Division (consisting of 15,000 troops) from Fort Bragg in North Carolina, under the cover of night and flying them to either El Salvador or Nicaragua as a simulated invasion to enforce a state of martial law. This part of the exercise had been code named Rex 84 Night Train, and the overall readiness exercise, involving 34 federal agencies, was code named Rex 84, with FEMA's role in assisting the DoD as Rex 84 Alpha. Later, when the mass detention scenario involving FEMA was added at the request of FEMA director Louis Giuffrida and Reagan Advisor Edwin Meese and personally authorized by President Ronald Reagan, the mass detention scenario was code named Rex 84 Bravo. It was modeled on a 1970s Giuffreda-Meese-Reagan exercise in California known as Operation Cable Splicer.

The plan was first discovered by the Christic Institute in 1984 and first revealed in detail in a major daily newspaper by reporter Alfonso Chardy in the July 5, 1987 edition of the Miami Herald. The possible reasons for such a roundup were reported to be widespread opposition to a U.S. military invasion abroad, such as if the United States were to directly invade Central America.[2][3][4] To combat what the government perceived as "subversive activities", the plan also authorized the military to direct the movement of civilian populations at state and regional levels, according to Professor Diana Reynolds.[7]

Role in Iran-Contra

[edit]

The FEMA role in Rex 84, branded Rex 84B, was brainstormed by Louis Giuffrida as a way to ship arms to the Contras, in violation of the Boland Amendment, a potentially impeachable offense. The states of Texas, Alabama, and Louisiana had established civilian "state defense forces" independent of the national guard, recruiting mercenaries through the magazine Soldier of Fortune. This allowed FEMA to sidestep its own and Department of Defense procurement rules for the weapons needed for mass detentions and sidestepped the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibits deploying US military forces in the United States to enforce civilian laws against civilians. The Pentagon shipped the state security forces massive amounts of arms and military equipment for the exercise, and the defense forces were instructed to re-value the equipment at its higher replacement value. At the end of the exercise, the security forces only returned equipment at the value originally shipped, leaving surplus military equipment in the hands of civilians. These weapons were then "donated" to Central Intelligence Agency front-charities and shipped to the Contras in Central America under the cover of humanitarian supplies.[8]

Continuity of Government

[edit]

Transcripts from the Iran–Contra hearings on July 13, 1987, record the following dialogue between Congressman Jack Brooks, Oliver North's attorney Brendan Sullivan, and Senator Daniel Inouye, the Democratic Chair of the joint Senate–House Committee:[9][10]

[Congressman Jack] Brooks: Colonel North, in your work at the N.S.C. were you not assigned, at one time, to work on plans for the continuity of government in the event of a major disaster?

Brendan Sullivan [North's counsel, agitatedly]: Mr. Chairman?

[Senator Daniel] Inouye: I believe that question touches upon a highly sensitive and classified area so may I request that you not touch upon that?

Brooks: I was particularly concerned, Mr. Chairman, because I read in Miami papers, and several others, that there had been a plan developed, by that same agency, a contingency plan in the event of emergency, that would suspend the American constitution. And I was deeply concerned about it and wondered if that was an area in which he had worked. I believe that it was and I wanted to get his confirmation.

Inouye: May I most respectfully request that that matter not be touched upon at this stage. If we wish to get into this, I'm certain arrangements can be made for an executive session.

Contingency plans by the US Government for rounding up people perceived by the government to be subversive or a threat to civil order have existed for many decades.[11] For example, from 1967 to 1971, the FBI kept a list of over 100,000 people to be rounded up as subversive, dubbed the "ADEX" list.[12] Such a list existed in 1984 as part of the classified Continuity of Government program; however, when Giuffreda asked Attorney General William French Smith to release the list to FEMA for the exercise, the Attorney General refused.

