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Cross-dressing
Cross-dressing
from Wikipedia
Irving Berlin's "This Is the Army, Mr. Jones", performed by cross-dressed U.S. Army soldiers (1942)[1]
Frances Benjamin Johnston (right) poses with two cross-dressing friends; the "lady" is identified by Johnston as the illustrator Mills Thompson c. 1890.

Cross-dressing is the act of wearing clothes traditionally or stereotypically associated with a different gender.[2] From as early as pre-modern history people have cross-dressed in order to disguise, comfort, entertain, and express themselves.[3]

Socialization establishes social norms among the people of a particular society. With regard to the social aspects of clothing, such standards may reflect guidelines relating to the style, color, or type of clothing that individuals are expected to wear. Such expectations may be delineated according to gender roles. Cross-dressing involves dressing contrary to the prevailing standards (or in some cases, laws) for a person of their gender in their own society.[4]

Terminology

[edit]

The term "cross-dressing" refers to an action or a behavior, without attributing or implying any specific causes or motives for that behavior. Cross-dressing is not synonymous with being transgender, though the word was once used by and applied to people known to be transgender—and even by sexologists like Magnus Hirschfeld & Havelock Ellis. The shift & clear distinction would occur later as the science evolved, and also as the word transsexual was coined & then made distinct from transvestite in the 1920s; Previously, crossdressers and transgender people were collectively called transvestites in Hirschfeld's studies. LGBT+ activist Jennie June, who makes clear of desire to live full-time as a woman—as well as longing to be a housewife and dreams of becoming a mother—also uses this term in the 1922 book The Female Impersonators to describe certain androgynes, a term referring to gay and bisexual men, along with what is known today as trans women.

The phenomenon of cross-dressing is seen throughout recorded history, being referred to as far back as the earliest known civilization.[5] The terms used to describe it have changed throughout history; the Anglo-Saxon-rooted term "cross-dresser" is viewed more favorably than the Latin-origin term "transvestite" in some circles, where it has come to be seen as outdated and derogatory.[6] Its first use was in Magnus Hirschfeld's Die Transvestiten (The Transvestites) in 1910, originally associating cross-dressing with non-heterosexual behavior or derivations of sexual intent. Its connotations largely changed in the 20th century as its use was more frequently associated with sexual excitement, otherwise known as transvestic disorder.[7] This term was historically used to diagnose psychiatric disorders (e.g. transvestic fetishism), but the former (cross-dressing) was coined by the transgender community.[8] The Oxford English Dictionary gives 1911 as the earliest citation of the term "cross-dressing", by Edward Carpenter: "Cross-dressing must be taken as a general indication of, and a cognate phenomenon to, homosexuality". In 1928, Havelock Ellis used the two terms "cross-dressing" and "transvestism" interchangeably. The earliest citations for "cross-dress" and "cross-dresser" are 1966 and 1976, respectively.[9]

Today, the term transvestite is commonly considered outdated and derogatory, with the term cross-dresser used as a more appropriate replacement.[10][11][12][13] The term transvestite was historically used to diagnose medical disorders, including mental health disorders, and transvestism was viewed as a disorder, while the term cross-dresser was coined by the trans community.[10][14] In some cases, the term transvestite is seen as more appropriate for use by members of the trans community instead of by those outside the trans community, and some have reclaimed the word.[15]

En femme and en homme

[edit]

The term en femme is a lexical borrowing of a French phrase. It is used in the transgender and crossdressing community to describe the act of wearing feminine clothing or expressing a stereotypically feminine personality. The term is a loanword from the French phrase en femme[16][17] meaning "as a woman", Most crossdressers also use a feminine name whilst en femme; that is their "femme name". In the cross-dressing community the persona a man adopts when he dresses as a woman is known as his "femme self".[18]

En homme (French: [ɑ̃n‿ɔm]) is a similar borrowing from French, used to describe the act of wearing masculine clothing or expressing a stereotypically masculine personality.[19] The term is borrowed from the French phrase en homme meaning "as a man". Most crossdressers also use a masculine name whilst en homme.

