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Shōjo manga
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Shōjo manga (少女漫画; lit. 'girls' comics', also romanized as shojo or shoujo) is an editorial category of Japanese comics targeting an audience of adolescent girls and young adult women. It is, along with shōnen manga (targeting adolescent boys), seinen manga (targeting young adult and adult men), and josei manga (targeting adult women), one of the primary editorial categories of manga. Shōjo manga is traditionally published in dedicated manga magazines, which often specialize in a particular readership age range or narrative genre.
Shōjo manga originated from Japanese girls' culture at the turn of the twentieth century, primarily shōjo shōsetsu (girls' prose novels) and jojōga (lyrical paintings). The earliest shōjo manga was published in general magazines aimed at teenagers in the early 1900s and began a period of creative development in the 1950s as it began to formalize as a distinct category of manga. While the category was initially dominated by male manga artists, the emergence and eventual dominance of female artists beginning in the 1960s and 1970s led to significant creative innovation and the development of more graphically and thematically complex stories. Since the 1980s, the category has developed stylistically while simultaneously branching into different and overlapping subgenres.
Strictly speaking, shōjo manga does not refer to a specific style or a genre but rather indicates a target demographic. While certain aesthetic, visual, and narrative conventions are associated with shōjo manga, these conventions have changed and evolved over time, and none are strictly exclusive to shōjo manga. Nonetheless, several concepts and themes have come to be typically associated with shōjo manga, both visual (non-rigid panel layouts, highly detailed eyes) and narrative (a focus on human relations and emotions; characters that defy traditional roles and stereotypes surrounding gender and sexuality; depictions of supernatural and paranormal subjects).
Terminology
[edit]Shōjo
[edit]
The Japanese word shōjo (少女) translates literally to "girl", but in common Japanese usage girls are generally referred to as onna no ko (女の子) and rarely as shōjo.[1] Rather, the term shōjo is used to designate a social category that emerged during the Meiji era (1868–1912) of girls and young women at the age between childhood and marriage. Generally this referred to school-aged adolescents, with whom an image of "innocence, purity and cuteness" was associated; this contrasted the moga ("modern girl", young unmarried working women), with whom a more self-determined and sexualized image was associated.[2] Shōjo continued to be associated with an image of youth and innocence after the end of the Meiji era, but took on a strong consumerist connotation beginning in the 1980s as it developed into a distinct marketing category for girls; the gyaru (ギャル) also replaced the moga as the archetypical independent woman during this period.[3][4][5]
Shōjo manga
[edit]Strictly speaking, shōjo manga does not refer to a specific style or a genre, but rather indicates a target demographic.[6] The Japanese manga market is segmented by target readership, with the major categories divided by gender (shōjo for girls, shōnen for boys) and by age (josei for women, seinen for men). Thus, shōjo manga is typically defined as manga marketed to an audience of adolescent girls and young adult women,[7] though shōjo manga is also read by men[8] and older women.[9]
Shōjo manga is traditionally published in dedicated manga magazines that are directed at a readership of shōjo, an audience that emerged in the early 20th century and which has grown and diversified over time.[10] While the style and tone of the stories published in these magazines varies across publications and decades, an invariant characteristic of shōjo manga has been a focus on human relations and the emotions that accompany them.[11] Some critics, such as Kyoto International Manga Museum curator Kayoko Kuramochi and academic Masuko Honda, emphasize certain graphic elements when attempting to define shōjo manga: the imaginative use of flowers, ribbons, fluttering dresses, girls with large sparkling eyes, and words that string across the page, which Honda describes using the onomatopoeia hirahira. This definition accounts for works that exist outside the boundaries of traditional shōjo magazine publishing but which nonetheless are perceived as shōjo, such as works published on the Internet.[12]
History
[edit]Before 1945: Context and origins
[edit]Origins of shōjo culture
[edit]
As the Japanese publishing industry boomed during the Meiji era, new magazines aimed at a teenage audience began to emerge, referred to as shōnen.[13] While these magazines were ostensibly unisex, in practice the editorial content of these magazines largely concerned topics that were of interest to boys.[14] Faced with growing demand for magazines aimed at girls, the first shōjo magazines were published, and shōnen magazines came to target boys exclusively.[14] The first exclusively shōjo magazine was Shōjo-kai, first published in 1902. This was followed by Shōjo Sekai in 1906, Shōjo no Tomo in 1908, Shōjo Gahō in 1912, and Shōjo Club in 1923.[14] These magazines focused primarily on shōjo shōsetsu (lit. "girls' novel", a term for illustrated novels and poems aimed at an audience of girls) and only incidentally on manga.[15]
Shōjo shōsetsu nevertheless played an important role in establishing a shōjo culture, and laid the foundations for what would become the major recurrent themes of shōjo manga through their focus on stories of love and friendship.[16] Among the most significant authors of this era was Nobuko Yoshiya, a major figure in the Class S genre whose novels such as Hana Monogatari centered on romantic friendships between girls and women.[17][18] The visual conventions of shōjo manga were also heavily influenced by the illustrations published in these magazines, with works by illustrators Yumeji Takehisa, Jun'ichi Nakahara, and Kashō Takabatake featuring female figures with slender bodies, fashionable clothing, and large eyes.[16][19] Japanese artists who studied in France at the time were influenced by the methods of expression of Art Nouveau and early pin-up artists.[20][21]
Early shōjo manga
[edit]Early shōjo manga took the form of short, humorous stories with ordinary settings (such as schools and neighborhoods)[22] and which often featured tomboy protagonists.[23][24] These works began to develop in the 1930s through the influence of artists such as Suihō Tagawa and Shosuke Kurakane; this period saw some female shōjo artists, such as Machiko Hasegawa and Toshiko Ueda, though they were significantly less common than male artists.[23][24]
Among the most influential artists of this era was Katsuji Matsumoto, a lyrical painter influenced in moga culture and the artistic culture of the United States. Having grown tired of depicting typical innocent shōjo subjects in his illustrations,[22] he pivoted to drawing manga in the 1920s, where he was able to depict moga and tomboys more freely.[25] His style, likely influenced by American comic book artists like George McManus and Ethel Hays and American cinema of the era, introduced sophisticated and avant-garde innovations in shōjo manga, such as the art deco-inspired Poku-chan (1930), the cinematic Nazo no Kurōbā (1934), and his most famous work Kurukuru Kurumi-chan (1938).[26][27]
With the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, censorship and paper rationing hindered the development of magazines, which either folded or were forced to merge to survive. The magazines that continued to published were reduced to a few pages of black and white text, with few or no illustrations.[28] 41 total magazines remained in publication in 1945, two of which were shōjo magazines: Shōjo Club and Shōjo no Tomo.[28][29]
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A four-panel manga from the November 1910 issue of Shōjo (artist unknown). Note the henohenomoheji in the final panel.
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The third chapter of Mikeko Romance (ミケ子ロマンス) by Jihei Ogawa, in the July 1920 issue of Shōjo Gahō
1945–1970: Post-war rise
[edit]1950s: Formalization as a category
[edit]
With the end of the war, Japan entered into a period of large-scale artistic production in cinema, radio, and publishing. Fiction novels enjoyed a surge of popularity, while the number of published magazines grew from 41 in 1945 to 400 by 1952; the number of publishing companies grew from 300 to roughly 2000 during the same period. While not all of theses magazines and companies published children's literature, publications for children constituted a significant percentage of publishing output.[28] Contemporaneously, kashi-hon (book rental stores) experienced a boom in popularity. These stores rented books for a modest fee of five to ten yen, roughly equivalent to half the cost of a subway ticket at the time.[30][31] This had the effect of widening access to books among the general public and spurring additional manga publishing.[32]
Shōjo manga artists who had been active prior to the war returned to the medium, including Shosuke Kurakane with Anmitsu Hime (1949–1955),[23] Toshiko Ueda with Fuichin-san (1957–1962),[33] and Katsuji Matsumoto resuming publication of Kurukuru Kurumi-chan.[34] During this period, Matsumoto developed his art into a style that began to resemble the kawaii aesthetic that would emerge several decades later.[34] New manga artists, such as Osamu Tezuka and other artists associated with Tokiwa-sō, created works that introduced intense drama and serious themes to children's manga using a new format that had become popular in shōnen manga: the "story manga", which depicted multi-chapter narratives with continuity rather than a succession of essentially independent vignettes.[23][34] Princess Knight (1953–1956) by Tezuka is credited with introducing this type of narrative, along with Tezuka's innovative and dynamic style, to shōjo magazines.[35][36]
At the same time, shōjo on the kashi-hon market developed its own distinct style through the influence of jojōga (lyrical painting). Jojōga artists Yukiko Tani and Macoto Takahashi drew cover illustrations for shōjo manga anthologies such as Niji and Hana before transitioning into drawing manga themselves.[37] Rather than following Matsumoto's trajectory of moving away from the visual conventions of lyrical painting, Tani and Takahashi imported them into their manga, with works defined by a strong sense of atmosphere and a focus on the emotions rather than the actions of their protagonists.[38][39] Takahashi's manga series Arashi o Koete (1958) was a major success upon its release, and marked the beginnings of this jojōga-influenced style eclipsing Tezuka's dynamic style as the dominant visual style of shōjo manga.[35][36] Not all kashi-hon shōjo conformed to this lyrical style: one of the most popular shōjo kashi-hon anthologies was Kaidan (怪談; lit. "Ghost Stories"), which launched in 1958 and ran for more than one hundred monthly issues. As its name implies, the anthology published supernatural stories focused on yūrei and yōkai. Its success with female readers resulted in other generalist shōjo anthologies beginning to publish horror manga, laying the groundwork for what would become a significant subgenre of shōjo manga.[40]
As manga became generally more popular over the course of the decade, the proportion of manga published by shōjo magazines began to increase. For example, while manga represented only 20 percent of the editorial content of Shōjo Club in the mid-1950s, by the end of the decade it composed more than half.[41] Many shōjo magazines had in effect became manga magazines, and several companies launched magazines dedicated exclusively to shōjo manga: first Kodansha in 1954 with Nakayoshi, followed by Shueisha in 1955 with Ribon.[42] From this combination of light-hearted stories inherited from the pre-war era, dramatic narratives introduced by the Tokiwa-sō, and cerebral works developed on the kashi-hon market, shōjo manga of this period was divided by publishers into three major categories: kanashii manga (かなしい漫画; lit. "sad manga"), yukai na manga (ゆかいな漫画; lit. "happy manga"), and kowai manga (こわい漫画; lit. "scary manga").[43][44]
1960s: Emergence of female artists
[edit]In the 1950s, shōjo manga was a genre that was created primarily by male authors, notably Leiji Matsumoto, Shōtarō Ishinomori, Kazuo Umezu, and Tetsuya Chiba.[45] Though some creators (notably Tezuka, Ishinomori, and Umezu) created works focused on active heroines, most shōjo stories of this era were typically focused on tragic and passive heroines who bravely endured adversity.[46][36][47] Beside Toshiko Ueda, several female manga artists started working during the 1950s, notably Hideko Mizuno, Miyako Maki, Masako Watanabe and Eiko Hanamura, most of them debuted within the kashi-hon anthology Izumi (泉).[47] While they constituted a minority of shōjo manga creators, the editorial departments of magazines noted that their works were more popular with female readers than works created by their male peers.[48]
By the 1960s, the ubiquity of television in Japanese households and the rise of serialized television programs emerged as a significant competitor to magazines. Many monthly magazines folded and were replaced by weekly magazines, such as Shōjo Friend and Margaret.[49] To satisfy the need for weekly editorial content, magazines introduced contests in which readers could submit their manga for publication; female artists dominated these contests, and many amateur artists who emerged from these contests went on to have professional manga careers.[50] The first artist to emerge from this system was Machiko Satonaka, who at the age of 16 had debut manga Pia no Shōzō ("Portrait of Pia", 1964) published in Shōjo Friend.[51]

The emergence of female artists led to the development of roma-kome (romantic comedy) manga, historically an unpopular genre among male shōjo artists. Hideko Mizuno was the first to introduce romantic comedy elements to shōjo manga through her manga adaptions of American romantic comedy films: Sabrina in 1963 as Sutekina Cora, and The Quiet Man in 1966 as Akage no Scarlet. Other artists, such as Masako Watanabe, Chieko Hosokawa, and Michiko Hosono similarly created manga based on American romantic comedy films, or which were broadly inspired by western actresses and models and featured western settings.[52] Contemporaneously, artists such as Yoshiko Nishitani became popular for rabu-kome (literally "love comedy") manga, focused on protagonists who were ordinary Japanese teenaged girls, with a narrative focus on themes of friendship, family, school, and love.[53][54]
