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Shane Geoffrey Jones (born 3 September 1959) is a New Zealand politician. He is deputy leader of New Zealand First and a Member of Parliament (MP) in the New Zealand House of Representatives.

Key Information

Jones's political career began in 2005 as a list MP for the Labour Party. He became a cabinet minister in his first term, serving as Minister for Building and Construction in the Fifth Labour Government of New Zealand. Following Labour's defeat in the 2008 election, he was a senior opposition MP and unsuccessfully contested the leadership of the Labour Party in a 2013 leadership election.[1][2] He left parliament the following year for a brief diplomatic career,[3] before returning as a New Zealand First MP at the 2017 general election.

Jones was Minister for Regional Economic Development and Minister of Forestry in the Labour–New Zealand First coalition government from 2017 to 2020. He was elected for a fifth non-consecutive term in Parliament at the 2023 general election, and is Minister for Oceans and Fisheries, Minister for Regional Development, and Minister for Resources in the National–ACT–New Zealand First coalition government.

Early life and career

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Jones was born in Awanui, near Kaitaia, the eldest of six children to parents Peter, a farmer, and Ruth, a teacher.[4][5] He is Māori, of Te Aupōuri and Ngāi Takoto descent, as well as having English, Welsh and Croatian ancestry.[4][6] Jones's secondary education was at St Stephen's School, a boarding school for Māori boys in Bombay, south of Auckland.[7] His time there overlapped with future Māori Party MPs Hone Harawira and Te Ururoa Flavell.[7] He next studied at Victoria University of Wellington where he earned a Bachelor of Arts.[7] In 1990, he was awarded a Harkness Fellowship to study at Harvard Kennedy School at Harvard University where he completed a Master of Public Administration.[7][8] Jones returned to Victoria University in the 1990s as a lecturer in Māori studies.[9] He is fluent in te reo Māori.[10]

Jones was a public servant in the 1980s. He worked in the Māori secretariat in the Ministry for the Environment and later in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, providing advice to the Fourth Labour Government on settling Treaty of Waitangi breaches. When the Fourth National Government began the settlements process in the 1990s, he was appointed a member of the Treaty of Waitangi Fisheries Commission. He became chair of the commission in August 2000 and completed the allocation of fisheries resources among iwi in 2004.[11] He also chaired the Māori-owned fishing corporation Sealord during which period the company was merged with Nippon Suisan Kaisha.[12][13] A 2004 "power list" by the New Zealand Listener ranked him the ninth most powerful New Zealander.[14]

Labour Party, 2008–2014

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New Zealand Parliament
Years Term Electorate List Party
2005–2008 48th List 27 Labour
2008–2011 49th List 16 Labour
2011–2014 50th List 16 Labour
2017–2020 52nd List 8 NZ First
2023–present 54th List 2 NZ First

Jones has been elected to Parliament for two political parties—first with the Labour Party for nine years from 2005 to 2014, then with New Zealand First from 2017 to 2020—and was a Cabinet minister under both affiliations. Although he had often been speculated by the media and among his colleagues as a future leader of the Labour Party,[6] and indeed contested the Labour leadership in 2013, Jones's move away from Labour was not a surprise. Before his election as a Labour MP, Sir Graham Latimer had tried, unsuccessfully, to recruit him for the National Party.[11] Instead, Jones joined Labour in part because he had been impressed by David Lange and the Fourth Labour Government.[5] Over time he felt less comfortable in the "modern Labour Party," and openly stated in 2014 that he was not "naturally left-leaning."[11] He had been speculated as a New Zealand First candidate since at least 2015 before joining the party in 2017, in part due to his close relationship with New Zealand First leader Winston Peters.[15][16][17]

Jones in 2007

Fifth Labour Government, 2005–2008

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After the fisheries settlement was passed by Parliament in 2004, Jones announced he was interested in standing for the Labour Party at the upcoming election. He was approved as the candidate for the Northland electorate and was ranked 27 on the party list. This was the highest position given by Labour to someone who was not already a member of Parliament. While Jones did not win Northland, he entered Parliament as a list MP and was immediately made the chair of the Finance and Expenditure Select Committee.

On 31 October 2007, by then still in his first term, Jones was promoted into Cabinet. He became Minister for Building and Construction and held additional responsibilities as associate minister in charge of Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, Immigration and Trade. He scrapped a government proposal requiring new buildings to have low flow showers heads, prior to the 2008 general election.[18]

Opposition, 2008–2014

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Labour was defeated at the election and Jones contested the Northland electorate unsuccessfully, but was returned to parliament as a list member due to his high list placing of 16.[19] Labour lost again in the 2011 election; Jones was defeated in Tāmaki Makaurau but remained a list MP. During his six years as an opposition MP, Jones held various portfolios in the Goff, Shearer and Cunliffe shadow cabinets including building and construction, infrastructure, economic development, transport, fisheries, forestry and Māori affairs.

He was twice removed from his portfolios under controversy. On 10 June 2010, after the release of ministerial credit card records, Jones admitted to having used a Crown credit card for personal expenditure, but assured the public that he had reimbursed the Crown in full for the expenditure. Later that day Jones admitted that he had used the card to hire pornographic films at hotels while on ministerial business.[20] The credit card record showed that he chartered an executive jet for $1200, which he claimed was due to bad weather which forced a change in his schedule.[21] Four days later, opposition leader Phil Goff demoted Jones along with two other Labour MPs for misuse of ministerial credit cards.[22]

As Associate Minister of Immigration in 2008, Jones approved the citizenship application of Labour Party donor, Chinese businessman and later convicted money launderer William Yan, also known as Bill Liu. Four years later, Yan was charged with making false declarations on immigration documents. On 23 May 2012, Jones stood down from the front bench and his shadow portfolios while an investigation took place. Labour Party leader David Shearer asked the Auditor-General to investigate Jones's handling of the citizenship application. Jones had acted against officials' advice that he should decline the application because of questions about Yan's multiple identities and a warrant for his arrest in China. Jones defended his decision, saying it was based on humanitarian grounds because a high-level Government official had told him that Yan faced execution if he returned to China. Shearer said Jones supported the decision to refer the matter to the Auditor-General because Jones must be given a chance to clear his name.[23][24] On 24 May 2012, Yan was found not guilty on all the immigration charges.[25] The Auditor-General investigation commenced on 30 May 2012.[26] When it reported back the following year, it found no evidence that there was any improper motive, collusion, or political interference in the decision to authorise citizenship.[27]

In 2014, while economic development spokesperson, Jones alleged that Progressive Enterprises, owner of Countdown supermarkets, was involved in racketeering and extortion.[28][29][30] A Commerce Commission investigation found no evidence to support the claims.[31]

Leadership contest and resignation

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David Shearer resigned the Labour leadership in August 2013. Jones was the second MP to declare his candidacy, following Shearer's former deputy leader Grant Robertson. The pair would be joined by the party's economic development spokesperson David Cunliffe, who secured sufficient support from party delegates to win the leadership. Jones later said his candidacy was to honour Labour stalwart Parekura Horomia who had died earlier that year. Jones won the votes of seven out of 34 caucus colleagues and a minority of members' and affiliated unions' votes. Crucially, he did not have the support of senior Māori Labour MPs Nanaia Mahuta and Louisa Wall.[11] Ten years later, The Spinoff founder Duncan Grieve would write Jones's candidacy was less an "expectation of success than [a] signal he felt his banishment had ended."[32]

On 22 April 2014, Jones announced his intention to step down as a Labour Party MP, leaving at the end of May. He was appointed to the newly created role of Pacific Economic Ambassador by Foreign Affairs Minister Murray McCully.[3] Kelvin Davis succeeded him as Labour list MP.