History

[edit]

Non-Western history

[edit]
Lady Murasaki's classical novel The Tale of Genji from 1008 demonstrates the transgression between masculine and feminine beauty with characters that have no clear gender differentiability.

Cross-dressing has been practiced throughout much of recorded history, in many societies, and for many reasons. Examples exist in Greek, Norse, and Hindu mythology. Cross-dressing can be found in theater and religion, such as kabuki, Noh, and Korean shamanism, as well as in folklore, literature, and music. For instance, in examining kabuki culture during Japan's edo period, cross-dressing was not only used for theater purposes, but also because current societal trends: cross-dressing and the switching of genders was a familiar concept to the Japanese at the time which allowed them to interchange characters's genders easily and incorporate geisha fashion into men's wear.[20] This was especially common in the story-telling of ancient stories such as the character Benten from Benten Kozō. He was a thief in the play cross-dressing as a woman. Cross-dressing was also exhibited in Japanese Noh for similar reasons. Societal standards at the time broke boundaries between gender. For example, ancient Japanese portraits of aristocrats have no clear differentiation in characteristics between male and female beauty. Thus, in Noh performance, the cross-dressing of actors was common; especially given the ease of disguising biological sex with the use of masks and heavy robes.[21] In a non-entertainment context, cross-dressing is also exhibited in Korean shamanism for religious purposes. Specifically, this is displayed in chaesu-gut, a shamanistic rite gut in which a shaman offers a sacrifice to the spirits to intermediate in the fortunes of the intended humans for the gut. Here, cross-dressing serves many purposes. Firstly, the shaman (typically a woman) would cross-dress as both male and female spirits can occupy her. This allows her to represent the opposite sex and become a cross-sex icon in 75% of the time of the ritual. This also allows her to become a sexually liminal being. It is clear that in entertainment, literature, art, and religion, different civilizations have utilized cross-dressing for many different purposes.[22][23]

Western history

[edit]
Male performers putting on female costumes prior to a theatre performance. The figure on the left is wearing a mask and a second mask is lying on the ground between them. The masks represent a female character and they have a kerchief around the hair on the mask. Their costumes also include female clothing such as high boots and a chiton. Ceramic Athenian Pelike. Phiale Painter. Ancient Greek. Around 430 BCE. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

In Ashkenaz Moses Isserles (1520-1572) writes, "There is a custom to wear masks on Purim, for men to wear women’s clothing, and for women to wear men’s clothing." clearly he saw masks and cross-dressing as common enough to be mentioned as standard custom.[24]

In the British and European context, theatrical troupes ("playing companies") were all-male, with the female parts undertaken by boy players.

The Rebecca Riots took place between 1839 and 1843 in West and Mid Wales.[25] They were a series of protests undertaken by local farmers and agricultural workers in response to unfair taxation. The rioters, often men dressed as women, took their actions against toll-gates, as they were tangible representations of high taxes and tolls. The riots ceased prior to 1844 due to several factors, including increased troop levels, a desire by the protestors to avoid violence and the appearance of criminal groups using the guise of the biblical character Rebecca for their own purposes.[26] In 1844 an Act of Parliament to consolidate and amend the laws relating to turnpike trusts in Wales was passed.

A variety of historical figures are known to have cross-dressed to varying degrees. Many women found they had to disguise themselves as men in order to participate in the wider world. For example, it is postulated that Margaret King cross-dressed in the early 19th century to attend medical school, as universities at that time accepted only male students. A century later, Vita Sackville-West dressed as a young soldier in order to "walk out" with her girlfriend Violet Keppel, to avoid the street harassment that two women would have faced. The prohibition on women wearing male garb, once strictly applied, still has echoes today in some Western societies which require girls and women to wear skirts, for example as part of school uniform or office dress codes.[27] Cross-dressing practices existed within both an evolving social and cultural environment up until cross-dressing laws became a prevalent part of controlling gender normativity and expression.[28]

Transvestism

[edit]

The terms transvestism and transvestite were coined by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1910. In the early 20th century, transvestite referred to cross-dressers, and also a variety of people who would now be considered transgender.