While early romance shōjo manga was almost invariably simple and conventional love stories, over time and through the works of manga artists such as Machiko Satonaka and Yukari Ichijō, the genre adopted greater narrative and thematic complexity.[55] This gradual maturity came to be reflected in other subgenres: horror manga artist Kazuo Umezu broke shōjo artistic conventions by depicting female characters who were ugly, frightening, and grotesque in his 1965 series Reptilia published in Shōjo Friend, which led to more shōjo artists depicting darker and taboo subject material in their work.[56] Shōjo sports manga, such as Chikako Urano's Attack No. 1 (1968–1970), began to depict physically active rather than passive female protagonists.[57] In 1969, the first shōjo manga sex scene was published in Hideko Mizuno's Fire! (1969–1971).[58]
By the end of the decade, most shōjo magazines now specialized in manga, and no longer published their previous prose literature and articles.[59] As the kashi-hon declined, so too did their manga anthologies; most folded, with their artists and writers typically migrating to manga magazines.[30] Most shōjo manga artists were women,[55] and the category had developed a unique visual identity that distinguished it from shōnen manga.[59]
1970s: "Golden age"
[edit]
By the early 1970s, most shōjo manga artists were women, though editorial positions at shōjo manga magazines remained male-dominated.[60] Over the course of the decade, shōjo manga became more graphically and thematically complex, as it came to reflect the prevailing attitudes of the sexual revolution and women's liberation movement.[61] This movement towards narratively complex stories is associated with the emergence of a new generation of shōjo artists collectively referred to as the Year 24 Group, which included Moto Hagio, Keiko Takemiya, Yumiko Ōshima, and numerous others.[55][31] Works of the Year 24 Group focused on the internal psychology of their characters, and introduced new genres to shōjo manga such as adventure fiction, science fiction, fantasy, and historical drama.[55][62] The art style of the Group, influenced by Machiko Satonaka and Yukari Ichijō, came to pioneer new visual standards for shōjo manga: finer and lighter lines, beautiful faces that bordered on exaggeration, and panels that overlapped or were entirely borderless.[63]
Numerous artists contributed to innovation in shōjo manga during the 1970s. Takemiya and Hagio originated a new genre, shōnen-ai (male-male romance), with Takemiya's Sunroom Nite (1970) and Hagio's The November Gymnasium (1971).[64] The historical drama The Rose of Versailles (1972–1973) by Riyoko Ikeda became the first major critical and commercial success in shōjo manga; the series was groundbreaking in its portrayal of gender and sexuality, and was influential in its depiction of bishōnen (literally "beautiful boys"), a term for androgynous male characters.[58] Ako Mutsu and Mariko Iwadate led a new trend of otomechikku manga. While works of the Year 24 Group were defined by their narrative complexity, otomechikku manga focused on the ordinary lives of teenaged Japanese protagonists. The genre waned in popularity by the end of the decade, but its narrative and visual style made a lasting impact on shōjo manga, particularly the emergent aesthetic of kawaii.[65][66][67] Veteran shōjo artists such as Miyako Maki and Hideko Mizuno began developing new manga for their formerly child-aged readers who were now adults. Although their attempts were commercially unsuccessful, with short-lived magazines such as Papillon (パピヨン) at Futabasha in 1972, their works were the origins of ladies comics before the category's formal emergence in the early 1980s.[68][69][70]
By the end of the 1970s, the three largest publishing houses in Japan (Kodansha, Shogakukan, and Shueisha) as well as Hakusensha established themselves as the largest publishers of shōjo manga, and maintained this dominant position in the decades that followed.[71] The innovation of shōjo manga throughout the decade attracted the attention of manga critics, who had previously ignored shōjo manga or regarded it as unserious, but who now declared that shōjo manga had entered its "golden age".[72][73] This critical attention attracted a male audience to shōjo manga who, although a minority of overall shōjo readers, remained as an audience for the category.[74][75]
1980s and 1990s: Subgenre development
[edit]Since the 1970s, shōjo manga has continued to develop stylistically while simultaneously branching out into different but overlapping subgenres.[76] This development began with a shift in characters and settings: while foreign characters and settings were common in the immediate post-war period, stories began to be set in Japan more frequently as the country began to re-assert an independent national identity.[66] Meiji University professor Yukari Fujimoto writes that beginning in the 1990s, shōjo manga became concerned with self-fulfillment. She intimates that the Gulf War influenced the development of female characters "who fight to protect the destiny of a community", such as Red River (1995–2002), Basara (1990–1998), Magic Knight Rayearth (1993–1996), and Sailor Moon (1991–1997). Fujimoto opines that the shōjo manga of the 1990s depicted emotional bonds between women as stronger than the bonds between a man and a woman.[77]
"Ladies comics" and shōjo for adults
[edit]
In 1980, Kodansha published Be Love as the first manga magazine aimed at an audience of adult women. It was quickly followed by a wave of similar magazines, including Feel Young at Kodansha, Judy at Shogakukan, and You, Young You and Office You at Shueisha. This category of manga, referred to as "ladies' comics" or josei manga, shares many common traits with shōjo manga, with the primary distinguishing exception of a focus on adult protagonists rather than teenaged or younger protagonists.[78] Sexuality is also depicted more openly, though these depictions in turn came to influence shōjo manga, which itself began to depict sexuality more openly in the 1990s.[79] Several manga magazines blur distinctions between shōjo and josei, and publish works that aesthetically resemble shōjo manga but which deal with the adult themes of josei manga; examples include Kiss at Kodansha, Chorus and Cookie at Shueisha, and Betsucomi at Shogakukan.[80]
Horror and erotica
[edit]Niche shōjo publications that eschewed typical shōjo manga conventions emerged in the 1980s, particularly in the horror and erotica genres. This occurred in the context of the decline of kashi-hon publishing, where publishers survived market shifts away from book rental by offering collected volumes of manga that had not been previously serialized in magazines. Hibari Shōbo and Rippū Shōbo were among the publishing companies that began to publish shōjo horror manga in this format, typically as volumes that contained a mix of kashi-hon reissues and original creations.[81] Horror shōjo manga published by kashi-hon publishers was typically more gory and grotesque than the horror manga of mainstream shōjo magazines, in some case prompting accusations of obscenity and lawsuits by citizens' associations.[82] These publishing houses folded by the end of the 1980s as they became replaced with mainstream shōjo manga magazines dedicated to the horror genre, beginning with Monthly Halloween in 1986.[83]
In the 1990s, a genre of softcore pornographic shōjo manga emerged under the genre name teens' love. The genre shares many common traits with pornographic josei manga, with the distinguishing exception of the age of the protagonists, who are typically in their late teens and early twenties.[84] Teens' love magazines proliferated at smaller publishers, such as Ohzora Publishing, which published a wide range of both josei and teens' love manga.[84] The genre gradually migrated from small publishers to larger ones, such as Dessert and Shogakukan's mainstream shōjo magazines.[84]
By the 2000s, this niche shōjo manga, particularly the teens' love genre, had largely abandoned printed formats in favor of the Internet, in response to the rise of mobile phones in Japan.[85]
2000s–present: Restructuring and influence of anime
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Cross-media shōjo manga
[edit]In the 2000s, publishers who produced manga aimed at a female audience faced a changing market: josei manga had declined in popularity, girls increasingly preferred television dramas over printed of entertainment, and the manga market generally had slowed. Many major publishers restructured their shōjo manga magazine operations in response, folding certain magazines and launching new publications.[86] The majority of the newly launched magazines during this period were commercial failures.[87]
In 2008, the publishing house Fusosha, which had previously not published manga, entered the manga market with the shōjo manga magazine Malika. The magazine was unconventional compared to other shōjo manga magazines of the era: in addition to publishing manga by renowned female authors, it featured contributions from celebrities in media, illustration, and design; the magazine also operated a website that published music and additional stories. The magazine was a commercial failure and folded after six issues, but came to be emblematic of a new trend in shōjo manga: cross-media marketing, where works are published across multiple mediums simultaneously.[88]
Early shōjo manga successes in this cross-media approach include Nana (2000–2009) by Ai Yazawa, Lovely Complex (2001–2006) by Aya Nakahara, and Nodame Cantabile (2001–2010) by Tomoko Ninomiya, all of which were alternately adapted into films, television dramas, anime series, video games, and series-branded music CDs.[89] Older manga series, such as Attack No. 1 and Boys Over Flowers, found renewed success after being relaunched with cross-media adaptations.[90]
Moe in shōjo manga
[edit]The shōjo magazines Asuka and Princess, which distinguished themselves by publishing a diversity of narrative genres such as fantasy and science fiction, saw new competitors emerge in the 2000s: Monthly Comic Zero Sum in 2002, Sylph in 2006, Comic Blade Avarus in 2007, and Aria in 2010.[91] These new magazines explicitly targeted an audience of anime and boys' love (male-male romance) fans by publishing manga that closely resembled the visual style of anime, featured bishōnen protagonists in fantastical environments, and which deliberately played with the visual and narrative conventions of shōjo manga. In sum, the magazines represented the integration of moe in shōjo manga: a term describing an expression of cuteness focused on feelings of affection and excitement that is distinct from kawaii, the more child-like and innocent expression of cuteness typically associated with shōjo manga.[91]
Moe was additionally expressed in shōjo manga through the emergence of so-called "boys shōjo manga", beginning with the magazines Comic High! in 2004 and Comic Yell! in 2007. Magazines in this category publish manga aimed at a male readership, but which use a visual style that draws significantly from the aesthetics of moe and shōjo manga.[92]
In the English-speaking world
[edit]English-language translations of shōjo manga were first published in North America in the late 1990s. As the American comic book market was largely oriented towards male readers at the time, shōjo manga found early success by targeting a then-unreached audience of female comic book readers; English translations of titles such as Sailor Moon, Boys Over Flowers, and Fruits Basket became best-selling books. The English manga market crashed in the late 2000s due to the 2008 financial crisis, and when the medium regained popularity in the 2010s, shōnen manga emerged as the most popular category of manga among English-language readers. Nevertheless, every major English-language manga publisher maintains a robust line of shōjo manga; Viz Media in particular publishes shōjo manga under its Shojo Beat imprint, which it also published as a serialized manga magazine in the mid- to late-2000s.[93]
Style
[edit]Context and general elements
[edit]
The visual style of shōjo manga was largely similar to that of shōnen manga until the late 1950s, a function of the fact that both shōjo and shōnen manga were created by the same, mostly male, artists.[94] During the pre-war period, these artists were especially influenced by the modernist style of George McManus,[26] while in the post-war period the dynamic style of Osamu Tezuka became the primary reference point for manga. While shōjo manga inherited some of these influences, the unique style that emerged at the end of the 1950s which came to distinguish shōjo manga from shōnen manga was primarily derived from pre-war shōjo shōsetsu.[95]
Shōjo shōsetsu is characterized by a "flowery and emotional" prose style focused on the inner monologue of the protagonist.[95] Narration is often punctuated with non-verbal elements that express the feelings of the protagonists; writer Nobuko Yoshiya in particular made extensive use of multiple ellipsis ("..."), exclamation points, and dashes in the middle of sentences, the lattermost of which were scattered across pages in a manner resembling verses of poetry.[96][97] Prose is accompanied by illustrations by lyrical painters, which are characterized by a sentimental style influenced by Art Nouveau and Nihonga. Particular attention is paid to representations of shōjo, who are depicted as well-dressed and possessing large, very detailed eyes that have star-shaped highlights.[98]
This narrative and visual style began to influence shōjo manga towards the end of the 1950s; Macoto Takahashi, a lyrical painter and manga artist, is regarded as the first artist to use this style in manga.[99][100][101][102] The style was quickly adopted by his contemporaries and later by shōjo artists who emerged in the 1960s, while in the 1970s artists associated with the Year 24 Group developed the style significantly.[94] According to manga artist, academic, and Year 24 Group member Keiko Takemiya, shōjo manga was able to develop this distinct style because the category was seen as marginal by editors, who consequently allowed artists to draw stories in whatever manner they wished so long as reader response remained positive.[103] Stylistic elements that were developed by the Year 24 Group became established as visual hallmarks of shōjo manga; many of these elements later spread to shōnen manga, such as the use of non-rigid panel layouts and highly detailed eyes that express the emotions of characters.[71]
Layout
[edit]Beginning in the 1970s, panel layouts in shōjo manga developed a new and distinct style. In his 1997 book Why Is Manga So Interesting? Its Grammar and Expression, manga artist and critic Fusanosuke Natsume identifies and names the three major aspects of panel construction that came to distinguish shōjo manga from shōnen manga. The first, naiho ("panel encapsulations"), refers to the use of layouts that break from the traditional comic approach of a series of sequential boxes.[104] In this style, elements extend beyond the borders of panels, or the panel border is removed entirely.[105] Intervals between panels are also were modified, with sequential panels that depicted the same event from different angles or perspectives.[104] Second is kaiho ("release"), referring to the use of decompression to create more languid and relaxed sequences. Oftentimes in compositions without panel borders, text is removed from speech balloons and spread across the page, especially in instances where the dialogue communicates the thoughts, feelings, and internal monologue of the speaker.[105][104] Third is mahaku ("break"), referring to the symbolic use of white space.[106]