New Zealand First, 2017–present

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Shane Jones (Economic Development Minister) at an event at Victoria University of Wellington in 2018

2017–2020 term

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On 30 June 2017, after months of speculation, Jones was confirmed as the New Zealand First candidate for Whangarei for the 2017 general election.[33] Jones was also placed eighth on the party list for New Zealand First, above some of the members of the New Zealand First caucus of the Parliament at the time, increasing his chances of re-entering Parliament.[34] New Zealand online magazine The Spinoff hosted a live debate on Facebook with seven of the 2017 election's candidates that the magazine found "most exciting", including Jones, representing New Zealand First.[35] Jones placed third in Whangarei, behind National candidate Shane Reti and Labour candidate Tony Savage,[36] but was elected as one of New Zealand First's nine list MPs.[37]

New Zealand First held the balance of power. Jones was part of the negotiating team that ultimately saw Winston Peters select a coalition with Labour over National. Jones was appointed Minister for Infrastructure, Minister of Forestry and Minister for Regional Economic Development, Associate Minister of Finance and Associate Minister of Transport.[38] As Minister for Regional Economic Development Jones was responsible for the $3 billion Provincial Growth Fund and announced a number of grants for the development of various regions, e.g. for Southland, the West Coast, the Wairarapa and Kaipara District.[39][40][41][42] The first grants in February 2018 included $6 million for the Whanganui rail line, $5 million for the Napier-Wairoa rail line and $2.3 million for the Gisborne port.[43] Further grants were announced for Hillside Engineering in South Dunedin ($20 million) as a major heavy engineering and KiwiRail servicing hub.[44][45][46] The fund was criticised by National for being a "slush fund" targeted toward marginal electorates and for the links between some fund applications and New Zealand First.[47][48][49]

Jones continued to court controversy in his new party. On 25 September 2019, Jones and Labour MP Kieran McAnulty were ejected from Parliament by the Speaker of the House Trevor Mallard after trading barbs with National MPs during a parliamentary debate about Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's meeting with US President Donald Trump.[50]

As Forestry Minister, Jones's flagship policy was to plant one billion trees. A farmers' protest in November 2019 against the Government's forestry policy caught Jones's ire; he described them as "rednecks."[51] Federated Farmers vice president Andrew Hoggard described Jones's comments as unhelpful and alleged that the Government was ignoring the agricultural sector's concerns.[52][53] In 2020, Jones described climate change activists for advocating reduced meat consumption as "medieval torture chamber workers" hellbent on "preaching this gospel of absolutism" in response to the Government's recent announcement that they would be introducing climate change education in schools.[54][55]

Out of Parliament, 2020–2023

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Jones was selected as New Zealand First's Northland candidate for the 2020 general election. He was defeated, coming third place with 5,119 votes behind Labour's Willow-Jean Prime (17,066) and National's Matt King (16,903).[56][57] New Zealand First also lost all its parliamentary seats, gaining only 2.6% percent of the party vote, below the five percent threshold needed to enter Parliament.[58] The day after the election, Jones, hungover and dressed in a t-shirt and baseball cap, was one of the first New Zealand First MPs to address media, saying he was "astounded" with Labour's success in the election.[59] Since leaving Parliament for the second time, Jones has provided media commentary critical of the Sixth Labour Government.[60]

In the 2023 general election, Jones stood as New Zealand First's Northland candidate and was ranked second on the party list. During the campaign, he was described as New Zealand First's deputy leader and finance spokesperson and advocated for greater investment in regional New Zealand.[61][62][63] (He was not officially elected as deputy leader of New Zealand First until September 2025.[64]) In mid-August 2023, he released a TikTok video of himself singing to the tune of the American rock band Journey's song "Don't Stop Believin'". Jones also used the song to highlight his role in promoting the Government's Provincial Growth Fund.[65] He polled in third place in the electorate.[66] With New Zealand First winning 6.08% of the party vote, he returned to Parliament for a fifth term as a list MP.[67][68]

Sixth National Government, 2023–present

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Jones was appointed the Minister for Oceans and Fisheries, Minister for Regional Development, Minister for Resources, Associate Minister of Finance and Associate Minister of Energy in the Sixth National Government of New Zealand on 27 November 2023.[69]

On 17 September 2025, Jones was elected by the New Zealand First parliamentary caucus as the party's deputy leader.[70]

Oceans and Fisheries

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In late March 2024, Jones as Fisheries Minister announced the Government had halted work on legislation to create a 620,000 km2 (240,000 sq mi) ocean sanctuary around the Kermadec Islands.[71]

In July 2024, Jones expressed interest in expanding the aquaculture sector in his capacity as Minister for Oceans and Fisheries. Jones told the news website Newsroom that the aquaculture sector faced fewer barriers and offered more opportunities than the wool, dairy and meat sectors. In addition, Jones said that the aquaculture industry lacked the "cacophony of voices currently protesting New Zealand's farming footprint."[72]

On 12 February 2025, Jones announced that the Government would be making changes to the Quota Management System including excluding ship camera footage from Official Information Act requests. The Green Party expressed concerns that these changes would reduce accountability in the fishing sector.[73]

As fisheries minister, Jones sponsored the Fisheries Amendment Bill, which proposed scrapping most legal-size limits for commercial fishing operators, allowing them to retain and sell small fish including snapper, tarakihi and trevally.[74][75] Following pressure from Prime Minister Luxon and NZ First leader Peters, he removed the clause scrapping legal-size limits from the proposed bill in late March 2026, Jones's proposal also attracted opposition from Greenpeace Aotearoa New Zealand, recreational fisheries advocacy group LegaSea and Ultimate Fishing television host Matt Watson.[75] On 31 March, Jones's fisheries bill passed its first reading in Parliament. He used his speech to remind the National and ACT parties of the National-NZ First coalition commitment to ease regulations on the fisheries sector.[76] On 18 June, the Fisheries Amendment Bill's passage to Parliament was delayed until after the 2026 New Zealand general election at Jones's request.[77]

Resources and regional development

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In June 2024, Jones announced that the Government would introduce legislation to reverse the previous Labour Government's ban on oil and gas exploration in the second half of 2024. He also confirmed that the Government would also amend legislation to make it easier for companies to get permission for oil exploration. Jones argued that reversing the ban on oil and gas exploration would help attract investment and promote economic growth and jobs. The Green Party's co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick said that reversing the ban would worsen climate change while Labour's energy spokesperson Megan Woods criticised the Government for ignoring alternative, renewable energy sources.[78]

As Minister for Resources, Jones sponsored the Crown Minerals Amendment Act 2025, which repealed the previous Labour government's 2018 ban on new permits for gas and oil exploration off the coast of Taranaki. The bill passed into law in late July 2025 with the support of the governing coalition parties.[79]

On 16 August 2025, Jones was confronted by about 100 environmental protesters during his visit to Whangārei. The protesters voiced opposition to two fast-track projects including the construction of a marina in Waipiro Bay and proposed offshore sand mining in Bream Bay. In response, Jones argued the fast-track projects would aid the economic development of the Northland Region.[80]