AG French's concerns about FEMA's role in Rex 84B led to several reforms. It emerged FEMA's Director of Civil Security had compiled a list of 12,000 names of political security threats, intruding on the FBI's jurisdiction. While FEMA spent resources building civil security infrastructure such as detention camp supplies, it neglected its basic civil defense role. Giuffreda resigned in 1985 after a US House of Representatives subcommittee charged that FEMA was being mismanaged. A secret DoD/CIA joint investigation into the potential unconstitutionality of FEMA's role in planning for civil security emergencies (i.e. martial law) unearthed the Rex 84B plan and exercise data; however, this was destroyed by the investigator, CIA agent William Buckley, who would later be kidnapped and murdered while serving as Beirut station chief in 1985 by the Islamic Jihad Organization.[13]

Legacy

[edit]

Rex 84B's scenario of mass detention of US citizens and residents under an unrealistic pretext and without congressional debate is often cited by civil libertarians[14] opposing the militarization of police, and has also given rise to the FEMA camps conspiracy theory. The existence of the ADEX list presaged mass restrictions on movement without due process such as the no-fly list. The exercise's fictional scenario of viewing Central American refugees as potential subversives who might organize themselves into terrorist cells was sent to the FBI as fact, leading to a crackdown by border authorities and federal government hostility to the American Sanctuary Movement.[15] In 2003, Congressman Jim McDermott cited Rex 84B in raising concerns about martial law in the United States as part of the Global War on Terror.[16]

The Rex 84 scenario is unlikely to be constitutional because in 2018, the US Supreme Court overturned its decision in Korematsu v. United States, the 1944 decision upholding the mass internment of Japanese Americans without due process during World War II.[17]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Rex 84, formally designated as Readiness Exercise 1984 (with variants Alpha and Bravo), was a classified U.S. federal government drill conducted in April 1984 primarily by the (FEMA) to evaluate the transition to emergency operational modes, including interagency coordination for during simulated national crises such as civil disturbances. The exercise involved participation from military commands, civil agencies, and FEMA's programs, focusing on logistical readiness for rapid mobilization and under heightened threat scenarios. Developed amid tensions and domestic concerns over potential unrest, Rex 84 built on prior contingency frameworks like the Department of Defense's Garden Plot civil disturbance operations plan, emphasizing federal authority to maintain order without specifying public details on scope or outcomes. It was overseen by figures including staff, with links to broader Reagan administration preparedness initiatives, though primary declassified records remain limited to exercise planning references rather than full operational directives. Public awareness emerged in 1987 through congressional Iran-Contra investigations, where Rex 84 was cited in connection to standby mechanisms for executive continuity, prompting debates over potential overreach in domestic security powers. Later Act requests to FEMA yielded no responsive records on the exercise's detailed plans, underscoring gaps in verifiable and fueling about its alignment with contingencies, despite official emphasis on defensive readiness. These elements have defined Rex 84's legacy as a emblem of opaque emergency governance, distinct from unsubstantiated extensions to permanent internment infrastructure.

Historical Context and Origins

Development During the Reagan Administration

Readiness Exercise 1984 (Rex 84), specifically designated as Rex 84 Bravo, originated as a classified joint drill conducted in 1984 under the auspices of the (FEMA) in coordination with the Department of Defense. This exercise formed part of the Reagan administration's series of annual military-FEMA readiness operations, building on prior efforts like Rex-83, to test interagency responses to potential national crises amid heightened hostilities with the . The planning emphasized scenarios involving widespread disruption, reflecting Reagan's strategic focus on bolstering defense capabilities against external threats such as invasion or nuclear contingencies. Key development milestones included integration of FEMA's protocols with assets, as documented in Department of the Army summaries for 1984, which highlighted Rex 84 Bravo's role in evaluating force reconstitution post-attack and . The contributed to oversight, aligning the exercise with broader continuity directives, though primary execution rested with FEMA and DoD components. These efforts drew empirical grounding from precedents like the Department of Defense's Garden Plot plan, a longstanding framework for assistance in quelling major civil disturbances, which had been refined since the to address domestic unrest scenarios. The exercise's formulation responded to contemporaneous pressures, including geopolitical strains from Soviet adventurism and domestic strains from regional instability in Central America, where civil wars in countries like and fueled migration concerns and potential spillover effects on U.S. stability. By mid-1984, Rex 84 Bravo incorporated simulations of rapid response to such contingencies, prioritizing classified testing of command structures without public disclosure to maintain operational . This phase marked the consolidation of Rex 84 as a benchmark for interagency , distinct from routine FEMA activities like drills conducted concurrently.