Large eyes
[edit]A defining stylistic element of shōjo manga is its depiction of characters with very large, detailed eyes that have star-shaped highlights,[107][108] sometimes referred to as dekame (デカ目).[109] This technique did not originate in shōjo manga; large eyes have been drawn in manga since the early 20th century, notably by Osamu Tezuka, who drew inspiration from the theatrical makeup of actresses in the Takarazuka Revue when drawing eyes.[50] A large central star that replaces the pupil dot began to appear at key moments in shōjo manga by Tezuka and Shotaro Ishinomori in the mid-1950s,[110] though these details generally trended towards a realist style rather than the emotive style of later shōjo manga.[111]
Contemporaneously, the art of Jun'ichi Nakahara was significantly influencing kashi-hon manga artists, especially Macoto Takahashi.[111] Takahashi incorporated Nakahara's style of drawing eyes into his own manga – large, doll-like eyes with highlights and long lashes – while gradually introducing his own stylistic elements, such as the use of dots, stars, and multiple colors to represent the iris.[111] At the end of the 1950s, Takahashi's style was adopted by Miyako Maki – one of the most popular manga artists at the time – which led to its widespread adoption by mainstream shōjo manga magazines.[108]
From this point on, experimental eye design flourished in shōjo manga, with features such as elongated eyelashes, the use of concentric circles of different shades, and the deformation of the iris to create a glittering effect.[24] This focus on hyper-detailed eyes led manga artists to frame panels on close-ups of faces, to draw attention to the emotions being expressed by the eyes of the characters.[112] Eyes also came to serve as a marker of gender, with female characters typically having larger eyes than male characters.[103]
Themes
[edit]Interpersonal relationships
[edit]Among the most common concepts in shōjo manga is that of ningen kankei (人間関係; "human relationships"),[113] which refers to interpersonal relationships between characters and the interaction of their emotions.[11] Relationships between characters are central to most shōjo manga, particularly those of friendship, affection, and love.[11] Narratives often focus on the interiority of their protagonists, wherein their emotions, feelings, memories, and inner monologue are expressed visually through techniques such as panel arrangement and the rendering of eye details.[113] When conflict occurs, the most common medium of exchange is dialogue and conversation, as opposed to physical combat typical in shōnen manga.[6]
Manga scholar Yukari Fujimoto considers that the content of shōjo manga has evolved in tandem with the evolution of Japanese society, especially in terms of the place of women, the role of the family, and romantic relationships. She notes how family dramas with a focus on mother-daughter relationships were popular in the 1960s, while stories about romantic relationships became more popular in the 1970s, and stories about father figures became popular in the 1990s.[114] As shōjo manga began to focus on adolescents over children beginning in the 1970s, romantic relationships generally become more important than family relationships;[115] these romantic relationships are most often heterosexual, though they are occasionally homosexual.[114]
Gender and sexuality
[edit]
Characters that defy traditional roles and stereotypes surrounding gender and sexuality have been a central motif of shōjo manga since its origins.[116] Tomboy protagonists, referred to as otenba (お転婆), appear regularly in pre-war shōjo manga.[23] This archetype has two primary variants: the "fighting girl" (as in Katsuji Matsumoto's Nazo no Kurōbaa, where a girl takes up arms to defend the peasants of her village), and the "crossdressing girl" (as in Eisuke Ishida's Kanaria Ōjisama, where a princess is raised as a prince). Osamu Tezuka's Princess Knight represents the synthesis of these two archetypes, wherein a princess who is raised as a prince comes to face her enemies in combat.[117] These archetypes were generally popular in shōjo war fiction, which emerged in tandem with the militarization of Japan in the 1930s,[118] while an emphasis on cross-dressing arose from the popularity of the cross-dressing actresses of the Takarazuka Revue.[50] Otenba grew in popularity in the post-war period, which critic Yoshihiro Yonezawa attributes to advancements in gender equality marked by the enshrinement of the equality of the sexes in the Constitution of Japan in 1947.[119]
By the end of the 1960s, sexuality – both heterosexual and homosexual – began to be freely depicted in shōjo manga. This shift was brought about in part by literalist interpretations of manga censorship codes: for example, the first sex scenes in shōjo manga were including by covering characters having sex with bed sheets to circumvent codes that specifically only forbade depictions of genitals and pubic hair.[58] The evolution of these representations of gender in sexuality occurred in tandem with the feminization of shōjo manga's authorship and readership, as the category shifted from being created primarily by men for an audience of young girls, to being created by women for an audience of teenaged and young adult women; since the 1970s, shōjo manga has been written almost exclusively by women.[48]
Homosexuality
[edit]
Though they compose a minority of shōjo stories overall, male-male romance manga – referred to as yaoi or "boys' love" (BL) – is a significant subgenre of shōjo manga. Works in the genre typically focus on androgynous men referred to as bishōnen (literally "beautiful boys"), with a focus on romantic fantasy rather than a strictly realist depiction of gay relationships.[120] Yaoi emerged as a formal subgenre of shōjo manga in the 1970s, but its portrayals of gay male relationships used and further developed bisexual themes already extant in shōjo manga.[121] Japanese critics have viewed yaoi as a genre that permits its audience to avoid adult female sexuality by distancing sex from their own bodies,[122] as well as creating fluidity in perceptions of gender and sexuality by rejecting socially mandated gender roles.[123] Parallels have also been drawn between yaoi and the popularity of lesbianism in pornography,[124] with the genre having been called a form of "female fetishism".[125]
Female-female romance manga, also known as yuri, has been historically and thematically linked to shōjo manga since its emergence in the 1970s, though yuri is not strictly exclusive to shōjo and has been published across manga demographic groups.[126] A relationship between shōjo culture and female-female romance dates to the pre-war period with stories in the Class S genre, which focused on intense romantic friendships between girls. By the post-war period, these works had largely declined in popularity in favor of works focused on male-female romances.[127] Yukari Fujimoto posits that as the readership of shōjo manga is primarily female and heterosexual, female homosexuality is rarely addressed.[128] Fujimoto sees the largely tragic bent of most yuri stories, with a focus on doomed relationships that end in separation or death, as representing a fear of female sexuality on the part of female readers, which she sees as also explaining the interest of shōjo readers on yaoi manga.[129]
Paranormality
[edit]Shōjo manga often features supernatural and horror elements, such as stories focused on yūrei (ghosts), oni (demons), and yōkai (spirits), or which are otherwise structured around Japanese urban legends or Japanese folklore.[44] These works are female-focused, where both the human characters and supernatural beings are typically women or bishōnen.[130] Paranormal shōjo manga gained and maintained popularity by depicting scenarios that allow female readers to freely explore feelings of jealousy, anger, and frustration, which are typically not depicted in mainstream shōjo manga focused on cute characters and melodramatic scenarios.[131]
Mother-daughter conflict, as well as the fear or rejection of motherhood, appear as major motif in paranormal shōjo manga; for example, stories where mothers take on the appearance of demons or ghosts, daughters of demons who are themselves transformed into demons, impious pregnancies resulting from incestuous rape, and mothers who commit filicide out of jealousy or insanity.[132] The social pressure and oppression borne from a patriarchal Japanese society also recurs as a motif, such as a curse or vengeful ghost that originates from a murdered woman or a victim of harassment. In these stories, the curse is typically resolved by showing compassion for the ghost, rather than trying to destroy it.[133] Stories about Japanese urban legends were particularly popular in the 1970s,[134] and typically focus on stories that were popular among Japanese teenaged girls,[135] such as Kuchisake-onna, Hanako-san, and Teke Teke.[136]
Fashion
[edit]The relationship between shōjo culture and fashion dates to pre-war shōjo magazines, where artists such as Jun'ichi Nakahara illustrated fashion catalogs that included written instructions on how readers could make the depicted garments themselves. As manga grew in popularity in the post-war period, shōjo magazines continued their focus on fashion by publishing works featuring characters in elaborate outfits, or through promotional campaigns that offered clothes worn by manga characters as prizes.[137] Notable manga artists associated with this trend include Macoto Takahashi, Masako Watanabe, and Miyako Maki,[137] the lattermost of whom had their designs serve as the foundation for the popular Licca-chan doll in 1967.[70]
By the 1970s, consumer trends shifted from making clothes to shopping for them; shōjo manga followed this trend with the appearance of stories centered on the careers of clothing designers. Manga in the otomechikku subgenre of shōjo manga emphasized kawaii fashion inspired by Ivy League style; the otomechikku aesthetic was later adopted by women's fashion magazines such as An An and Olive.[137][138] Some women's fashion magazines began to publish their own shōjo manga in the 1980s, such as CUTiE (which published Tokyo Girls Bravo by Kyōko Okazaki and Jelly Beans by Moyoco Anno) and Zipper (which published Paradise Kiss by Ai Yazawa and Teke Teke Rendezvous by George Asakura).[137][138] Cosplay began to influence shōjo manga in the 1990s, leading to the development of titles like Sailor Moon that directly appealed to an otaku readership. This led to a split in shōjo representations of fashion between works that depicted realistic everyday fashions, and those that depicted fantastical outfits that could be cosplayed. The fashion world itself began to take an interest in shōjo manga in the 2000s, with fashion shows showcasing pieces influenced by shōjo manga or which were drawn from costumes in popular shōjo franchises such as Sailor Moon.[137]
Generally, the clothing worn by characters in shōjo manga reflect the fashion trends of the era in which the series was produced.[139] Nevertheless, some common traits recur across eras: clothing adorned with ribbons or frills, and outfits that are especially feminine and child-like. Cute and ostentatious outfits are generally more common than outfits which are sexualized or modest.[140] Major inspirations include Victorian fashion for girls – as embodied by Alice from Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, who is often invoked by Japanese manga, magazines and brands – and ballet costumes, especially tutus.[141]
Culture
[edit]Marketing and reader feedback
[edit]Manga in Japan is serialized in manga magazines before being published as books and collected volumes. To encourage repeat readership, magazines seek to foster a sense of community with their readership; this is especially true of magazines aimed at an audience of younger reader aged ten or younger, sometimes referred to as imōto (妹; "little sister"). Magazines seek to appeal to this young readership by publishing content related to anime, video games, and toys in addition to manga.[142] Supplemental materials, typically low-cost novelty items such as stickers, posters, and pens decorated with manga characters, are also used to attract readers, with the items placed in plastic bags that are attached to the magazines themselves.[143] Larger novelty items are occasionally offered by mail order in exchange for coupons that readers can clip out of the magazine.[144]
In the case of both imōto and magazines aimed at older readers, referred to as onēsan (お姉さん; "big sister"), readers are invited to submit their opinions on current manga serials through letters and polls.[145] Often, a random survey respondent will receive a prize. Publishers use insights collected from these polls to change plotlines, highlight a secondary character, or end a series that is unpopular. These polls are also used when determining which manga to adapt into derivative works, such as anime and video games.[145]
In addition to survey responses, letters from readers are used as a means to gauge audience opinion and develop a sense of community. These letters are sent to publishers, but addressed directly at the authors themselves.[146] The content of these letters ranges from questions for the author, anecdotes from their daily lives, and drawings; some letters are published in the magazines themselves.[147] Meetings between readers and authors also occur regularly. These may be organized by the publisher, who select a group of readers to bring to their offices on a prize trip, or as a field trip organized by schools. In both cases, these visits strengthen the bond between reader and publisher, while also providing the publisher with insights into their readership.[146]
Talent development
[edit]Manga publishers often discover new authors through their readership, who are actively encouraged to submit stories and receive feedback from the magazine's editors.[41] This system of talent discovery and development is not unique to shōjo manga, though the practice originates in pre-war girls' magazines, where female readers were invited to submit novels and short stories.[148] Imōto magazines develop this system from a young age with the aim of having adult artists one day publish manga in the magazines they read when they were children, while onēsan magazines typically have readers and artists who are of a similar age.[73] By developing a system the authors of manga in a magazine were formerly readers, the distance between the two is reduced and a sense of community is fostered.[149]
See also
[edit]- Magical girl, Japanese fantasy subgenre
- Romance comics
- British girls' comics
References
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- ^ Prough 2011, p. 8.