On 1 September 2025, Jones confirmed that the Government would allocate NZ$30 million from the Regional Development Fund to provide loans to supporting regional airlines.[81]

In late January 2026, Newsroom reported that Jones had been involved in New Zealand's negotiations to supply critical rare earth minerals to the United States as part of the multilateral Minerals Security Partnership. Jones had linked the deal to attracting foreign investment in the mining sector amidst a global demand for rare earth minerals. The Waitangi Tribunal had expressed concern that a "backdoor" bilateral deal with the United States without Māori input would violate the New Zealand Crown's Treaty of Waitangi obligations to Māori.[82] By April 2026, mineral negotiations had resumed. Jones voiced support for a multilateral agreement, saying it would be preferable for critics who balked at the idea of a bilateral export agreement with the second Trump Administration.[83]

In March 2026, Jones was challenged to a debate with Sir Ian Taylor in regards to the proposed Santana Minerals Bendigo-Ophir gold mine.[84][85] Despite initially accepting, Jones pulled out of the debate less than two weeks before the scheduled date.[86]

In mid-June 2026, Jones sought retrospective approval from the New Zealand Cabinet for an additional NZ$33,068 in taxpayer funds to cover a February 2025 trip to Canada to attend the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada's mining convention. While originally allocated a ministerial budget of $30,000, Jones's Canadian travel expenses had cost a total of NZ$63,000 due to the inclusion of a private limousine and two Qantas business-class flights (worth $40,000).[87] Jones's travel expenses drew criticism from Finance Minister Nicola Willis, who said he had made "significant errors." In response, Jones attributed the spending blowup to an administrative error by government officials.[88] NZ First leader Peters also defended Jones's spending, claiming that the government travel budget for ministers was too low.[89][87]

Associate energy

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In early August 2024, Jones accused electrical utility companies of exploiting soaring energy bills and said that the Government was seeking advice on potential regulatory intervention in the energy sector.[90]

In April 2026, Jones confirmed that the New Zealand Government would allocate over $20 million from the Regional Infrastructure Fund to recommissioning diesel storage tanks at the former Marsden Point Oil Refinery's import and storage terminal. This investment would support 90 million litres of fuel storage.[91]

Miscellaneous

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In late June 2025, Jones confirmed that he was drafting a member's bill into Parliament seeking to force the Māori iwi (tribe) Ngāpuhi into a single commercial Treaty of Waitangi settlement. He said that the bill would focus on good governance, economic development and would exclude indigenous sovereignty, which he described as a "diversion" that the New Zealand taxpayer could not afford.[92] Labour MP Peeni Henare, who is of Ngāpuhi descent, described Jones's proposal as misguided and said that it would breach the "good faith" provisions of Treaty settlements. On 24 June, Jones stated that NZ First would campaign on how taxpayer money was being used for Treaty settlements at the 2026 general election.[93]

2026 general election

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During New Zealand First's election campaign launch on 19 July, Jones confirmed that he would be contesting the Northland electorate at the 2026 New Zealand general election.[94]

Political views

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Conscience votes

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Jones voted in favour of the Marriage (Definition of Marriage) Amendment Bill to legalise same-sex marriage in New Zealand in 2012 and 2013.[95][96][97] He supported the End of Life Choice Bill at all stages in 2017 and 2019.[98][99][100] He supported the Abortion Legislation Bill at its first and second readings in 2019 and 2020.[101][102]

Demographics and immigration

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Jones attracted criticism when he made a series of anti-Indian remarks in October and November 2019 and again in February 2020. In response to members of the Indian New Zealand community's criticism of Immigration New Zealand's recent decision to tighten partnership visas for those on arranged marriages,[103] Jones had said:

I would just say to the activists from the Indian community, tame down your rhetoric, you have no legitimate expectations in my view to bring your whole village to New Zealand and if you don't like it and you're threatening to go home – catch the next flight home.[104]

Jones's comments were condemned by the Waitakere Indian Association, who called on Ardern and Minister for Ethnic Communities Jenny Salesa to demand a public apology from Jones and to address the Indian community's concerns.[105][106] A rally in protest of Jones's remarks was held on 3 November 2019 by members of the Migrant Workers Association and Love Aotearoa Hate Racism.[107] Jones's remarks were also condemned by the broadcaster Patrick Gower, who described Jones as a "gutless wonder."[108] Ardern, Trade Minister Damien O'Connor, and Immigration Minister Iain Lees-Galloway have disavowed Jones's remarks as not representative of the New Zealand Government.[109][110] On 5 November 2019, Jones described the community response as a "Bollywood reaction" and claimed that he was speaking for New Zealanders who were anxious about immigration.[110] On 6 November 2019, the Government reversed the partnership visa decision, restoring the exception for non-resident Indian marriages.[111]

The following year, Jones claimed in a television interview that immigration was placing "enormous stress" on the country's social and economic infrastructure and that the large number of international students from India had ruined New Zealand tertiary institutions.[112] Jones's remarks were criticised by Ardern, the Waitakere Indian Association, National Party leader Simon Bridges, Green Party co-leader James Shaw, and Labour MP Iain Lees-Galloway.[113][114] The Race Relations Commissioner Meng Foon also condemned them as "racist, ignorant and harmful." Jones defended his comments, claiming that members of the Indian community were exploiting their own people.[115]

On 29 January 2025, Jones faced criticism for shouting "Send the Mexicans home!" during a debate in Parliament. He later said "If these foreign-born New Zealanders are not going to show respect to the culture of New Zealand, then I'm going to call them out." Green Party immigration spokesperson Ricardo Menéndez March condemned Jones's comments, arguing that they emboldened xenophobia and were intended to spark division. He compared Jones's remarks to rhetoric used by U.S. President Donald Trump. The Green Party formally raised concerns with Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, calling for accountability.[116][117][118] In response, Luxon refused to confirm whether he would discipline Jones but advised other MPs to "watch their language." After the Mexican Embassy raised concerns about Jones's remarks, Peters met with the Mexican Ambassador at Waitangi during the Waitangi Day evens in early February 2025.[119]

In advance of the 2025 New Zealand First annual meeting, Jones complained that immigration was changing the country's demographics. He remarked that New Zealand was "changing irreversibly" on a cultural level, citing that the most common baby names were now "Singh" and "Patel". Indian New Zealanders interviewed by RNZ News rejected the comments, noting that Indian immigration has a long history in New Zealand, with some families going back over a century and that Jones's "racist" comments exemplified divisive rhetoric that has been used for decades to exclude immigrants and their descendants. Jones did not respond when asked for comment.[120] In a later opinion article for The Post, columnist Ben Thomas criticised Jones's remarks, writing that he "didn’t so much dip his toe in the topic of increasing Indian immigration as cannonball off a railbridge into it" and dismissing Jones's comments as a "diatribe".[121]