Though the term was coined as late as the 1910s by Magnus Hirschfeld, the phenomenon is very old, It was referred to as far back as the earliest known civilization.[5] It was part of the homosexual movement of Weimar Germany in the beginning, a first transvestite movement of its own started to form since the mid-1920s, resulting in founding first organizations and the first transvestite magazine, Das 3. Geschlecht. The rise of National Socialism stopped this movement from 1933 onwards.[29]

Etymology of “transvestite”
[edit]
A 1928 transvestite pass allowing Gert Katter, a female-to-male trans man who was one of Hirschfeld's patients, to wear male clothing.[30]

Magnus Hirschfeld coined the word transvestite (from Latin trans-, "across, over" and vestitus, "dressed") in his 1910 book Die Transvestiten (Transvestites) to refer to the sexual interest in cross-dressing.[31] He used it to describe persons who habitually and voluntarily wore clothes of the opposite sex. Hirschfeld's group of transvestites consisted of both males and females, with heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, and asexual orientations.[32]

Hirschfeld himself was not happy with the term: He believed that clothing was only an outward symbol chosen on the basis of various internal psychological situations.[31] In fact, Hirschfeld helped people to achieve changes of their first name (legal given names were required to be gender-specific in Germany) and performed the first reported sexual reassignment surgery. Hirschfeld's transvestites therefore were, in today's terms, not only transvestites, but a variety of people from the transgender spectrum.[31]

Hirschfeld also noticed that sexual arousal was often associated with transvestism.[31] In more recent terminology, this is sometimes called transvestic fetishism.[33] Hirschfeld also clearly distinguished between transvestism as an expression of a person's "contra-sexual" (transgender) feelings and fetishistic behavior, even if the latter involved wearing clothes of the other sex.[31]

The use of the term travesti meaning cross-dresser was already common in French in the early 19th century,[34] from where it was imported into Portuguese, with the same meaning.[35]

[edit]

In many countries, cross-dressing was illegal under laws that identified it as indecent or immoral. Many such laws were challenged in the late 1900s giving people the right to freedom of gender expression with regard to their clothing.[36] There still remains 13 UN member states that explicitly criminalize transgender individuals, and there exist even more countries that use a great deal of diverse laws to target them. The third edition of the Trans Legal Mapping Report, done by the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association found that an especially common method to target these individuals is through cross-dressing regulations.[37]

North America

[edit]

For instance, from 1840 forward, the United States saw state and city laws forbidding people from appearing in public while dressed in clothes not commonly associated with their assigned sex. The goal of this wave of policies was to create a tool that would enforce a normative gender narrative, targeting multiple gender identities across the gender spectrum. With the progression of time, styles, and societal trends, it became even more difficult to draw the line between what was cross-dressing or not. In 2011, it was still possible for a man to get arrested for "impersonating a woman" — a vestige of the 19th century laws.[38] Legal issues surrounding cross-dressing perpetuated all throughout the mid 20th century. During this time period, police would often reference laws that did not exist or laws that have been repealed in order to target the LGBTQ+ community.[39][unreliable source?]

Asia

[edit]

Nepal decriminalized cross-dressing in 2007.[40] Only in 2014 did an appeal court in Malaysia finally overturn a state law prohibiting Muslim men from cross-dressing as women.[38]

Oceania

[edit]

In the Australian state of Tasmania, cross-dressing in public was made a criminal offence in 1935, and this law was only repealed in 2000.[41][42]

Varieties

[edit]

There are many different kinds of cross-dressing and many different reasons why an individual might engage in cross-dressing behavior.[43] Some people cross-dress as a matter of comfort or style, a personal preference for clothing associated with the opposite gender. Some people cross-dress to shock others or challenge social norms; others will limit their cross-dressing to underwear, so that it is not apparent. Some people attempt to pass as a member of the opposite gender in order to gain access to places or resources they would not otherwise be able to reach.

Theater and performance

[edit]
Two servicemembers of the 29th Divisional concert party (Diamond Troupe), performing during World War I

Single-sex theatrical troupes often have some performers who cross-dress to play roles written for members of the opposite sex (travesti and trouser roles). Cross-dressing, particularly the depiction of males wearing dresses, was historically used for comic effect onstage and on-screen.