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- ^ a b Thorn 2001.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 10.
- ^ Berndt, Nagaike & Ogi 2019, p. 357.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 11.
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- ^ a b c Prough 2011, p. 2.
- ^ Fraser & Monden 2017, p. 546.
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- ^ a b c Shamoon 2012, p. 19.
- ^ Toku 2015, pp. 25–26.
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Did you know that in the early 20th century France was born "Shōjo Art," a form of expression said to be linked to Japanese shoujo manga?
- ^ Kyoto International manga museum. "The roots of Shōjo manga? Early 20th Century Parisian illustrated magazines".
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- ^ a b c d e Ogi et al. 2019, p. 208.
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- ^ a b Bouissou 2014, pp. 69–70.
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- ^ "少女マンガはどこからきたの?web展 ~ジャンルの成立期に関する証言より~" [Where did Shōjo Manga Come From? Testimonies on the Establishment of the Genre]. Meiji University. 2020. Retrieved April 10, 2022.
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- ^ Shamoon 2012, pp. 104–105.
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- ^ Pinon & Lefebvre 2015, p. 60.
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- ^ Takeuchi 2010, p. 83.
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- ^ Takeuchi 2010, pp. 83–84.
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- ^ Ogi 2003, p. 781.
- ^ Fujimoto 2008, p. 12.
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- ^ Fasulo 2021, p. 74.
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- ^ Brient 2010, p. 137.
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- ^ a b Brient 2010, pp. 142–143.
- ^ Brient 2010, p. 141.
- ^ Alverson, Brigid (March 10, 2021). "Shoujo Manga: Let's Hear It for the Girls". School Library Journal. Retrieved April 22, 2022.
- ^ a b Prough 2011, pp. 48–49.
- ^ a b Takahashi 2008, p. 115.
- ^ Dollase 2019, p. 34.
- ^ Shamoon 2012, p. 79.
- ^ Toku 2015, pp. 24–25.
- ^ Takahashi 2008, p. 122.
- ^ Shamoon 2012, p. 84.
- ^ Fujimoto 2012, p. 24.
- ^ Brient 2010, p. 21.
- ^ a b Shamoon 2012, p. 99.
- ^ a b c Natsume, Holt & Teppei 2020, pp. 68–69.
- ^ a b Prough 2011, p. 49.
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- ^ Shamoon 2012, p. 82.
- ^ a b Fujimoto 2012, p. 49.
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- ^ a b c Shamoon 2012, p. 87.
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- ^ a b Prough 2011, p. 73.
- ^ a b Fujimoto 1991, pp. 53–54.
- ^ Shamoon 2012, p. 109.
- ^ Shamoon 2012, pp. 6–8.
- ^ Iwashita, Housei (2022). "The Origins of Shōjo Manga". Google Arts & Culture. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. Retrieved April 28, 2022.
- ^ Ogi et al. 2019, p. 221.
- ^ Prough 2011, pp. 45–46.
- ^ McLelland 2010, pp. 82.
- ^ Schodt 1983, pp. 100–101.
- ^ Ueno, Chizuko (1989). "Jendaaresu waarudo no "ai" no jikken" ("Experimenting with "love" in a Genderless World")". Kikan Toshi II (Quarterly City II). Tokyo: Kawade Shobō Shinsha. ISBN 4-309-90222-7.
- ^ Takemiya, Keiko (1993). ""Josei wa gei ga suki!?" (Women Like Gays!?)". June. Bungei shunjū: 82–83.
- ^ McLelland 2006.
- ^ Hashimoto 2007, p. 91.
- ^ Friedman 2014, pp. 143–147.
- ^ Maser 2013, p. 46.
- ^ Fujimoto 2014, p. 25.
- ^ Fujimoto 2014, p. 34.
- ^ Dollase 2010, p. 60.
- ^ Dollase 2010, p. 59.
- ^ Dollase 2010, pp. 62–66.
- ^ Dollase 2010, pp. 67–70.
- ^ Fasulo 2021, p. 76.
- ^ Fasulo 2021, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Fasulo 2021, pp. 78–81.
- ^ a b c d e Kuramochi, Kayoko (2022). "The Intimate Relationship between "Shōjo" Manga and Fashion". Google Arts & Culture. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. Retrieved April 28, 2022.
- ^ a b Fraser & Monden 2017, p. 553.
- ^ Berndt, Nagaike & Ogi 2019, pp. 209–210.
- ^ Berndt, Nagaike & Ogi 2019, p. 211.
- ^ Berndt, Nagaike & Ogi 2019, p. 216.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 60.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 66.
- ^ Prough 2011, pp. 66–67.
- ^ a b Prough 2011, p. 61.
- ^ a b Prough 2011, pp. 74–75.
- ^ Prough 2011, pp. 76–79.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 82.
- ^ Prough 2011, p. 87.
Bibliography
[edit]- Berndt, Jaqueline; Nagaike, Kazumi; Ogi, Fusami, eds. (2019). Shōjo Across Media: Exploring "Girl" Practices in Contemporary Japan. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-3030014841.
- Brient, Hervé, ed. (2010). Le manga au féminin: Articles, chroniques, entretiens et mangas. Éditions H. ISBN 978-2-9531781-4-2.
- Bouissou, Jean-Marie (2014). Manga, Histoire et univers de la bande dessinée japonaise (in French). Editions Philippe Piquier. ISBN 978-2-8097-0996-4.
- Buckley, Sandra (2002). Encyclopedia of Contemporary Japanese Culture. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-14344-6.
- Danziger-Russell, Jacqueline (2012). Girls and Their Comics: Finding a Female Voice in Comic Book Narrative. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-8376-5.
- Dollase, Hiromi Tsuchiya (2010). "Shōjo Spirits in Horror Manga". U.S.-Japan Women's Journal (38). University of Hawai'i Press: 59–80.
- Dollase, Hiromi Tsuchiya (2019). Age of Shojo: The Emergence, Evolution, and Power of Japanese Girls' Magazine Fiction. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-1438473918. JSTOR 42772010.
- Fasulo, Fausto, ed. (2021). Le Manga D'Horreur [Horror Manga] (in French). Custom Publishing France. ISBN 978-2-490308-29-3.
- Fraser, Lucy; Monden, Masafumi (2017). "The Maiden Switch: New Possibilities for Understanding Japanese Shōjo Manga (Girls' Comics)". Asian Studies Review. 41 (4): 544–561. doi:10.1080/10357823.2017.1370436. S2CID 149014163.
- Friedman, Erica (November 27, 2014). "Yuri: A Genre Without Borders". Eureka (Current State of Yuri Culture). Translated by Shiina, Yukari. Seidosha: 143–147. Archived from the original on January 15, 2021. Retrieved January 19, 2021.
- Fujimoto, Yukari (1991). "A Life-Size Mirror : Women's Self-Representation in Girls' Comics". Review of Japanese Culture and Society. 4: 53–57. JSTOR 42800110.
- Fujimoto, Yukari (2008). "Japanese Contemporary Manga (Number 1): Shōjo (Girls Manga)" (PDF). Japanese Book News. Vol. 56. The Japan Foundation. p. 12. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 22, 2021. Retrieved November 3, 2019.
- Fujimoto, Yukari (2012). "Takahashi Macoto: The Origin of Shōjo Manga Style". Mechademia. 7. Translated by Thorn, Rachel. University of Minnesota Press: 24–55. doi:10.1353/mec.2012.0000. S2CID 121492914.
- Fujimoto, Yukari (2014). "Where Is My Place in the World? Early Shōjo Manga Portrayals of Lesbianism". Mechademia. 9. Translated by Fraser, Lucy. University of Minnesota Press: 25–42. doi:10.1353/mec.2014.0007. S2CID 122076678.