In mid April 2026, Jones attracted controversy after making racially-tinged remarks targeting Indian migrants during an interview with the online radio station Reality Check Radio. Jones had opposed the proposed India-New Zealand agreement on the grounds that it would allow "unfettered" immigration into New Zealand, stating: "I don't care how much criticism I get. I am never going to agree with a butter chicken tsunami coming to New Zealand."[122][123] Jones's remarks drew criticism from across the New Zealand political spectrum including Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Deputy Prime Minister and ACT party leader David Seymour, Labour leader Chris Hipkins, National Party MP Carlos Cheung, ACT MP Parmjeet Parmar and Immigration Minister Erica Stanford, who described them as "unhelpful" and offensive to Indian New Zealanders.[122][123][124] Several Indian community leaders including Auckland Indian Association president Shanti Patel, New Zealand Indian Central Association Veer Khar, NZ Indian Business Association general secretary Jaspreet Kandhari and the New Zealand Sikh Society Hamilton's former president Yugraj Singh Mahil also expressed disapproval and condemnation of Jones's remarks.[124] In response, Jones defended his comments and reiterated his criticism of the India-New Zealand free trade agreement, stating "immigration has been snuck into the free trade deal in a way that does not reflect the expectations of Kiwis".[123] Jones's remarks also attracted coverage in the Indian and international media.[125][126][127]

Judiciary

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In mid-February 2024, Jones criticised the Supreme Court of New Zealand for permitting climate activist Mike Smith to pursue legal action against several polluters, describing the ruling as the "Americanisation" of New Zealand's judiciary. Jones also claimed that the tobacco industry was being demonised by politicians, stating "that there's a great deal of catastrophisation and tainting going on with these people in the tobacco industry. They're running an industry that still, the last time I checked, was a legitimate part of the economy."[128]

Local government reform

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In late June 2025, Jones suggested abolishing regional councils while addressing a Local Government New Zealand conference. He said that his party NZ First did not see a "compelling case" for regional councils to continue after the National-led coalition government had replaced the Resource Management Act 1991. Jones also said that the Otago and Waikato Regional Councils were obstructing economic development by blocking mining and marine farming permits. In response, the Bay of Plenty Regional Council's chair Doug Leeder said that regional councils played an important role in managing natural resources, flood protection, public transport delivery, emergency management functions, regional planning and biosecurity.[129]

Māori issues

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In late January 2024, Jones along with his New Zealand First and National parties colleagues including Winston Peters and Prime Minister Christopher Luxon attended the Rātana Church's special annual hui (meeting).[130] During his speech, Jones expressed support for reviewing the powers of the Waitangi Tribunal, stating: "An institution that's been around for 50 years should not expect to continue on uncritically for another set of decades without being reviewed.".[131]

During his 2024 Waitangi Day speech on 6 February, Jones defended the Government's proposed Treaty Principles Bill and rejected opposition claims that the Government was degrading tino rangatiratanga (self determination). He also said that the Government was funding wānanga (Māori tertiary institutions) and marae (meeting houses).[132] During Māori King Tūheitia Paki's 18th Koroneihana (coronation anniversary celebration) in mid-August 2024,[133] Jones reiterated that NZ First would not support the Treaty Principles Bill beyond its first reading.[134]

In mid April 2024, the Waitangi Tribunal summoned ACT MP and Minister for Children Karen Chhour to an urgent hearing on the Government's plans to repeal Section 7AA of the Oranga Tamariki Act 1989. In response, Jones told Waatea News during an interview that "the Waitangi Tribunal has no business running its operations as some sort of star chamber delivering summons for ministers to rock up and be cross-examined or grilled." Jones's remarks were criticised as inappropriate by the Māori Law Society, who complained to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Attorney-General Judith Collins. They asked whether Jones's remarks breached the Cabinet Manual and for the Government to uphold the integrity of the judicial arm.[135]

Tobacco

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Jones has attracted scrutiny due to his links to the tobacco industry and New Zealand First successfully pressing for the repeal of smoke free legislation as part of its coalition agreement with the National Party. According to Radio New Zealand, Philip Morris International's external relations director and former NZ First staffer Api Dawson attended Jones's swearing-in ceremony at Parliament in late 2023. Jones also confirmed that Dawson was involved in "soundings" about the party's tobacco policy. In March 2024, when Jones was asked if he was complying with the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which "obliges its parties to protect policy from tobacco industry influence and be completely transparent in its dealings with the industry", he stated that he did not know about it and was not interested in it.[136]

Personal life

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Jones has seven children with his first wife Ngāreta,[5] from whom he separated in 2011;[137] she died from cancer in 2015.[138] Jones began a relationship with former beauty queen Dorothy (Dot) Pumipi in 2011 while she was his campaign manager;[137] they married in 2018.[139]

On 5 April 2025, Jones and Dot were confronted by a man at Auckland Airport, who shouted "profane abuse" about Jones and New Zealand First leader Winston Peters. When Dot attempted to intervene between the two men, her hand hit his nose, and the man allegedly grabbed her shoulder, causing her to lose her balance and fall. The couple subsequently filed a police report against the man.[140]

Jones has been photographed wearing a "Make New Zealand Great Again" hat.[141]

Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Shane Geoffrey Jones (born 3 September 1959) is a New Zealand politician serving as deputy leader of New Zealand First and as a list Member of Parliament since 2017, with current ministerial responsibilities for Regional Economic Development, Resources, Oceans and Fisheries, and associate roles in Energy and Finance.[1][2] Born in Awanui, Northland, and raised on a dairy farm, Jones pursued education at St Stephen's School before entering politics after careers in public sector leadership, including as chairman of Sealord Group and New Zealand's inaugural Pacific Economic Ambassador.[3][4][1] Jones first entered Parliament in 2005 as a Labour Party MP, rising to senior roles such as Minister of Māori Affairs and Fisheries before departing the party in 2014 amid personal and political setbacks, including a scandal involving misuse of parliamentary expenses for pornography.[1][5] He rejoined electoral politics with New Zealand First in 2017, contributing to its coalition influence and securing portfolios focused on infrastructure, export growth, and resource extraction to counter regional economic decline.[1][4] Renowned for his rhetorical prowess, often compared to classical orators, Jones advocates unapologetically for pragmatic development policies, including expanded mining and fisheries quotas, while critiquing environmental regulations as ideologically driven barriers to prosperity and questioning the expansion of Waitangi Tribunal influence as perpetuating division rather than resolution.[6][7][8] His forthright style has drawn both praise for challenging entrenched interests and criticism for inflammatory rhetoric, such as threats against public servants obstructing fast-track approvals and dismissals of "woke" constraints on national resource use.[9][10]

Early life and education

Upbringing and Māori heritage

Shane Jones was born on 3 September 1959 at Kaitaia Hospital in Northland, New Zealand.[11] He grew up in Awanui, near Kaitaia, as the eldest of six children to parents Peter Jones, a dairy farmer, and Ruth Jones (née Tarara), a schoolteacher who had recently qualified upon marriage.[11] [12] The family lived modestly on their farm, emphasizing a strong work ethic and self-reliance, often living off the land without inherited wealth.[11] Jones was later sent to St Stephen's School, a prominent Māori boarding institution in Bombay, where he developed skills in oratory and was exposed to key events like the 1975 Māori land march led by Dame Whina Cooper.[12] [11] Jones's Māori heritage traces to the iwi of Te Aupōuri and Ngāi Takoto in the Muriwhenua district of Northland, through his paternal grandmother's marriage into these groups from Croatian-Māori roots.[11] [3] His paternal line includes Croatian ancestry from Dalmatian immigrants, such as gum-diggers who integrated into the region, while his mother's side incorporates Ngāti Kahu and Te Rarawa affiliations alongside Pākehā elements.[11] [4] He was raised with fluency in te reo Māori, taught partly by his grandmother, and maintains deep cultural ties to Northland's iwi networks.[4] [12] This background, blending Māori, Croatian, and European influences, shaped his advocacy for regional and iwi interests throughout his career.[11] Shane Jones earned a Bachelor of Laws from Victoria University of Wellington and a Master of Laws from the University of Auckland.[1] Prior to entering politics, he practiced as a lawyer with a focus on advising on Māori issues, including roles in government agencies. He served as Deputy Secretary of Māori Development and as Director of the Māori Directorate within the Ministry of Justice, where his work involved policy and legal advisory functions related to Māori affairs and Treaty of Waitangi matters.[1]