Integration with Broader Emergency Planning

Rex 84 represented an extension of established (COG) frameworks, which originated in the 1950s under President Eisenhower to safeguard executive functions against nuclear attack, evolving through subsequent administrations to address broader disruptions. By the , these programs incorporated non-nuclear scenarios, such as civil unrest or mass population movements, through joint FEMA-Department of Defense exercises that tested interagency coordination for rapid government relocation and essential service continuity. This integration drew on prior drills like the 1980 Nine Lives exercise, which simulated command relocation amid wartime conditions, providing a foundational structure for Rex 84's evaluation of emergency response scalability. The exercise aligned with Cold War-era causal priorities, where empirical intelligence on Soviet-backed subversion—evidenced by documented cases and defector testimonies—necessitated contingency measures to isolate threats to domestic stability without presuming ideological motives alone. Rex 84 thus complemented pre-existing plans like the Department of Defense's Garden Plot, which outlined military support for civil authorities in quelling disturbances, by incorporating FEMA's role in resource mobilization and temporary population management to prevent cascading failures in governance. Collaboration extended to state-level entities, including units, for localized enforcement and logistics, reflecting a decentralized approach grounded in rather than centralized overreach. In practice, Rex 84 emphasized utilization of existing federal for short-term and , avoiding of dedicated sites, as part of wider under 11490, which assigned departments roles in crisis mitigation. This framework responded to observable pressures, such as surges in undocumented migration from amid regional conflicts, which strained border resources and raised risks of associated unrest, prioritizing empirical threat assessment over speculative narratives. Such linkages underscored Rex 84's role not as an isolated scheme but as a pragmatic augmentation of resilient planning, tested via simulated scenarios to validate operational readiness without real-world activation.

Plan Details and Mechanisms

Continuity of Government Components

Rex 84 incorporated (COG) protocols designed to sustain essential federal operations during severe national disruptions, including the simulated evacuation and relocation of key personnel from the executive, legislative, and judicial branches to hardened, secure facilities such as underground bunkers and alternate command centers. These measures aimed to preserve constitutional command structures and authority amid scenarios like foreign invasions or large-scale domestic civil disturbances. The exercise tested the rapid transition to decentralized governance sites, ensuring that leadership could maintain national command chains without interruption from physical threats or overwhelming chaos. Oversight for these COG elements fell under National Security Decision Directive 55 (NSDD 55), titled "Enduring National Leadership," issued by President Reagan on September 14, 1982, which formalized policies for protecting and relocating national leadership to enable uninterrupted executive functions in crises. Lt. Col. , serving on the staff, coordinated related FEMA contingency planning, including drafts for emergency powers activation to support branch relocations and operational continuity. This directive built on prior frameworks, emphasizing the survivability of government apparatus against nuclear or conventional threats prevalent during the era. Tied to FEMA's broadened responsibilities under Reagan administration directives, Rex 84 extended COG simulations beyond purely military contingencies to encompass non-military emergencies, such as widespread urban unrest akin to the riots or infrastructural collapses from natural disasters. FEMA's role, enhanced through executive orders like EO 12148, positioned the agency to orchestrate interagency support for branch relocations, including logistics for transporting officials and securing alternate operational hubs. The drill mirrored earlier U.S. exercises, such as Eisenhower's Operation Alert series in the , which practiced similar evacuations in response to anticipated Soviet nuclear risks, adapting them to integrated civil-military responses.