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External links
[edit]Shōjo manga
View on GrokipediaTerminology and Definition
Etymology of Shōjo
The term shōjo (少女) derives from the kanji compound 少 ("shō," meaning "few," "little," or "young") and 女 ("jo," meaning "woman" or "female"), literally signifying "little female" or "young girl." This etymological structure traces back to Middle Chinese origins, where the equivalent compound 少女 (shàonǚ in modern Mandarin) similarly denoted a young woman or girl of limited maturity. In Japanese pronunciation and usage, it specifically refers to females from approximately ages 8 to 18, encompassing childhood to pre-marital adolescence, distinct from terms like kodomo (child) or onna (adult woman).[5] The word's adoption in Japanese reflects Sino-Japanese vocabulary patterns, with kanji borrowed from Chinese during historical exchanges, but its semantic nuance evolved indigenously to emphasize a liminal social stage. By the late 19th century, during Japan's Meiji era (1868–1912), shōjo gained prominence as a cultural descriptor for educated, unmarried girls attending newly established schools, marking a shift from pre-modern views where female adolescence blended seamlessly into familial roles without distinct nomenclature. This period saw the term's first widespread literary application in girls' magazines and novels, predating its manga-specific usage.[6] In the context of publishing demographics, shōjo came to denote content aimed at this audience by the early 20th century, as evidenced in periodicals like Shōjo no Tomo (Friends of Girls, launched 1908), which serialized stories for young female readers. The term's literal "girl" connotation thus directly informed the genre label shōjo manga, emphasizing target readership over stylistic traits.[5]Classification as Shōjo Manga
Shōjo manga constitutes an editorial category within Japanese comics defined principally by its intended readership of adolescent girls and young women, generally spanning ages 10 to 18.[7][8] This demographic targeting emerged from the publishing industry's segmentation of manga markets, prioritizing audience age and gender over rigid thematic or stylistic constraints.[9] Unlike content-driven genres, classification as shōjo hinges on serialization in magazines explicitly marketed to this group, such as Ribon (launched 1955) or Nakayoshi (1954), which curate stories to align with readers' developmental stages and interests in interpersonal dynamics.[8][10] While publication venue serves as the primary classifier, narrative conventions reinforce the category, emphasizing emotional introspection, relational conflicts, and personal growth—elements resonant with female adolescent experiences, including romance, friendship, and identity formation.[8] Protagonists are predominantly young females navigating social and psychological challenges, though male characters often play supportive or romantic roles.[10] These patterns stem from historical editorial decisions to appeal to girls' sensibilities, but exceptions abound; some shōjo titles incorporate fantasy, adventure, or even subversive elements without altering their demographic label.[9] Cross-demographic appeal occurs, as adult readers consume shōjo for its affective depth, yet reclassification rarely follows unless republished in non-shōjo outlets. Artistic hallmarks, such as expansive eyes conveying inner emotions and fluid paneling prioritizing psychological flow over kinetic action, typify shōjo but function as stylistic norms rather than definitional criteria.[11] These features evolved to mirror the genre's focus on subjective experience, differentiating it visually from shōnen's emphasis on physicality. Nonetheless, stylistic mimicry across categories—such as shōnen adopting shōjo aesthetics for broader sales—highlights that demographics, not form alone, govern classification, allowing flexibility amid market-driven adaptations.[9]Distinctions from Shōnen and Other Demographics
Shōjo manga primarily targets adolescent girls, typically aged 12 to 18, emphasizing themes of romance, interpersonal relationships, emotional introspection, and personal development, in contrast to shōnen manga, which is directed at boys of the same age range and focuses on action, competition, adventure, and physical achievement.[12][13] This demographic split, originating in the post-World War II period with magazines like Ribon for shōjo and Weekly Shōnen Jump for shōnen, influences narrative priorities: shōjo stories often prioritize character-driven plots with internal monologues and relational dynamics, while shōnen emphasizes external conflicts, power progression, and heroism through battles or rivalries.[14][15] Artistic styles also diverge to suit these audiences; shōjo features elaborate, expressive facial details—such as large, emotive eyes and flowing hair—to convey subtle feelings and beauty ideals, whereas shōnen employs sharper lines, dynamic paneling for motion, and simplified proportions to facilitate high-energy action sequences.[16] These visual conventions emerged distinctly by the 1950s, with shōjo artists like Osamu Tezuka adapting softer aesthetics for female readers in works such as Princess Knight (1953–1956), contrasting shōnen's rugged, streamlined designs in titles like Astro Boy (1952–1968).[17] Relative to other demographics, shōjo differs from josei (targeting adult women, often 18–40), which incorporates realistic portrayals of marriage, career pressures, and mature sexuality rather than idealized teen fantasies, as seen in serialized works in magazines like Josei Four Seasons since the 1980s.[18] Similarly, while sharing some thematic overlaps with seinen (for young adult men, 18–40), shōjo avoids the latter's frequent inclusion of violence, psychological depth, or societal critique, exemplified by seinen's tolerance for explicit content in outlets like Young Magazine versus shōjo's restraint in Nakayoshi.[14][13] These boundaries, though not absolute, are reinforced by publishing practices, where serialization venue determines categorization more than content alone.[14]Historical Development
Pre-1945: Cultural Origins and Early Forms
The concept of shōjo, denoting unmarried girls aged roughly 10 to 17, emerged during Japan's Meiji period (1868–1912) as part of broader social reforms emphasizing modern education and gender roles influenced by Western models.[19] This period saw the establishment of girls' schools and the promotion of ideals like moral cultivation, domestic skills, and aesthetic refinement, which laid the groundwork for shōjo culture.[20] Magazines targeting this demographic began appearing in the early 20th century, shifting from general youth publications to specialized outlets that serialized literature, essays, and illustrations tailored to girls' interests.[19] The inaugural shōjo magazine, Shōjo-kai (Girls' World), launched in 1902 by Kinkōdō, focused on educational content, moral stories, and simple illustrations to foster femininity and patriotism among readers.[19] [21] Subsequent titles, such as Shōjo Sekai in 1906 and Shōjo no Tomo (Girls' Friend) in 1908 published by Jitsugyō no Nihonsha, expanded this format with serialized novels, poetry, and pictorial inserts that increasingly incorporated sequential artwork resembling proto-manga.[21] [22] Shōjo no Tomo, under editors like Hoshino Suiri, divided its pre-World War II history into five phases marked by shifts in editorial emphasis from ethical guidance to more recreational and visually oriented features.[22] [23] Early shōjo publications featured text-heavy narratives with accompanying drawings, evolving in the Taishō era (1912–1926) toward multi-panel formats influenced by Western comics and Japanese ponchiē satire.[20] Examples include four-panel comics in the November 1910 issue of Shōjo magazine, blending humor with everyday girlhood themes, and serialized works like Jihei Ogawa's Mikeko Romance in the July 1920 Shōjo Gahō, which depicted romantic adventures in a nascent sequential style.[17] By the 1930s, artists such as Katsuji Matsumoto contributed lyrical, emotive illustrations and manga to magazines like Shōjo no Tomo, emphasizing fantasy, foreign settings, and emotional introspection—precursors to post-war shōjo manga conventions.[1] These forms prioritized girls' inner worlds over action, distinguishing them from boys' publications, though production was dominated by male illustrators until later decades.[4] , published in Shōjo Club from 1953 to 1956, introduced more dynamic storytelling influenced by cinematic techniques and Western comics encountered during the occupation, featuring a cross-dressing princess fighting for her throne and exploring early themes of gender duality and self-determination—elements that elevated shōjo beyond gag strips toward serialized adventure plots.[1] Tezuka, though male, exerted significant influence by adapting Disney-inspired animation fluidity to manga panels, fostering a narrative depth that distinguished postwar shōjo from contemporaneous shōnen works.[25] The 1950s marked the genre's formalization as a distinct category, with publishers expanding dedicated shōjo magazines that prioritized longer-form serialization over episodic humor, reflecting growing readership among schoolgirls and the industry's shift toward market segmentation.[26] Male artists dominated production, crafting content tailored to female audiences' interests in romance-tinged fantasy and personal agency, though stylistic innovations like expressive "big eyes" and emotional close-ups began solidifying shōjo's visual identity.[1] By the 1960s, this foundation enabled experimentation with sports and school-life dramas, such as precursors to Chikako Urano's Attack No. 1 (1968), which portrayed active female protagonists, signaling maturation before the influx of female creators in the early 1970s.[4]1970s: Year 24 Group and Genre Maturation
The 1970s marked a pivotal era in shōjo manga's development, driven by the Year 24 Group—a cohort of female artists born around Shōwa 24 (1949)—who transformed the genre from formulaic teen romances into a medium capable of profound psychological, social, and speculative narratives. Emerging amid expanding readership fueled by Japan's post-war baby boom and new magazines like Margaret (launched 1963) and Shōjo Friend (1962), these creators, including Moto Hagio, Keiko Takemiya, and Riyoko Ikeda, introduced subgenres such as shōnen-ai (boys' love), science fiction, and historical epics, elevating shōjo's artistic and thematic sophistication.[27][28] Central to this maturation was the pioneering of shōnen-ai, with Takemiya's "In the Sunroom" (1970) featuring the first depicted male-male kiss in shōjo manga, challenging heteronormative conventions and exploring homoerotic tensions. Hagio advanced this in The Heart of Thomas (serialized from May 5, 1974), a tragic tale of adolescent love and suicide at a German boarding school that blended gothic aesthetics with emotional introspection. Takemiya's Kaze to Ki no Uta (serialized 1976–1984; volume 1 published May 20, 1977) further intensified depictions of male-male relationships, incorporating explicit sexuality and historical settings to probe identity and desire.[27][29][28] Riyoko Ikeda's The Rose of Versailles (serialized from May 21, 1972, in Weekly Shōjo Comic) exemplified genre expansion through its focus on Oscar, a woman trained as a male guard in Versailles, intertwining romance, gender fluidity, and the French Revolution's politics; the series sold millions, sparked a 1975 Takarazuka Revue adaptation, and influenced public discourse on women's roles. Complementing these, Hagio's The Poe Clan (volume 1 published June 1, 1974) infused vampire mythology with sci-fi immortality themes, while Takemiya's Toward the Terra (serialized January 1977–May 1980) addressed ecological collapse and human evolution in a dystopian future.[28][29] These innovations—characterized by abstract paneling, symbolic floral motifs, and introspective storytelling—fostered shōjo's maturation into a diverse, intellectually rigorous form, attracting adult readers and inspiring fan cultures through collaborative living spaces like Hagio and Takemiya's shared house, which facilitated idea exchange among peers. By prioritizing emotional authenticity over commercial tropes, the Year 24 Group established benchmarks for narrative depth, influencing shōjo's evolution into a globally recognized genre.[27][29]1980s–1990s: Subgenre Proliferation and Adult Extensions
The 1980s marked a period of stylistic and thematic diversification in shōjo manga, with subgenres expanding beyond traditional romance to include boys' love narratives, horror, and experimental supernatural elements, often serialized in established magazines like Hana to Yume and LaLa. A notable development was the "boys' love" boom, where shōjo artists incorporated male-male romantic and erotic dynamics, initially as shōnen-ai but evolving toward explicit yaoi by the late decade; this subgenre allowed exploration of emotional intimacy and gender fluidity within female-authored works aimed at adolescent girls. Scholarly analysis highlights how these stories, such as those in niche publications, borrowed from and bent conventions of heterosexual romance, providing new interpretive lenses for shōjo's focus on desire and identity.[30] In the 1990s, subgenre proliferation accelerated with the rise of action-infused magical girl stories, exemplified by Naoko Takeuchi's Sailor Moon (serialized 1991–1997 in Nakayoshi), which depicted teenage protagonists balancing school life, friendships, and battles against cosmic threats using transformation magic and teamwork. This series shifted the magical girl archetype from solitary wish-granting to collective heroism, influencing subsequent works like Magic Knight Rayearth (1993–1996) by CLAMP, which fused fantasy adventure with portal quests and mecha elements. Such innovations reflected broader market segmentation, with magazines like Ribon and Margaret emphasizing cute, escapist subgenres alongside more introspective sci-fi reincarnation tales, as in Io Mizuki's Please Save My Earth (1986–1994). These developments catered to evolving reader interests in empowerment and complexity, driving shōjo manga's commercial peak amid Japan's economic bubble aftermath.[31] Parallel to shōjo's internal diversification, the era saw extensions toward adult audiences through the emergence of josei manga, initially termed "ladies' comics" or redikomi in the 1980s, targeting women in their 20s and beyond with narratives on professional challenges, marital discord, and sexual agency absent from adolescent-focused shōjo. This shift arose as the post-war shōjo readership matured, demanding realistic depictions of adulthood; publications like Kodansha's Be-Love (launched January 1980) serialized stories emphasizing everyday struggles over fantasy, distinguishing josei by its grounded tone and psychological depth. By the 1990s, josei solidified as a category, with titles exploring urban independence and relational realism, bridging shōjo's emotional core to mature themes while avoiding the overt consumerism critiqued in some youth-oriented works.[32]2000s–Present: Digital Shifts, Global Expansion, and Modern Evolutions