Political career

Entry into Labour Party and early parliamentary roles (2005–2008)

In early 2005, Shane Jones, then chairman of the Waitangi Fisheries Commission, was recruited by the New Zealand Labour Party ahead of the general election, with Prime Minister Helen Clark publicly endorsing his candidacy for a high list position on 20 March.[13] At the party's list selection conference on 21 March, he was placed 27th on the Labour list, displacing several incumbents in a move described as strategic elevation of fresh talent with Māori credentials and resource sector expertise.[14] Jones entered Parliament as a Labour list MP following the 17 September 2005 general election, in which the party won 50 seats and sufficient party votes to activate his position.[3] The Labour-led coalition retained government, enabling his rapid ascent to cabinet on 17 October 2005.[15] He was appointed Minister for Building and Construction, tasked with overseeing construction sector regulation and the Building Act reforms amid ongoing leaky homes litigation, alongside associate roles in Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations to advance iwi settlements and in Immigration to manage policy on skilled migration and border controls.[3][15] From 2005 to 2008, Jones's early parliamentary roles emphasized infrastructure development and fisheries-related advocacy, drawing on his prior executive experience; he pushed for streamlined building consents to boost housing supply while critiquing bureaucratic delays in resource consents.[3] Re-elected as a list MP in the 8 November 2008 election, his term ended with Labour's defeat, shifting him to opposition benches, though his cabinet tenure solidified his profile as a pragmatic operator bridging urban policy and regional Māori interests.[3]

Opposition period and internal Labour challenges (2008–2014)

Following the Labour Party's defeat in the November 2008 general election, Shane Jones served as a senior opposition MP, holding shadow portfolios including local government, building and construction, and infrastructure under leader Phil Goff.[16] By 2009, his responsibilities expanded to include economic development and the environment amid frontbench reshuffles prompted by the departure of former Prime Minister Helen Clark.[17] In subsequent years under leaders David Shearer and David Cunliffe, Jones retained focus on fisheries, regional development, Māori economic development, and associate finance, leveraging his prosecutorial background and Northland connections to critique government policies on resource management and iwi interests.[18] Jones's tenure faced significant internal scrutiny starting with a June 2010 scandal, where he admitted to charging approximately NZ$700 for around 20 adult films to his taxpayer-funded ministerial credit card during official hotel stays as a former cabinet minister.[19] He described the incident as his "day of shame," repaid the amount, and underwent a party investigation, but retained his positions after Labour leader Goff deemed the apology sufficient despite public backlash questioning his judgment.[20] The episode highlighted ongoing tensions over personal conduct within Labour's ranks, eroding some caucus trust amid the party's struggle to rebuild post-2008.[21] Further challenges arose in 2012 when Jones was temporarily stood down from immigration-related duties pending an inquiry into his 2010 decision to grant expedited citizenship to Chinese businessman Donghua Liu under discretionary powers, amid allegations of influence-peddling (later unsubstantiated).[18] Cleared by the Official Information Act probe in March 2013, the episode fueled perceptions of procedural lapses and amplified factional divides, as Jones positioned himself as a pragmatic moderate clashing with the party's increasingly progressive elements.[22] In August 2013, Jones entered the Labour leadership contest following Shearer's resignation, arguing his candidacy would reclaim blue-collar and provincial voters alienated by internal infighting and a perceived leftward tilt.[23] Campaigning on unifying the party around economic realism rather than identity-focused debates, he garnered minimal support—around 4% in the member vote—before the September contest, which David Cunliffe won via union and affiliate backing.[24] Jones's bid underscored his alignment with the "ABC" (Anyone But Cunliffe) faction of moderates wary of Cunliffe's union ties and policy shifts, exacerbating caucus rifts that persisted into 2014.[25] His vocal critiques, including uninvited appearances at union events to challenge orthodoxy, further isolated him from left-leaning affiliates.[26] These dynamics reflected broader Labour struggles with ideological coherence during opposition, contributing to Jones's growing disillusionment.[27]

Transition to New Zealand First and 2017 election (2014–2017)

On 22 April 2014, Shane Jones announced his intention to resign as a Labour Party MP, effective at the end of May, stating that he had reached this decision over Easter and that it was time to leave politics.[28] Labour leader David Cunliffe described the reasons as personal to Jones, while Jones rejected accusations of being a "sellout" despite accepting a role from the opposing National government.[29] [30] Following his resignation, Jones was appointed New Zealand's Ambassador for Pacific Economic Development on 29 May 2014 by Foreign Minister Murray McCully, a position created specifically to focus on economic ties and fisheries issues in the Pacific region.[31] In this roving role, he traveled extensively to promote New Zealand interests, including fisheries management and development initiatives, until stepping down ahead of his political return.[32] [33] After nearly three years outside Parliament, Jones re-entered politics in June 2017 amid months of speculation about his potential alignment with New Zealand First. On 29 June 2017, he was confirmed as the party's candidate for the Whangarei electorate, with the announcement formalized the following day.[34] [35] Jones, who was born and raised in Northland, positioned his candidacy to leverage regional ties, emphasizing economic development and resource opportunities in the campaign leading to the 23 September general election.[36]

First NZ First term and ministerial roles (2017–2020)

Following New Zealand First's entry into a coalition agreement with the Labour Party after the 23 September 2017 general election, Shane Jones was sworn in as a list MP for the party on 7 November 2017 and appointed to ministerial roles in the new government formed on 26 October 2017. His portfolios encompassed Minister for Regional Economic Development, Minister of Forestry, Minister for Infrastructure, Associate Minister of Finance, and Associate Minister of Transport.[37] In his role as Minister for Regional Economic Development, Jones oversaw the establishment and operation of the Provincial Growth Fund (PGF), a $3 billion government initiative launched in 2018 to invest in infrastructure, productivity, and job creation in provincial New Zealand. The fund supported hundreds of projects, including roads, water infrastructure, and tourism developments, with allocations announced progressively; for instance, $18.8 million was directed to Māori development initiatives across the country in one early tranche. By August 2020, Jones claimed the PGF had exceeded its target by creating over 10,000 jobs, though this figure faced scrutiny from opposition parties questioning the methodology and attribution of employment gains.[38] As Minister of Forestry, Jones advocated for expanding the sector to meet export targets, announcing policies to boost planting rates and support industry innovation amid declining log prices and workforce shortages. In infrastructure, he prioritized "shovel-ready" projects to accelerate economic stimulus, aligning with coalition priorities for regional resilience. His associate roles involved contributing to fiscal oversight and transport policy, including support for road safety and regional connectivity enhancements.[4] Jones' tenure ended with New Zealand First's failure to win seats in the 17 October 2020 general election, after which the party exited government. The PGF continued under Labour but drew later audits highlighting risks in loan repayments—over half of the $257 million loan book classified as at-risk—and concerns over initial transparency and accountability in fund decisions.[39][40]