Detention and Resource Allocation Procedures

Rex 84's detention protocols targeted scenarios involving a sudden mass migration of undocumented individuals from , projected to exceed 400,000 entrants, categorized as potential subversives capable of forming organized threats. Processing would occur at repurposed military installations, emphasizing rapid for security screening, medical checks, and determination of repatriation eligibility rather than long-term confinement. These sites were selected for their existing infrastructure, including and fencing, to handle short-term overflows from border apprehensions without necessitating new construction. Resource allocation under the exercise involved FEMA coordination with Department of Defense assets to activate pre-designated holding facilities, supplemented by civilian venues if capacity strained. Transportation relied on federalized convoys for secure movement from entry points to interior sites, minimizing reliance on civilian to avoid operational bottlenecks. Legal authorization drew from statutory emergency authorities, including the , which permits presidential deployment of federal troops to suppress domestic insurrections or enforce laws when state capabilities falter, framing the response as order restoration amid perceived risks. No declassified materials indicate provisions for indefinite ; protocols specified phased releases or expulsions post-stabilization. Empirical execution remained confined to tabletop simulations and field drills in July 1984, with participating agencies logging procedural data but no real-world activations. Post-exercise reviews confirmed the framework's focus on containment duration tied to crisis resolution, typically weeks to months, absent any documented shifts toward permanent camps. This temporary orientation aligned with broader civil disturbance planning, such as , which similarly prioritized transient facilities over sustained incarceration.

Public Revelation and Immediate Reactions

Exposure During Iran-Contra Investigations

During the congressional hearings investigating the Iran-Contra affair on July 13, 1987, Representative Jack Brooks (D-TX) directly questioned Lieutenant Colonel about Rex 84 amid discussions of North's role in (COG) planning at the . Brooks sought details on North's involvement in FEMA-related emergency procedures outlined in the classified plan, referencing its implications for domestic civil actions during crises, but Senate co-chair (D-HI) immediately intervened, ruling the line of inquiry out of order due to concerns and halting further testimony on the matter. This brief exchange, broadcast live, publicly confirmed Rex 84's existence for the first time in an official proceeding, underscoring its sensitive classification despite prior limited reporting. Rex 84, shorthand for Readiness Exercise , originated as a 1984 FEMA-orchestrated drill simulating mass civil unrest or invasion scenarios, involving interagency coordination for resource allocation and population management, well before the -Contra arms transactions to commenced in 1985. North's referenced contributions pertained to COG enhancements under Reagan-era directives, separate from the hearings' focus on covert foreign aid diversions. Investigators found no evidentiary connection between Rex 84 mechanisms and the illicit funding streams at issue, as the plan addressed statutory emergency powers rather than extraterritorial operations.

Media Reporting and Initial Scrutiny

The first detailed public account of Rex 84 appeared in an investigative report by Miami Herald journalist Alfonso Chardy on July 5, 1987, drawing from leaked internal documents obtained from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and related continuity-of-government planning groups. Chardy's piece outlined the exercise's mechanisms for rapid detention of U.S. citizens labeled as national security risks, including provisions for 23 regional detention centers capable of holding up to 400,000 individuals, framed within simulated scenarios of mass civil unrest or foreign invasion. Contemporary media coverage following the exposé was restrained, with outlets like the emphasizing Rex 84's ties to routine FEMA-led drills rather than portraying it as an aberrant overreach, amid the Reagan administration's prevailing priorities against Soviet threats and domestic unrest. This framing contributed to muted scrutiny, as the plan's classified elements restricted access to full operational details, and initial reporting did not elicit widespread congressional or public demands for investigation beyond the ongoing Iran-Contra context. Full declassification of Rex 84 documents did not occur immediately, with core materials remaining withheld under exemptions; partial disclosures emerged only through Act (FOIA) requests, including multiple filings via MuckRock in 2018 that yielded redacted evaluations of the exercise's logistics and interagency coordination but no comprehensive operational manuals. These efforts highlighted ongoing opacity, as agencies like FEMA cited exemptions for sensitive protocols, limiting empirical verification of the plan's scope and implementation fidelity.