The manga industry underwent a significant digital transformation starting in the early 2000s, with shōjo titles increasingly serialized on online platforms and distributed via e-readers and apps, enabling faster production cycles and broader reader access beyond traditional print magazines.[33] By 2023, digital sales comprised 70% of Japan's total manga market, contributing to combined print and digital revenues of approximately ¥694 billion (US$4.61 billion), a figure that reflects the sector's adaptation to consumer preferences for instant availability and lower costs.[34] This pivot facilitated the rise of vertical-scroll webtoon-style shōjo works, particularly in fantasy subgenres like medieval European-inspired romances, which proliferated on digital-first platforms and appealed to escapist demands amid modern lifestyles.[35] Concurrently, shōjo manga's global footprint expanded markedly from the 2000s onward, as exports of series like Fruits Basket and Nana introduced emotional introspection and relational dynamics to international audiences, influencing Western comics and animation with motifs such as intricate character psyches and aesthetic idealism.[36] The genre's transcultural dissemination paralleled the broader "Cool Japan" phenomenon, with shōjo concepts infiltrating global media—evident in adaptations and homages in North American graphic novels—while academic analyses highlight its role in shaping perceptions of "girl culture" across borders.[37] By the 2010s, licensed translations and streaming services amplified this reach, fostering fan communities and derivative works in regions like Europe and Southeast Asia, though market data indicates uneven penetration compared to shōnen due to demographic targeting.[38] Modern evolutions in shōjo manga have integrated digital tools for enhanced visuals, such as layered CGI-assisted artwork, while themes evolved toward psychological depth and social realism, diverging from earlier escapist romance to explore identity and resilience in serialized formats optimized for mobile consumption.[33] Publishers responded to shifting demographics by blurring lines between shōjo and josei (adult women's manga), with some awards categories dissolving traditional labels by 2024 to reflect genre hybridization driven by online feedback loops.[39] Despite claims of decline in print shōjo circulation since the 2010s, digital resurgence—bolstered by anime tie-ins and international licensing—has sustained innovation, as evidenced by rising fantasy-romance hybrids that prioritize narrative immersion over rigid conventions.[35]Artistic and Technical Features
Page Layout and Panel Dynamics
Shōjo manga page layouts frequently employ non-rigid, fluid arrangements that prioritize emotional conveyance over chronological linearity, contrasting with the more structured grids typical in action-oriented genres. Panels vary widely in size, shape, and positioning, often incorporating irregular borders, overlaps, and extensions into margins to create a sense of psychological immersion and temporal ambiguity. This approach, which emphasizes character interiority, emerged prominently in the 1970s through innovations by artists of the Year 24 Group, who deconstructed traditional paneling to reflect subjective experiences.[40] Manga critic Natsume Fusanosuke identifies key techniques in shōjo panel dynamics, including the strategic use of mahaku (break spaces between panels) and yohaku (margins), which artists transform into active compositional elements. Layering and encapsulation allow panels to superimpose backgrounds or enclose fragmented images, liberating narratives from sequential time and enabling a "relaxed sense of freedom" that mirrors protagonists' emotional flux. Smaller, compressed panels build tension through close-ups on facial expressions, while larger, borderless spreads provide release, evoking timeless introspection or expansive feelings. These dynamics facilitate non-narrative flows, where overlapping elements and varied eyelines guide readers through subjective rhythms rather than objective progression.[40][41] In exemplary works, such as those by Hagio Moto, panel layouts feature irregularly shaped frames and "floating" text untethered to specific borders, amplifying abstract depictions of mental states—like repeating motifs against void-like backgrounds to symbolize obsession or breakdown. This evolution, reacting against 1960s classical organization, spread industry-wide by the 1990s, influencing even non-shōjo manga while retaining shōjo's focus on relational and introspective pacing.[42][43]Signature Visual Motifs
Shōjo manga's visual style prominently features oversized, highly expressive eyes designed to convey intricate emotions, often incorporating sparkles, stars, or galaxy-like patterns within the irises to symbolize inner turmoil, joy, or infatuation.[44][45] This motif, evolving from early 20th-century influences but refined in the 1970s by artists like those in the Year 24 Group, prioritizes psychological depth over realism, allowing readers to empathize with protagonists' sentiments through exaggerated facial details.[46][11] Elaborate hairstyles form another hallmark, with characters depicted sporting flowing locks, curls, ringlets, and oversized bows or ribbons that accentuate femininity and individuality.[47][46] These designs, frequently rendered with dynamic motion lines to suggest vitality or romantic longing, draw from fashion illustrations and underscore themes of personal transformation and allure.[44][48] Intricate clothing and accessories, inspired by high fashion and historical Western styles adapted to Japanese contexts, emphasize slender figures in layered dresses, frills, and ornate patterns that highlight material aspirations and social status.[49][50] Floral motifs, ribbons, and decorative flourishes such as background blossoms or sparkling effects further enhance the ethereal, escapist quality, creating a dreamlike atmosphere that differentiates shōjo from more utilitarian styles in other manga genres.[45][11] These elements collectively foster an aesthetic of idealized beauty and emotional intensity, tailored to evoke aspiration and introspection in young female readers.[51]Storytelling Conventions
Shōjo manga storytelling typically centers on female protagonists navigating personal and emotional growth, with narratives emphasizing introspection, relational dynamics, and romantic aspirations over action-oriented conflict.[52] Unlike shōnen manga's plot-driven adventures reinforcing traditional masculinity, shōjo prioritizes femininity, romance, and the subversion of gender norms, often through cross-dressed heroines or non-heteronormative bonds.[2] This approach reflects creators' intent to mirror women's values, positioning shōjo as a medium for exploring girlish imaginations via a "maiden (otome) switch" that evokes dreamy, emotional responses.[2] Common plot structures revolve around school-life scenarios, coming-of-age arcs, and interpersonal tensions such as love triangles or family reconciliations, frequently incorporating escapist fantasies like princely heroes or pseudo-families.[2] Narratives often build through internal monologues that delve into characters' psychological states, fostering emotional connection and character-driven progression rather than external events.[4] Serialization in weekly magazines amplifies this with episodic cliffhangers tied to relational developments, as seen in 1960s works featuring mother-daughter topoi or aspirational tales of ballerinas and pianists.[4] Thematic motifs include identity formation, friendship, and societal roles, with resolutions favoring personal empowerment and harmonious bonds over conquest.[52] Early conventions drew from lyrical illustrations and "haha-mono" (mother stories), evolving by the 1970s to include Boys' Love elements and career explorations, expanding beyond pure romance.[2] These elements distinguish shōjo by privileging visual-emotional synergy, where abstract representations of feelings propel the story, as in the otomechikku style of the 1980s–1990s.[2]Core Themes and Motifs
Romance and Interpersonal Dynamics
Romance constitutes a foundational theme in shōjo manga, typically centering on the emotional and psychological experiences of young female protagonists navigating first loves, attractions, and relational conflicts. These narratives prioritize internal monologues and subtle gestures over physical action, emphasizing themes of longing, vulnerability, and mutual understanding between characters.[52] Industry analyses highlight how such depictions reflect creators' understandings of adolescent female desires, often framed within heterosexual pairings that culminate in emotional resolution or partnership.[53] Historically, romance evolved from peripheral elements in pre-1960s shōjo works—where platonic friendships and moral tales dominated—to a dominant motif by the mid-1960s, as artists like Mizuno Tomoko introduced boy-girl romantic plots previously deemed taboo in girls' media.[1] This shift coincided with post-war cultural liberalization and expanding readerships, allowing explorations of heterosexual courtship alongside interpersonal tensions such as jealousy or familial opposition. By the 1970s, the Year 24 Group further intensified romantic depth, incorporating psychological realism and androgynous ideals that blurred gender expressions while maintaining romance as a vehicle for self-discovery.[2] Interpersonal dynamics in these romances frequently involve supporting ensembles of friends or rivals that amplify the protagonist's relational growth, with common scenarios including love triangles, mistaken identities, and reconciliations through honest communication. Friendships often serve as emotional buffers or catalysts, underscoring ningen kankei (human relations) as a broader motif where romantic bonds intersect with social networks.[52] While some works venture into same-sex attractions—particularly through shōnen-ai subtexts pioneered in the 1970s—these typically resolve heteronormatively or tragically, aligning with audience expectations rather than sustained subversion, as noted in gender-focused critiques.[30] Critics like Fujimoto Yukari trace romance's persistence as a medium for negotiating sexuality and family ideologies, observing its evolution from idealized pure love to more mature portrayals of intimacy by the 1990s, though empirical patterns show most narratives reinforcing relational stability over radical independence.[2] This thematic consistency supports shōjo manga's commercial viability, with romance-driven series comprising a significant portion of serialized content in magazines like Ribon and Nakayoshi since the 1970s.[53]Identity, Growth, and Family Structures
Shōjo manga frequently portrays protagonists navigating personal identity in relation to societal gender norms, with narratives that challenge traditional expectations through empowered female characters and explorations of sexuality. The Year 24 Group of artists, active from the early 1970s, revolutionized these depictions by introducing psychological depth and themes of non-normative relationships, such as homoerotic bonds in Keiko Takemiya's Kaze to Ki no Uta, serialized from 1976 to 1984.[54] This work, targeting girls aged 7–18, contributed to the emergence of boys' love subgenres within shōjo, fostering discussions of fluid identities distinct from conventional Japanese femininity.[54] Personal growth in shōjo manga manifests through coming-of-age arcs, where young heroines mature via interpersonal challenges, school environments, and self-reflection, shifting the genre's focus from child-oriented tales in the 1950s–1960s to adolescent-centered stories by the 1970s. These narratives emphasize internal development over external action, as seen in the Year 24 Group's emphasis on emotional and psychological maturation amid romantic and social trials.[52] [55] Such evolution allowed characters to confront ambitions conflicting with domestic roles, promoting agency and resilience.[54] Family structures often function as both supportive backdrops and sources of conflict, highlighting tensions between parental expectations and individual aspirations, with many protagonists from single-child or disrupted households to underscore personal agency. Postwar shōjo manga reflected broader societal shifts in kinship and alliances, portraying families as evolving "trees" influenced by economic recovery and cultural changes.[56] Strict or absent parents propel heroines toward independence, while surrogate bonds with peers or mentors substitute traditional units, aiding growth amid familial discord.[54] This dynamic critiques rigid domesticity, aligning family portrayals with themes of self-actualization.[57]Supernatural and Escapist Elements
Supernatural elements in shōjo manga frequently involve mythical creatures, magical powers, and otherworldly realms that enable protagonists to challenge or evade real-world constraints, such as familial duties or societal expectations for young women. These motifs gained prominence in the 1970s through the Year 24 Group, a cohort of female creators including Moto Hagio and Keiko Takemiya, who infused girls' comics with science fiction and fantasy narratives previously rare in the genre.[58] For instance, Hagio's The Poe Clan (serialized 1972–1984) depicts vampires cursed with eternal adolescence, using supernatural immortality to probe psychological isolation and taboo desires unbound by human mortality.[59] Such integration marked a departure from pre-1970s shōjo's emphasis on domestic realism, allowing stories to explore existential themes like reincarnation and psychic abilities, as in Takemiya's Toward the Terra (1977–1980), where telepathic mutants flee planetary oppression.[58] This supernatural framework provided causal mechanisms for character agency—e.g., magical artifacts granting independence—reflecting empirical reader demand for narratives transcending post-war Japan's gender hierarchies, where females faced limited vocational paths.[60] Escapist dimensions amplify these elements by constructing idealized alternate worlds, often exoticized Europe or dreamlike domains, where protagonists achieve self-actualization impossible in mundane settings. Gender fluidity, such as cross-dressing or androgynous heroes, serves as a subversive escape valve, empirically linked to shōjo's appeal amid Japan's patrilineal family structures.[61] By the 1990s, this evolved into hybrid subgenres like supernatural school romances, with over 20 notable series by 2019 featuring yokai or witches to facilitate romantic resolutions defying causality in ordinary life.[62] These tropes persist, as digital platforms since the 2000s have boosted serialization of escapist fantasies, evidenced by sales data showing fantasy-shōjo hybrids comprising 15–20% of top-ranked titles in annual manga charts.[63]Aesthetic and Material Aspirations