Electoral loss and political hiatus (2020–2023)

In the 2020 New Zealand general election held on 17 October 2020, New Zealand First received 2.60% of the party vote, falling short of the 5% threshold required for proportional representation seats, which resulted in the party losing all eight of its parliamentary seats. Jones, ranked third on the party list and contesting the Northland electorate, consequently lost his position as a list MP.[41] The following morning, Jones appeared bleary-eyed before reporters in Russell, admitting he had consumed a gallon of red wine during the election night while absorbing the defeat.[42] Out of Parliament from late 2020, Jones entered a political hiatus but maintained close ties to New Zealand First, contributing to efforts to rebuild the party's support base ahead of the 2023 election.[43] In June 2021, he publicly declared that New Zealand First was "back" and confirmed Winston Peters would lead the party into the next general election, emphasizing resilience against media skepticism.[43] During this period, Jones focused on advocacy for Northland's regional interests, including lobbying for Covid-19 recovery funding such as $500,000 allocated to the Duke of Marlborough Hotel for tourism revival.[12] He operated in a de facto deputy leadership capacity within the party, prioritizing provincial growth and resource issues to position New Zealand First for a potential return.[12]

Return in coalition government and current portfolios (2023–present)

Following the 2023 New Zealand general election on 14 October 2023, New Zealand First obtained 6.08% of the party vote, surpassing the 5% threshold and securing eight parliamentary seats through the proportional representation system. Shane Jones, placed second on the party list, re-entered Parliament as a list MP for the Northland electorate region, marking his return after electoral defeat in 2020.[4] The party's resurgence enabled its inclusion in the centre-right coalition government formed by the National Party, ACT New Zealand, and New Zealand First, sworn in on 27 November 2023.[44] Jones was appointed to several senior Cabinet portfolios reflecting New Zealand First's priorities in economic development and resource management. He serves as Minister for Regional Development, overseeing initiatives to boost infrastructure and economic growth in provincial areas; Minister for Resources, advocating for expanded mining and energy sector activities; and Minister for Oceans and Fisheries, focusing on sustainable quotas and enforcement against illegal fishing.[45] Additionally, he holds associate roles as Associate Minister of Finance, contributing to fiscal policy, and Associate Minister of Energy, supporting domestic production goals.[1] These positions align with his long-standing emphasis on practical resource utilization over environmental restrictions, as evidenced by his push for increased mineral exploration permits in 2025 amid rising global commodity prices.[46] In September 2025, Jones was unanimously elected deputy leader of New Zealand First by the parliamentary caucus, formalizing his role as second-in-command to Winston Peters.[47] As of October 2025, he continues to hold these portfolios without reported changes, actively engaging in policy implementation such as enhancing fishery officer training and promoting regional projects funded through dedicated infrastructure allocations.[48] His tenure has emphasized deregulation and investment in extractive industries, contrasting with prior administrations' approaches.[49]

Policy positions and initiatives

Regional development and resource extraction

As Minister for Regional Economic Development since November 2023, Shane Jones has prioritized resource extraction sectors such as mining and forestry to stimulate economic growth in provincial areas, arguing that these "legacy industries" perform the "heavy lifting" for regional prosperity.[50][51] He has emphasized reversing prior policy constraints that limited extraction on conservation land, positioning resource development as essential for job creation and export revenues in regions like the West Coast and Southland.[50] In January 2025, Jones launched New Zealand's Minerals Strategy to 2040 alongside a Critical Minerals List, outlining an export-led pathway to double the sector's value to $2 billion annually by 2035 through streamlined permitting, investment attraction, and exploration incentives.[52][53] The strategy targets minerals like gold, antimony, and rare earth elements, with Jones stating it would enhance regional self-sufficiency and opportunities while integrating environmental safeguards.[52] Complementing this, he has advocated for redirecting a larger share of mining royalties directly to host regions to fund local infrastructure and mitigate impacts.[54] Jones has supported the Fast-Track Approvals Act 2024 to expedite consents for major resource projects, including mining and forestry operations, reducing approval times from years to months for developments deemed nationally significant.[55] In forestry, he has promoted sustainable harvesting and replanting to bolster export earnings, criticizing urban-centric policies that undervalue rural contributions.[56] These efforts align with the Regional Infrastructure Fund, administered via Kānoa – Regional Economic Development and Investment Unit, which allocates resources for extraction-related projects to build resilience in vulnerable areas.[57] Publicly, Jones has opposed attempts to halt mining initiatives, vowing in October 2025 to defend viable projects against environmental cancellations, framing such opposition as disrespectful to regional workers.[58] His approach draws on first-hand regional engagements, including summits hosted in July 2024 to align local priorities with national extraction goals.[59]

Fisheries and oceans management

As Minister for Oceans and Fisheries since November 2023, Shane Jones has pursued policies aimed at enhancing the economic productivity of New Zealand's fisheries, which operate within the world's fourth-largest exclusive economic zone and generate around $1.6 billion in annual exports.[60] His approach emphasizes reforming regulatory barriers under the Fisheries Act 1996 to provide industry certainty and flexibility, while maintaining the Act's core purpose of sustainable utilization.[61] [60] In August 2025, Jones announced progression of major amendments to the Fisheries Act, described as the most significant reforms in decades, including multi-year decisions on Total Allowable Catches (TACs) spanning up to five years with phased adjustments, pre-agreed management procedures delegating routine changes to the Ministry for Primary Industries (MPI) chief executive, and provisions for setting catch limits on low-information stocks via risk-based methods.[61] [60] These changes also introduce monitored returns of Quota Management System (QMS) species as bycatch—allowing monitored release back to sea, counted against Annual Catch Entitlements (ACE)—and remove certain minimum legal size exceptions for species like tarakihi and blue cod when caught by trawl or set net, requiring either monitored returns or landing.[60] Further provisions expand ACE carry-forward limits from 10% to 15% (or more in exceptional cases like weather disruptions) and incorporate socio-economic factors into stock rebuild timelines and catch decisions.[60] Jones stated these reforms would "remove obstacles to the fishing industry achieving its enormous potential," supporting jobs and regional economies without compromising sustainability.[61] On bycatch and environmental monitoring, the proposals enhance on-board camera programs by narrowing their scope—excluding vessels under 8 meters, certain longline operations over 32 meters, and set-net tenders—while prioritizing observer coverage or electronic reporting instead, alongside strengthened privacy rules limiting footage to fishing and transit periods.[60] Jones has also advocated reviewing international bycatch limits for corals to avert automatic fishing bans when trawlers exceed thresholds incidentally.[62] Regarding bottom trawling, a contentious deep-sea method, Jones has opposed expanded restrictions, including blocking an Australian-backed proposal in 2025 to protect 70% of South Pacific seamounts from the practice and arguing against heightened safeguards for vulnerable marine features.[63] [64] This stance aligns with maintaining access for commercial operations but has drawn criticism from environmental groups like Greenpeace, which accuse the reforms of dismantling protections and enabling "ocean destruction" by easing bycatch allowances and prioritizing industry over ecological safeguards.[65] LegaSea has similarly claimed the changes cede control to wealthy quota owners at the expense of recreational fishers and marine health.[66] Jones has advanced aquaculture expansion through a national plan to stimulate growth, create regional jobs, and diversify from wild-catch fisheries.[67] He has also bolstered enforcement by graduating 10 new fishery officers in 2025 to strengthen frontline compliance amid ongoing stock management challenges.[48] These efforts reflect a utilitarian focus on resource extraction, though advocacy sources contend they reflect industry influence over evidence-based conservation.[68] Shane Jones has expressed strong reservations about perceived judicial overreach in New Zealand, particularly in rulings related to the Treaty of Waitangi and resource management, arguing that such decisions undermine parliamentary sovereignty and democratic processes.[69] He has criticized the Waitangi Tribunal for elevating the Treaty's status above elected legislative authority, describing this as "antidemocratic totalitarianism" and labeling the tribunal a "star chamber."[70] [69] In August 2024, Jones referred to High Court Justice Cheryl Gwyn as a "communist judge" during a private meeting with seafood industry representatives discussing Māori customary rights under the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act.[71] He later defended the remark as a "loose, humorous" aside taken out of context but substantiated it by citing Gwyn's past membership in the Socialist Action League, while expressing broader concern that judicial decisions were exhibiting "elements of totalitarianism."[69] These comments prompted criticism from the New Zealand Law Society, which argued they breached principles of comity and mutual respect between branches of government, and led Attorney-General Judith Collins to reprimand Jones for risking public confidence in the judiciary.[71] Jones has advocated for structural reforms to legal institutions, including splitting the roles of Chief Justice and Supreme Court President to better separate powers, and reviewing the Waitangi Tribunal's mandate, which extends until 2040.[70] In September 2025, he proposed incorporating foreign judges from jurisdictions like Singapore and Australia to adjudicate New Zealand cases, praising their systems as "incorruptible" and sharing a common legal heritage, as part of a potential NZ First policy focus on judicial reform for the 2026 election.[70] He has framed these ideas as necessary to counter what he sees as ideological influences hindering national development, while acknowledging warnings from Collins against public attacks on the judiciary.[70]