Controversies and Diverse Viewpoints

Criticisms of Authoritarian Potential

Critics, including members of and civil liberties advocates, argued that Rex 84 outlined a blueprint for by empowering the (FEMA) to assume control over domestic affairs, potentially suspending constitutional protections such as and enabling mass detentions without judicial oversight. During the Iran-Contra hearings on July 13, 1987, Representative Jack Brooks (D-TX) directly questioned National Security Council aide about Rex 84's provisions for suspending the in an emergency, highlighting fears of executive overreach that could target perceived domestic threats beyond its stated focus on refugee influxes. These concerns were amplified by reports of the plan's mechanisms for designating up to 400,000 individuals, including potential U.S. citizens labeled as dissidents, for in pre-identified facilities, drawing parallels to historical precedents like Japanese-American during . Civil liberties groups and 1980s congressional skeptics, such as Brooks, contended that the exercise's integration with broader continuity-of-government protocols risked facilitating the targeting of anti-war activists and political opponents, as evidenced by contemporaneous FBI of organizations like the in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), which opposed Reagan administration policies in . Critics viewed the plan's secrecy and reliance on executive directives—bypassing routine congressional approval—as creating a pathway for authoritarian consolidation, where emergencies could justify indefinite detentions in FEMA-designated sites without . However, no emerged of Rex 84's activation during contemporary crises, such as the 1987 Black Monday stock market crash or widespread urban unrest in 1989 amid economic downturns, underscoring that while the framework posed theoretical risks of abuse, it remained uninvoked despite opportunities for broader application. The potential for such plans to erode was framed by detractors as inherent to their design, rooted in expansive interpretations of constitutional emergency powers like the , yet vulnerable to misuse against non-violent dissenters rather than genuine threats. Left-leaning analyses in the late 1980s portrayed Rex 84 as a harbinger of Reagan-era , emphasizing FEMA Director Louis Giuffrida's prior advocacy for policies targeting "hardcore" elements in urban populations. Despite these allegations of overreach, the absence of documented executions or expansions into citizen detentions during the decade's geopolitical tensions—such as the 1989 revolutions in —tempered claims of imminent tyranny, revealing a tension between precautionary planning and safeguards against politicized implementation.

Defenses as Prudent Contingency Measures

Proponents of contingency planning in the 1980s, including officials, maintained that measures like Rex 84 were essential responses to tangible threats, such as Soviet exemplified by the invasion of and proxy support for Latin American insurgencies, which raised credible risks of escalation to U.S. territory or allied regions. Cuban state-orchestrated migrations, notably the 1980 that delivered approximately 125,000 individuals to Florida—many screened by Havana to include criminals and undesirables—illustrated how adversarial regimes could weaponize population flows to destabilize host nations. These dynamics, coupled with U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service records showing 1,767,400 border apprehensions in 1986 alone, underscored the imperative for scalable federal mechanisms to handle surges that could overwhelm local capacities and enable subversive infiltration. Such frameworks fostered inter-agency collaboration among entities like the , Department of Defense, and Immigration and Naturalization Service, yielding procedural refinements that bolstered overall resilience without supplanting civilian authority. This aligned with longstanding, bipartisan protocols originating in the era and refined across administrations from Eisenhower through Carter, prioritizing operational continuity amid existential perils like nuclear exchange or invasion rather than partisan agendas. Figures like Lieutenant Colonel , who contributed to related emergency preparations, advocated focusing on empirical threat evaluations and administrative safeguards—such as for reliability in critical roles—to sustain with limited interference, explicitly avoiding indiscriminate ideological targeting. Critics' portrayals of Rex 84 as a blueprint for mass of political lack substantiation in available records, which instead delineate responses to wartime or uncontrolled influxes, not routine ; the plan remained an unexecuted exercise, averting the chaos of unpreparedness seen in historical precedents like unmanaged crises. Absent any documented activation or abuse, defenders posit it exemplified foresight grounded in the era's causal realities—aggressor states exploiting open societies—over speculative fears, enhancing deterrence without eroding constitutional norms in practice.