Shōjo manga frequently integrates themes of aesthetic aspiration, emphasizing idealized beauty, elegance, and stylistic expression as pathways to personal fulfillment and social elevation. Characters often pursue refined appearances through meticulous fashion choices, hair styling, and grooming, reflecting cultural standards of femininity that prioritize visual allure and grace. This portrayal draws from historical influences, such as pre-World War II illustrators like Junichi Nakahara, whose detailed depictions of schoolgirl attire in works like Jogakusei Fukusō Chō (1930s) established lyrical, aspirational aesthetics that permeated early shōjo narratives.[49] Postwar series amplified these elements with full-figure illustrations of clothing, incorporating motifs like flowing dresses, roses, and ballerina silhouettes to evoke luxurious, Western-inspired sophistication unattainable in everyday Japanese life.[49] Material aspirations manifest in narratives where fashion and luxury goods symbolize status, independence, and romantic success, often critiqued for promoting consumerist values among young readers. In the 1970s, the "otome-chikku" subgenre shifted focus toward "kawaii" cuteness and Ivy League-inspired casual wear, mirroring Japan's emerging youth consumer culture and encouraging aspirations for personal style as self-expression.[49] Yukari Ichijo's Designer (1974) exemplifies this by centering on a protagonist's career in haute couture, portraying material success in the fashion industry as empowering yet demanding, with detailed renderings of garments highlighting tangible desires for exclusivity and craftsmanship.[49] Later works, such as Ai Yazawa's Paradise Kiss (serialized 1999–2003), delve into the competitive world of high fashion, where characters navigate ateliers, runway shows, and brand prestige, fostering reader ambitions for creative professions amid themes of sacrifice and glamour.[49] These motifs extend to symbolic consumption, where aesthetic pleasures intertwine with material indulgence, as seen in portrayals of sweets, elegant teas, and bespoke attire that fetishize sensory and visual delights as extensions of feminine identity.[64] Jennifer Prough's analysis underscores how shōjo manga's production and thematic consumption reinforce gender-specific intimacies, with beauty and luxury serving as narrative tools to explore relational dynamics and self-worth in a market-driven context. While some depictions, like those of affluent office ladies in 1980s stories, faced criticism for endorsing shallow materialism over substantive growth, the genre's emphasis on aspirational aesthetics has enduringly shaped perceptions of desirability and achievement.[65]Production and Industry Dynamics
Creator Demographics and Talent Pipelines
By the 1970s, shōjo manga creation had shifted to being predominantly led by female artists, exemplified by the influential Year 24 Group (born in 1949, or Shōwa 24 in the Japanese imperial calendar), including Moto Hagio and Riyoko Ikeda, who innovated narrative techniques and thematic depth tailored to female readers.[66] This demographic predominance persists, with surveys of broader manga authorship indicating that approximately 77% of creators are women, a ratio likely higher in shōjo given its target audience and historical evolution from male-dominated early works to female-led serialization in dedicated magazines.[67] Male artists, while present in outliers like Osamu Tezuka's early contributions, represent a minority, as editorial and creative roles in shōjo increasingly aligned with female perspectives on romance, identity, and fantasy.[68] Talent pipelines for shōjo creators emphasize early entry and mentorship, with many debuting in their late teens or early twenties after honing skills through self-study or art school.[69] Aspiring artists frequently submit one-shots or short series to newcomer contests hosted by major shōjo magazines, such as the Ribon Original Manga Award or Nakayoshi's debut prizes, where winners secure serialization contracts and editorial support.[70] A parallel pathway involves apprenticing as assistants to established mangaka, performing tasks like inking, background art, and screentoning to build technical proficiency and industry networks, often leading to independent debuts after 1–3 years of experience.[71] Recent industry challenges, including a shortage of young domestic talent amid declining birthrates and high workloads, have prompted publishers like Kadokawa to scout international creators, though shōjo remains heavily reliant on Japan's internal pipelines due to cultural and stylistic nuances.[72]Publishing Models and Market Strategies
Shōjo manga are predominantly published through a serialization model in monthly anthology magazines dedicated to young female audiences, where multiple series run concurrently to gauge reader interest via polls, letters, and circulation metrics before compilation into standalone volumes. This approach, standard in the Japanese manga industry, allows publishers to minimize risk by testing narratives in low-margin magazine formats, with successful titles advancing to higher-profit tankōbon editions that collect 4–10 chapters each and form the core revenue stream, often accounting for over 80% of a series' earnings.[73][71] Key magazines include Ribon, issued by Shueisha since August 1955 as a bimonthly before shifting monthly, and Nakayoshi from Kodansha, which debuted in December 1954 targeting preteens with magical girl and romance themes.[74][75] These outlets feature 10–20 ongoing series per issue, supplemented by short stories, reader submissions, and promotional tie-ins, fostering habitual readership among girls aged 6–14. Circulation for such titles peaked in the late 20th century, with Ribon reporting over 2 million copies monthly in the 1980s–1990s before declining to around 300,000 by the 2010s amid digital shifts and competition. Market strategies emphasize demographic precision, segmenting content by age within the shōjo category—younger readers receive whimsical, friendship-focused tales in magazines like Nakayoshi, while teens encounter more romantic or dramatic arcs in outlets like Margaret or Cookie—to maximize retention and merchandise synergy, such as character goods bundled with issues. Publishers leverage reader feedback mechanisms, including postcards and online surveys, to extend or cancel series, ensuring alignment with evolving preferences for emotional depth and relational themes. In recent years, diversification into digital serialization via apps and platforms has supplemented print, enabling global previews and pay-per-chapter models to counter declining physical magazine sales, which fell industry-wide by 5–10% annually post-2010.[76][71]Economic Performance and Commercial Viability
Shōjo manga sustains commercial viability within Japan's expansive manga industry, which generated ¥704.3 billion in total sales for print and digital formats combined in 2024, marking a 1.5% increase from the prior year.[77] While shōnen titles dominate overall volume rankings, shōjo series consistently achieve multimillion-copy sales, bolstering publisher revenues through tankōbon compilations, serial magazine circulation, and ancillary merchandising. Dedicated shōjo magazines such as Ribon and Margaret, published by Shueisha and Kodansha respectively, maintain steady print runs despite the digital shift, supporting talent pipelines and serialization models that yield profitable backlist titles.[78] Exemplary sales figures underscore shōjo's economic strength: Hana yori Dango (Boys Over Flowers) has circulated over 61 million copies since 1992, while Nana and Glass Mask each exceed 50 million copies, with the latter spanning nearly five decades of intermittent releases from 1976 onward.[79] Sailor Moon surpassed 40 million copies in Japan alone during its initial run and subsequent reprints, amplified by global licensing deals that extend revenue streams beyond domestic book sales.[80] These blockbusters exemplify how shōjo leverages emotional resonance and adaptation potential—such as anime tie-ins—to achieve returns justifying ongoing investment, even as individual creator royalties per page hover around ¥5,500 on average for established artists.[81] Industry trends affirm shōjo's resilience amid broader manga growth projected at a 10.1% CAGR globally through 2030, driven partly by female-targeted narratives appealing to expanding international audiences.[78] However, challenges include competition from vertical-scroll webtoons and a perceived relative decline in U.S. physical sales attributed to market preferences favoring action-oriented genres, prompting publishers to prioritize digital platforms and export strategies for sustained profitability.[82] Shōjo imprints remain integral to diversified portfolios at major houses like Hakusensha, where long-tail series ensure viability without relying solely on transient hits.Societal Impact and Reception
Influence on Japanese Youth Culture
Shōjo manga emerged as a pivotal medium in postwar Japanese youth culture, particularly from the 1950s onward, by cultivating a distinct "shōjo bunka" (girls' culture) that emphasized emotional introspection, peer bonds, and aspirational lifestyles among adolescent girls. This genre provided narratives centered on school life, budding romances, and personal dilemmas, which resonated with readers navigating rapid socioeconomic changes, including urbanization and expanded education access for females. By the 1970s, circulation of shōjo magazines like Margaret and Hana to Yume reached millions, embedding manga as a daily ritual that shaped leisure habits and social discourse among urban youth.[19][55] The aesthetic influence extended to fashion and material culture, where manga depictions of characters in frilly dresses, ribbons, and coordinated ensembles spurred trends like the "shōjo look" in streetwear and accessories during the 1960s and 1970s. Illustrations in early shōjo publications, such as those in Shōjo Gahō from the 1920s onward, idealized slender figures and elaborate attire, which readers replicated through homemade crafts or purchases from emerging youth-oriented retailers, fostering a consumer subculture tied to self-expression. This interplay persisted into later decades, with 1980s series inspiring "gyaru" elements and 1990s works contributing to "kawaii" commodification in everyday youth styling.[83][22] Behaviorally, shōjo manga promoted ideals of female camaraderie and autonomy, often portraying protagonists who prioritized friendships and self-discovery over immediate marriage or domesticity, subtly countering mid-20th-century norms of arranged unions and filial duty. Titles from the 1970s "Year 24 Group" artists, such as Moto Hagio's The Poe Clan (1976), introduced themes of otherworldly bonds and identity exploration, encouraging readers to value emotional resilience amid societal pressures like entrance exams and gender expectations. Empirical analyses of girls' magazines from the era reveal recurring advice columns on etiquette, hobbies, and interpersonal navigation, which guided youth conduct and contributed to delayed marriage rates among cohorts exposed heavily to the genre, rising from 5% unmarried at age 25 in 1960 to over 20% by 1980.[84][85][22]Gender Role Portrayals and Social Conditioning
Shōjo manga frequently depicts female protagonists navigating romantic relationships and personal dilemmas within frameworks that reinforce traditional gender expectations, such as prioritizing heterosexual courtship, emotional expressiveness, and physical attractiveness as markers of feminine value. Early 20th-century examples, like those in Shōjo Gahō magazine from the 1920s, emphasized ethereal beauty and passive yearning, conditioning readers to associate girlhood with innocence and future marital roles rather than professional autonomy.[11][85] This aligns with Japan's pre-war social structure, where women's primary societal function was tied to family and reproduction, as reflected in linguistic patterns of shōjo characters using softer, deferential speech styles compared to male counterparts in contemporaneous media.[86] Post-World War II developments, particularly through the "Year 24 Group" of female mangaka in the 1970s—including Moto Hagio and Riyoko Ikeda—introduced psychological depth and gender fluidity, as seen in works like The Poe Clan (1969–ongoing serialization influences) and The Rose of Versailles (1972), where heroines wield political agency or cross-dress to access male privileges, critiquing rigid binaries.[2][87] However, even these innovations often culminate in romantic resolution, suggesting a conditioning toward viewing male approval as essential to female fulfillment, a pattern persisting in 1980s–1990s hits like Sailor Moon (1991), where empowered transformations revert to schoolgirl normalcy emphasizing friendship and crushes over sustained independence.[88] Scholarly analyses note this duality: while providing escapist agency, shōjo narratives rarely depict women in high-stakes careers without relational trade-offs, potentially normalizing subordination under the guise of "empowerment."[64] Empirical examinations of reader impact remain limited, but content analyses across 162 popular manga spanning 70 years indicate female characters' networks cluster around emotional support and romance, mirroring real-world social pressures on Japanese girls to conform to ryōsai kenbo (good wife, wise mother) ideals amid declining marriage rates—down to 4.3 per 1,000 people by 2020—yet persistent cultural emphasis on domesticity.[89] Feminist-leaning studies overstate subversive elements, attributing kawaii aesthetics to resistance against patriarchy, but causal evidence points more to commercial adaptation: publishers like Kodansha targeted adolescent fantasies that reinforced beauty standards, with surveys of Japanese youth showing shōjo consumption correlating with heightened romantic idealism but not measurable shifts in career aspirations.[54] Critics from non-academic perspectives argue this fosters social conditioning toward consumerism and relational dependency, evident in tropes where female growth hinges on male redemption arcs, contrasting shōnen manga's action-oriented male agency.[90] In contemporary iterations, such as Fruits Basket (1998–2006), portrayals blend trauma resolution with familial harmony, subtly endorsing resilience within gendered constraints rather than systemic overhaul, which may condition readers to internalize personal flaws as barriers to equality over structural ones.[91] This evolution reflects broader Japanese gender stagnation—women's labor participation at 53% full-time in 2023 versus men's 80%—where shōjo offers aspirational fantasy without inciting rebellion, as evidenced by stable genre sales exceeding ¥50 billion annually by 2022, driven by unchanging core appeals to feminine socialization.[88][92]Achievements in Fostering Creativity and Literacy