Positions on Māori issues and Treaty interpretations

Jones has consistently argued that expansive interpretations of the Treaty of Waitangi principles, as developed through judicial and tribunal decisions since the 1980s, have led to "mission creep" enabling litigation and the pursuit of "doctrinaire ambitions" rather than practical outcomes.[72] He supports the coalition government's policy of excluding generic, open-ended Treaty clauses from new legislation, such as the Fast-Track Approvals Bill, to preserve parliamentary sovereignty and avoid embedding "ill-defined, limitless" obligations that could invite prolonged court challenges.[72] While affirming protection for existing Treaty settlements, including fisheries and foreshore claims, Jones maintains that such clauses should not serve as platforms for broader constitutional arguments on indigenous rights.[72] Rejecting notions of ongoing Māori sovereignty or mana motuhake as separate governance, Jones views the Treaty as a document of cession where Māori invested authority in the Crown, decrying reinterpretations that prioritize Te Tiriti o Waitangi exclusively over the English text or imply perpetual grievance.[73] He has criticized the Waitangi Tribunal for functioning as a "lens of perpetuating grievance" through expansive inquiries, advocating its review under the 2023 coalition agreement to refocus on core functions rather than indefinite operation, questioning its necessity by New Zealand's 200th anniversary in 2040.[73][74] In January 2024, he urged critics of ACT's Treaty Principles Bill to engage in "robust debate" without "rhetorical hyperbole," noting New Zealand First's support only for its first reading and emphasizing priorities like low Māori school attendance (affecting 60-70% of children irregularly) over tribunal "rantings."[74] On co-governance and related models, Jones opposes arrangements that he sees as promoting separatism, such as iwi-led control over public assets like regional parks, arguing they undermine democratic equality and national cohesion. In April 2025, he criticized Te Kawerau ā Maki's co-governance proposal for the Waitākere Ranges, standing firm against what he described as undue tribal influence over shared resources.[75] He has also slammed the Māori Party's advocacy as rooted in "victimhood and grievance culture," disputing their electoral mandate as representative of all Māori despite winning six of seven Māori seats in 2023, and prioritizing parliamentary rules over ethnic exceptionalism.[76] Jones critiques cultural impositions, such as mandatory te reo Māori naming in public agencies, as "marginal, cultural-driven distractions" that divert from substantive issues like infrastructure and education; in November 2023, he endorsed reverting names like Waka Kotahi to NZ Transport Agency (except Māori-specific entities) to ensure clarity and avoid treating the language as a "religion" obligatory for non-speakers.[77] These stances align with New Zealand First's broader push for a "reset" at Waitangi, announced in November 2023, to recalibrate Treaty obligations toward equality and economic growth over what he terms "peak Māori" activism.[78]

Stances on tobacco regulation and industry relations

In March 2024, Jones publicly dismissed New Zealand's obligations under the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), an international treaty ratified by the country in 2004 that mandates transparency in government interactions with the tobacco industry to prevent undue influence. He stated, "I don't know anything about [the FCTC] and I'm not giving it one iota of attention," while confirming discussions with tobacco lobbyists on policy matters, including taking "soundings" from industry representatives dating back years.[79][80] As a senior New Zealand First figure in the 2023 coalition government, Jones aligned with the party's support for repealing key elements of the Smokefree Environments and Regulated Products (Smoked Tobacco) Amendment Act 2022, which had aimed for a near-total phase-out of smoking through measures like a generational sales ban for those born after 1 January 2009, reduced nicotine content in cigarettes, and a halving of tobacco retailers. The coalition's Smokefree Amendment Bill, introduced on 27 February 2024 and passed on 6 March 2024, removed these provisions, with Jones defending industry engagement as routine policy consultation rather than interference.[81][82] Jones has characterized anti-tobacco regulatory efforts as excessive, arguing that the industry faces unwarranted stigmatization and that ministerial outreach to stakeholders, including tobacco firms, informs practical governance without breaching ethical norms. In January 2024, he acknowledged inviting a tobacco lobbyist to the ministers' swearing-in ceremony and discussing NZ First's platform, emphasizing long-standing personal ties and broad consultations over formal disclosure rules. Critics, including public health advocates, highlighted these actions as conflicting with Ministry of Health advice against non-transparent industry contacts, though Jones maintained they reflected legitimate economic and regional interests in tobacco-dependent areas.[83][82]

Controversies

Financial and ethical scandals in Labour era

In June 2010, Shane Jones, then a Labour Party list MP and former cabinet minister, admitted to misusing his ministerial credit card to purchase approximately 20 pornographic movies during official travel between 2004 and 2008.[84] [20] The expenditures, totaling several hundred dollars, were charged to hotels in cities including Los Angeles and New York while Jones was conducting government business, such as trade negotiations.[85] Jones described the incident as his "day of shame" and repaid the full amount to the Crown, acknowledging it as an error in judgment that fell short of ministerial standards.[21] [86] The revelation emerged from a wider parliamentary audit prompted by Auditor-General reports on credit card usage across government, which uncovered misuse by multiple MPs from both major parties.[87] In Jones's case, the Auditor-General's review specifically highlighted his charges for in-room adult entertainment as a breach of guidelines prohibiting personal expenses on official cards.[88] Labour Party leader Phil Goff demoted Jones from his shadow portfolio roles, stripping him of senior positions amid public and internal party criticism over the ethical lapse.[21] Despite the scandal, Jones retained his parliamentary seat and later expressed remorse, attributing the behavior to lapses during extended travel without adequate oversight.[89] This incident compounded earlier concerns about Jones's financial conduct, including separate admissions of using the card for unauthorized private flights and other non-official costs, which he also reimbursed following the audit.[88] Critics within and outside Labour argued the episode reflected systemic issues in ministerial accountability under the prior Clark government, where lax reimbursement processes enabled such abuses.[87] Jones's retention as an MP, despite being tipped as a potential future leader prior to the scandal, underscored debates over personal versus public standards in New Zealand politics, with some commentators noting the disparity in consequences compared to similar cases in other jurisdictions.[90] No criminal charges resulted, but the event damaged his standing within Labour's caucus and contributed to perceptions of ethical vulnerabilities during his tenure.[84]