Legacy and Subsequent Developments

Influence on Post-Cold War Emergency Protocols

Rex 84's emphasis on interagency coordination for mass relocation and during crises informed the evolution of U.S. emergency protocols beyond the era, particularly through updates to civil disturbance planning. The Department of Defense's Civil Disturbance Plan, codenamed Garden Plot, underwent revision in February 1991, outlining procedures for military support to civilian in quelling domestic unrest while adhering to legal constraints on federal troop deployment. This update retained conceptual parallels to Rex 84's scenarios of rapid response to civil disorders but prioritized limited, request-based assistance from governors, de-emphasizing autonomous federal actions amid post- shifts away from nuclear-centric threats toward asymmetric risks like urban riots or natural disasters. In the post-9/11 landscape, Rex 84's legacy manifested indirectly in expanded (COG) frameworks, such as Homeland Security Presidential Directive 20 (HSPD-20), issued on May 9, 2007, which established policies for sustaining national essential functions during catastrophic emergencies including pandemics and cyber disruptions. HSPD-20 directed federal agencies, including FEMA, to develop resilient operations plans focused on devolved governance and public-private partnerships, evolving Rex 84's resource allocation mechanisms into broader, unclassified exercises like those under the National Continuity Policy without endorsing mass detention provisions. Legal safeguards, including the of 1878 (18 U.S.C. § 1385), continued to limit military involvement in domestic policing, reinforcing separations in updated protocols that tested FEMA's coordination with the Department of Defense but avoided overreach into civilian affairs. Empirical evidence indicates no direct activations of Rex 84 protocols in subsequent decades; instead, its influence shaped adaptive, threat-agnostic planning evident in FEMA's integration into the Department of Homeland Security in 2003 and subsequent drills evaluating supply chain resilience and evacuation logistics. These developments prioritized constitutional continuity and minimal disruption to civil liberties, as documented in unclassified COG guidance, reflecting a causal progression from 1980s wartime contingencies to multifaceted emergency management suited to 21st-century challenges.

Persistent Interpretations in Contemporary Debates

In recent years, Rex 84 has been referenced in online narratives positing it as a foundational blueprint for modern FEMA-operated detention camps, with unsubstantiated claims resurfacing during events like the 2024 hurricane disaster responses in and , where aid distribution was falsely portrayed as a pretext for . These interpretations often extend to contexts, alleging preparation for mass roundups of undocumented migrants amid border surges exceeding 2.4 million encounters in 2023, though such assertions conflate historical exercises with current resource allocation without evidentiary support. analyses consistently classify these as iterations of a decades-old theory lacking documentation of active implementation or infrastructure activation. Official records contradict revival claims, emphasizing Rex 84's limited scope as a 1984 contingency drill. A 2023 Freedom of Information Act release from the includes the Rex-84 Alpha plan and exercise evaluation report, previously vetted under prior requests, which detail logistical simulations for civil unrest scenarios but affirm no post-exercise operational continuity or expansion into enduring . This documentation underscores the program's experimental nature, conducted under Reagan's April 1984 executive directive, rather than a deployable template, prompting analysts to prioritize verifiable protocols over speculative alarmism rooted in declassified hypotheticals. Interpretations diverge politically, with progressive critiques framing Rex 84 as an archetype of executive overreach enabling surveillance templates in contemporary crises, such as expanded emergency declarations under post-9/11 frameworks. In contrast, some conservative commentators invoke it as prescient for unmanaged chaos, arguing its resource allocation logic anticipates causal pressures from unchecked migration flows—over 10 million encounters since 2021—without endorsing activation, though empirical reviews find no linkage to active measures like Title expulsions or migrant processing centers. These views, while highlighting contingency planning's dual-edged utility, remain detached from causal evidence of Rex 84's influence, favoring first-principles evaluation of discrete threats over historical analogies.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.