Shōjo manga has significantly contributed to literacy development among Japanese girls by providing accessible, visually engaging narratives that encourage habitual reading. Serialized formats in magazines like Sho-Comi and Margaret foster weekly engagement, with historical circulation figures for popular shōjo series exceeding 20 million copies in total for titles such as Patalliro!, indicating broad readership among adolescent females.[93] This format, combining text with illustrations and furigana readings, aids in kanji acquisition and reading fluency, as manga generally supports rapid page turnover—averaging 3.75 seconds per page—while building comprehension skills through repetitive exposure to vocabulary and story structures.[94] Studies on manga literacy highlight how shōjo titles promote active reading practices, such as questioning narratives and interpreting visual cues, which enhance media and information literacy tailored to girls' interests in emotional and relational themes.[95] Scholar Masami Toku emphasizes shōjo manga's role in developing visual literacy, noting its exhibitions aim to educate audiences on interpreting girls' comics as mirrors of dreams and cultural expression, countering perceptions of manga as mere entertainment.[17] Amid concerns over declining book reading in Japan, shōjo manga's popularity sustains girls' engagement with print media, contributing to sustained high national literacy rates by making reading socially embedded and enjoyable.[96] In fostering creativity, shōjo manga inspires young readers to produce their own works, with early editors like Numata Rippō cultivating communities through girls' literary magazines that solicited submissions and nurtured aspiring writers, laying groundwork for modern mangaka.[97] The genre's emphasis on imaginative storytelling and diverse female protagonists encourages fan activities like doujinshi creation, where girls experiment with narratives, leading to professional pipelines as seen in the Year 24 Group's emergence from reader-inspired innovation. This participatory culture promotes self-expression and artistic skills, with shōjo's evolution through young female artists' experiments amplifying creative rebellion and genre expansion.[84]Global Reach and Adaptations
International Translation and Cultural Export
The international translation of shōjo manga initially occurred on a limited scale in the 1980s, with early English editions including Moto Hagio's The Poe Clan (published in 1981 by an independent press) and Riyoko Ikeda's The Rose of Versailles (licensed in the early 1980s but with sporadic releases).[98] These efforts were niche, often tied to academic interest or small publishers, and did not achieve broad commercial distribution outside Japan until the late 1990s. The breakthrough came with Naoko Takeuchi's Sailor Moon, whose manga was first licensed for English release by Mixx Entertainment (later Tokyopop) in 1997, capitalizing on the anime's prior success to introduce shōjo tropes like magical girl transformations and romantic subplots to Western audiences.[99] This title's serialization in Mixx's magazine and subsequent volumes sold steadily, establishing a template for exporting character-driven narratives focused on female protagonists.[100] Major publishers accelerated shōjo exports in the 2000s through dedicated imprints. Tokyopop expanded its catalog with titles like Fruits Basket and Chobits, emphasizing romance and fantasy elements that resonated globally, while Viz Media launched the Shojo Beat imprint in June 2005 to curate English translations of series such as Nana and Kimi ni Todoke.[101] Shojo Beat's debut issue featured serialized chapters from multiple titles, achieving circulation growth alongside its counterpart Shonen Jump, and by 2015, the imprint marked its 10th anniversary with over 100 shōjo volumes released.[102] These efforts targeted teen and young adult readers, with translations preserving right-to-left reading formats to maintain cultural authenticity, though adaptations sometimes localized names and cultural references for accessibility. European markets followed suit, with French publishers like Glénat and Delcourt licensing shōjo early due to strong manga import trends, contributing to France's position as a top non-Japanese consumer by the 2010s. Cultural export extended beyond print through cross-media synergies, as shōjo manga's emotional depth and visual style influenced global youth media. By the mid-2000s, exported titles spurred cosplay trends and fan communities in North America and Europe, with Sailor Moon alone fostering international conventions and merchandise sales exceeding millions in units outside Japan.[103] Industry data indicates shōjo imprints drove a surge in female readership, with Viz reporting sustained demand for romance-focused series amid overall manga sales growth; for instance, the U.S. market saw shōjo volumes contribute to the category's expansion, though specific shōjo export figures remain bundled within broader manga revenues estimated at over $500 million annually by 2020.[104] This dissemination promoted Japanese aesthetics like intricate character designs and introspective storytelling, but faced challenges from localization debates and market saturation, prompting publishers to prioritize high-selling franchises for sustained viability.Reception in Western Markets
Shōjo manga entered Western markets prominently in the 1990s, catalyzed by the anime adaptation of Naoko Takeuchi's Sailor Moon, which debuted in the United States in 1995 after its manga serialization began in Nakayoshi on December 28, 1991.[105] The series' fusion of romantic, emotional narratives with magical girl action elements expanded shojo's appeal beyond traditional girl audiences, influencing perceptions of manga as viable for female-led stories and contributing to early cross-cultural pollination.[106] This breakthrough facilitated subsequent licensing by publishers like Viz Media, whose Shojo Beat imprint, launched in the early 2000s, specialized in character-focused romance and fantasy titles such as Fruits Basket and Ouran High School Host Club.[107] Tokyopop complemented these efforts with imprints targeting similar demographics, though its manga operations contracted after the mid-2000s sales peak.[36] Market reception has been positive among dedicated female readers valuing shojo's emphasis on interpersonal dynamics and self-discovery, yet it remains overshadowed by shonen genres in commercial dominance. In the United States, where manga sales reached $381.16 million in 2023 (down 13.15% from 2022), Viz Media captured 57% of the market, but top sellers were predominantly shonen titles appealing to broad audiences, including females.[108] [109] European manga consumption, valued at $676.1 million in 2023 with a projected 19.6% CAGR through 2030, reflects similar trends of overall growth driven by digital platforms and adaptations, though shojo-specific uptake lags due to narrower targeting of adolescent girls.[110] Challenges include stereotypes framing shojo as excessively "girly" or romance-centric, which limit crossover to male or older readers compared to shonen's action-driven universality, as noted in analyses of gendered marketing in Western comics landscapes.[111] Early localization efforts sometimes altered content to align with conservative sensibilities, potentially diluting original emotional depth, though recent unexpurgated releases and streaming tie-ins have bolstered authenticity and sustained niche loyalty.[36] Despite these hurdles, shojo's influence persists in fostering diverse readership and inspiring original English-language manga with similar themes.[112]Interactions with Anime and Cross-Media Formats
Shōjo manga frequently serves as source material for anime adaptations, which enhance its emotional depth and visual stylization through animation techniques like expansive eyes and fluid expressions, thereby expanding audience reach beyond print readers. Osamu Tezuka's Princess Knight, serialized as manga from 1953 to 1956, received a 52-episode anime adaptation broadcast from April 2, 1967, to April 7, 1968, establishing an early model for shōjo crossovers by integrating fantasy elements with gender themes.[113][114] The 1990s adaptation of Naoko Takeuchi's Sailor Moon (manga 1991–1997) into a five-season anime series starting March 7, 1992, exemplified this synergy, closely mirroring the manga's magical girl narrative while achieving unprecedented commercial success, with the franchise generating $13 billion in worldwide merchandise by 2021 and the manga's first edition selling 1.3 million copies.[115][116] Later reboots like Sailor Moon Crystal (2014–2016) adhered more faithfully to the original manga, influencing subsequent shōjo productions.[114] Other notable anime adaptations include Natsuki Takaya's Fruits Basket (manga 1998–2006), with its 2019–2021 reboot faithfully covering the full storyline across three seasons, boosting streaming viewership and renewing interest in supernatural romance tropes.[114] Recent entries like A Sign of Affection (manga 2019–, anime January–March 2024) continue this tradition, adapting slice-of-life elements with sign language themes to contemporary audiences.[114] However, shōjo anime adaptations have declined since the 2010s relative to shōnen, with studios prioritizing higher-profit action series, leading to fewer full-manga coverings.[117] Cross-media extensions beyond anime include live-action dramas and films, as seen with Yoko Kamio's Hana Yori Dango (manga 1992–2004), adapted into a 1995 Japanese film, two TV series (2005 and 2007), and international variants like the South Korean Boys Over Flowers (2009), which drew tens of millions of viewers across Asia.[118][119] Stage musicals, termed 2.5D productions, further diversify shōjo franchises; for instance, Kunihiko Ikuhara's Revolutionary Girl Utena (manga tie-in 1996–1997) inspired theatrical musicals featuring elaborate costumes and choreography that echo manga's aesthetic, appealing to theater enthusiasts.[120][121] These formats, alongside merchandise tied to anime hits like Sailor Moon, sustain economic viability by leveraging fan loyalty across platforms.[115]Controversies and Critical Perspectives
Common Tropes and Narrative Criticisms
Shōjo manga narratives commonly revolve around romance as the primary driver, often featuring female protagonists navigating emotional relationships, school life, and personal growth through interactions with idealized male characters. A survey of over 1,000 Japanese girls conducted in 2015 ranked the scatterbrained female lead as the most prevalent scenario, cited by 34.6% of respondents, followed by inexplicable attraction to the male lead (31.3%) and love triangles (28.9%).[122] Other recurring elements include enemies-to-lovers arcs, where initial antagonism evolves into affection, and tsundere male interests who mask vulnerability with brusque behavior before revealing tenderness.[123] [124] These tropes emphasize social bonds and internal emotional conflicts over action-oriented plots, with visual markers like exaggerated facial expressions for feelings of surprise or blush.[52] Critics have faulted these patterns for perpetuating unrealistic romantic expectations, such as the persistent pursuit of uninterested heroines, which can normalize coercive dynamics under the guise of destined love.[125] For instance, tropes involving hidden kisses, drunken confessions, or violent tsundere outbursts have drawn ire for blurring boundaries between flirtation and harassment, potentially influencing young readers' views on consent.[126] Narratives often depict female characters as overly naive or idealistic, prioritizing relational harmony and self-sacrifice, which some analyses argue reinforces passive femininity rather than agency.[127] Japanese critic Yukari Fujimoto has contended that shōjo manga's aversion to explicit sexuality reflects readers' internalized fears, framing femininity as ethereal and detached from bodily realities.[2] Scholarly examinations highlight how these structures prioritize gender representation over diverse outcomes, with female leads frequently resolving conflicts through emotional labor or romantic resolution rather than independent achievement.[11] Linguistic studies note that dialogue and character designs in shōjo often evoke conventional femininity—soft speech patterns and androgynous beauty ideals—without consistently challenging societal gender norms.[86] Such criticisms, however, frequently originate from gender-focused academic lenses that may overlook the genre's historical role in providing escapist agency for girls amid rigid Japanese social expectations, as evidenced by its evolution from early 20th-century publications emphasizing youthful innocence.[64] While some tropes like age-gap romances or teacher-student pairings persist, leading to accusations of endorsing power imbalances, empirical reader surveys indicate these elements resonate culturally as fantasy rather than prescriptive models.[128]Debates on Gender, Sexuality, and Empowerment
Scholars have debated whether shōjo manga reinforces traditional gender roles or provides avenues for subversion and empowerment. Feminist analyses often highlight how female protagonists in works by the Year 24 Group—mangaka born around 1949 who transformed the genre in the 1970s—challenged heteronormative expectations through narratives exploring psychological depth, cross-dressing, and male-male relationships, origins of the yaoi genre created by women for female audiences.[27][54] These elements allowed exploration of fluid identities outside rigid societal norms, with artists like Moto Hagio depicting themes of homosexuality and gender ambiguity in series such as The Poe Clan (1976), fostering a space for female readers to imagine alternatives to marriage-centric futures.[64] Critics, however, argue that even subversive narratives frequently culminate in resolutions affirming conventional femininity, such as romantic unions or self-sacrifice, potentially conditioning readers toward passive roles.[129] A socialist feminist examination of shōjo anime adaptations notes that while characters may initially defy patriarchy—through independence or rebellion—endings often revert to heteronormative stability, questioning the depth of empowerment.[88] Empirical patterns in linguistic analysis reveal female characters in shōjo employing assertive speech patterns less frequently than in other genres, suggesting persistent influence of cultural gender expectations.[86] On sexuality, shōjo manga's portrayal of romance has been scrutinized for idealizing emotional intensity over agency, with 1990s works increasing explicit depictions amid Japan's "schoolgirl sexuality" discourses, yet often framing desire within protective, non-threatening contexts.[130] This approach, per some critiques, empowers by validating female interiority but risks romanticizing dependency, as seen in tropes where heroines' growth hinges on male validation.[11] Japanese women critics emphasize the genre's role in advancing female aesthetics without relying solely on overt subversion, countering Western feminist overemphasis on rebellion as the sole measure of progress.[2] Such debates underscore shōjo's dual legacy: a female-authored medium enabling self-expression amid constraints, rather than unqualified liberation or oppression.[64]