Public clashes with judicial and institutional figures

In August 2024, Fisheries Minister Shane Jones referred to High Court Justice Cheryl Gwyn as a "communist judge" during a private meeting with seafood industry representatives, criticizing her ruling that affirmed Māori customary rights to marine resources under the Fisheries Act.[91][92] The comment stemmed from Gwyn's decision in the Te Ohu Kaimoana v Attorney-General case, which Jones viewed as expanding judicial interpretation beyond legislative intent to favor iwi claims, potentially hindering commercial fishing operations.[93] Jones escalated his rhetoric days later, publicly stating that the justice system contained "elements of totalitarianism" and accusing it of prioritizing rights over responsibilities, particularly in sentencing and regulatory decisions that impeded economic development.[94] These remarks prompted backlash from the New Zealand Bar Association, which described ministerial statements as an "attack on the judiciary" and urged Prime Minister Christopher Luxon to intervene, citing breaches of principles of comity and mutual respect between branches of government.[69][71] The New Zealand Law Society echoed this, arguing that naming individual judges undermined judicial independence.[71] In response, Attorney-General Judith Collins privately reprimanded Jones, emphasizing the constitutional separation of powers, while New Zealand First leader Winston Peters also counseled restraint.[95][96] Jones subsequently moderated his tone but defended his position as necessary to counter perceived judicial overreach in areas like resource consents and fisheries management, where rulings had delayed projects under his portfolios.[96] By September 2025, Jones and New Zealand First proposed policy reforms including diluting the Chief Justice's administrative powers and appointing foreign judges to specific cases, framing these as measures to introduce impartiality amid what they termed a "war on the judiciary" influenced by domestic biases.[70] Earlier, in May 2025, he criticized the judiciary's "Americanisation"—alleging imported progressive ideologies—and called for resetting its relationship with Māori institutions like the Waitangi Tribunal to prioritize national progress over historical grievances.[8] These positions aligned with Jones's advocacy for limiting judicial reviews in fisheries legislation, announced in August 2025, to expedite decisions on quotas and reduce litigation delays.[97]

Criticisms of policy advocacy and lobbying

Jones has faced accusations of undue influence from the commercial fishing sector, with critics highlighting potential conflicts of interest in his role as Minister for Oceans and Fisheries. In February 2024, he attended an event hosted by seafood industry donors featuring wine and oysters, prompting environmental groups to argue that such engagements prioritize industry interests over ecological protections, especially amid his push to relax bottom-trawling restrictions in marine reserves.[98] A 2025 poll cited by the Integrity Institute found that 85% of New Zealanders believe Jones cannot be trusted to manage fisheries impartially due to perceived loyalties to commercial operators, with 57% viewing MPs who accept industry donations as compromised.[99] Jones has defended these interactions as routine ministerial duties, denying any quid pro quo.[99] Criticism has also targeted his advocacy for mining expansion, where he has been described as overly permissive toward industry lobbying. In May 2024, Jones hosted an undeclared dinner with mining executives, including additional attendees from the sector not initially disclosed, during which he reportedly advised a coal company to approach another Cabinet minister for support on government contracts; his office later attributed the omission to an administrative error, dismissing conspiracy claims.[100] [101] The Integrity Institute accused him of lax oversight, noting his reluctance to release ministerial diary entries related to mining meetings, which contravenes transparency expectations under New Zealand's lobbying norms.[102] Advocacy groups have further contended that Jones' vocal promotion of resource extraction—such as rejecting environmental "alarmism" in deep-sea mining debates—effectively amplifies industry positions at the expense of regulatory scrutiny, potentially eroding public confidence in impartial policy-making.[103] [104] His relations with the tobacco industry have drawn sharp rebuke for flouting transparency protocols. In March 2024, Jones stated he was unaware of and uninterested in rules requiring disclosure of meetings with tobacco representatives, admitting to consulting a Philip Morris International executive on policy matters despite New Zealand's commitments under the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, which mandates limiting industry influence.[79] [80] Public health advocates, including those from Generation Action San Tabac, labeled this as collusion that undermines anti-smoking initiatives, particularly as New Zealand First secured concessions delaying the smokefree legislation's full implementation.[105] [106] Jones maintained that such engagements inform practical governance, rejecting interference allegations as overreach.[79] These episodes have fueled broader calls for an independent lobbying regulator to address perceived ethical lapses in political-industry ties.[107]

Personal life

Family and relationships

Shane Jones was born into a family of six children in 1959, with parents of mixed Māori, Welsh, and Dalmatian descent; his iwi affiliations include Te Aupōuri and Ngāi Takoto.[108] His father, Munro Peter Jones, a well-respected figure in Northland known for community involvement, died on July 1, 2018, at age 89.[109] Jones's paternal grandfather was of English and Māori heritage, marrying a Māori woman from Ngāti Kahu and Te Rarawa iwi.[11] Jones married his first wife, Ngāreta Jones, with whom he had seven children; the couple separated in 2011, and Ngāreta died from cancer in 2015.[110] [11] During a period of marital strain in 2014, Jones publicly acknowledged an extramarital relationship with Dot Pumipi that began around 2011, while he was still legally married to Ngāreta.[111] Jones later married Pumipi in a ceremony in Rarotonga, Cook Islands, in December 2017, though initial legal issues arose due to documentation requirements for the prior marriage's dissolution.[111] No children from this marriage have been publicly documented.[112]

Public persona and interests

Shane Jones cultivates a public image as an outspoken and resilient advocate for provincial New Zealand, particularly Northland, where he was raised on a dairy farm in Awanui.[4] His rhetorical style is characterized by bold, unapologetic commentary, often drawing on classical allusions and vivid language to champion resource industries and regional development against perceived urban-centric policies.[12] In a 2020 interview, Jones described himself as "a bit of a stirrer," acknowledging his tendency to provoke debate and return criticism directly, a trait he attributes to lifelong political engagement.[113] Jones exhibits a thick-skinned persona, self-characterized as possessing "the hide of a rhinoceros" in the face of media and political scrutiny.[113] Fluent in te reo Māori, he emphasizes cultural bilingualism and has credited family influences—particularly his mother and grandmothers—for instilling a deep appreciation for language, which informs his oratory skills honed since youth at St Stephen's School.[113] [11] Among his personal interests, Jones enjoys singing waiata in te reo Māori, noting these as his favorite songs, and maintains family traditions such as attending church services.[113] He has participated in parliamentary rugby events, including matches against local clubs like Mahurangi Rugby Club in 2024, reflecting engagement with New Zealand's national sport.[114] His lifestyle remains rooted in Northland, residing in Kerikeri with his wife, Dot, and leveraging extensive community networks across areas like Kaipara and the Bay of Islands.[4]

References

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