Boy player refers to children who performed in Medieval and English Renaissance playing companies. Some boy players worked for the adult companies and performed the female roles as women did not perform on the English stage in this period. Others worked for children's companies in which all roles, not just the female ones, were played by boys.[44](pp 1–76)[45]

In an effort to clamp down on kabuki's popularity, women's kabuki, known as onna-kabuki, was banned in 1629 in Japan for being too erotic.[46] Following this ban, young boys began performing in wakashū-kabuki, which was also soon banned.[46] Thus adult men play female roles in kabuki.

Dan is the general name for female roles in Chinese opera, often referring to leading roles. They may be played by male or female actors. In the early years of Peking opera, all dan roles were played by men, but this practice is no longer common in any Chinese opera genre.

Women have often been excluded from Noh, and men often play female characters in it.[47]

Drag is a special form of performance art based on the act of cross-dressing. A drag queen is usually a male-assigned person who performs as an exaggeratedly feminine character, in heightened costuming sometimes consisting of a showy dress, high-heeled shoes, obvious make-up, and wig. A drag queen may imitate famous female film or pop-music stars. A faux queen is a female-assigned person employing the same techniques. A drag king is a counterpart of the drag queen – a female-assigned person who adopts a masculine persona in performance or imitates a male film or pop-music star. Some female-assigned people undergoing Gender-affirming surgery also self-identify as 'drag kings'.

Drag queens Lady Bunny (left) and Sherry Vine (right) in 2008. Drag is a form of cross-dressing as performance art.

The modern activity of battle reenactments has raised the question of women passing as male soldiers. In 1989, Lauren Burgess dressed as a male soldier in a U.S. National Park Service reenactment of the Battle of Antietam, and was ejected after she was discovered to be a woman. Burgess sued the Park Service for sexual discrimination.[48] The case spurred spirited debate among Civil War buffs. In 1993, a federal judge ruled in Burgess's favor.[49]

"Wigging" refers to the practice of male stunt doubles taking the place of an actress, parallel to "paint downs", where white stunt doubles are made up to resemble black actors.[50] Female stunt doubles have begun to protest this norm of "historical sexism", saying that it restricts their already limited job possibilities.[51][52]

British pantomime, television and comedy

[edit]
Comedian Dan Leno as Widow Twankey in the 1896 pantomime Aladdin at Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, London

Cross-dressing is a traditional popular trope in British comedy.[53] The pantomime dame in British pantomime dates from the 19th century, which is part of the theatrical tradition of female characters portrayed by male actors in drag. Widow Twankey (Aladdin's mother) is a popular pantomime dame: in 2004 Ian McKellen played the role.

The Monty Python comedy troupe donned frocks and makeup, playing female roles while speaking in falsetto.[54] Character comics such as Benny Hill and Dick Emery drew upon several female identities. In the BBC's long-running sketch show The Dick Emery Show (broadcast from 1963 to 1981), Emery played Mandy, a busty peroxide blonde whose catchphrase, "Ooh, you are awful ... but I like you!", was given in response to a seemingly innocent remark made by her interviewer, but perceived by her as ribald double entendre.[55] The popular tradition of cross dressing in British comedy extended to the 1984 music video for Queen's "I Want to Break Free" where the band parody several female characters from the soap opera Coronation Street.[56]

Sexual fetishes

[edit]
Archduke Ludwig Viktor of Austria liked to dress and be photographed as a woman

Sometimes either cisgender member of an androphilic and gynephilic couple will cross-dress in order to arouse the other. For example, the male might wear skirts or lingerie and/or the female will wear boxers or other male clothing. (See also forced feminization.)

Passing

[edit]

Some people who cross-dress may endeavor to project a complete impression of belonging to another gender, including mannerisms, speech patterns, and emulation of sexual characteristics. This is referred to as passing or "trying to pass", depending how successful the person is. An observer who sees through the cross-dresser's attempt to pass is said to have "read" or "clocked" them. There are videos, books, and magazines on how a man may look more like a woman.[57]

Others may choose to take a mixed approach, adopting some feminine traits and some masculine traits in their appearance. For instance, a man might wear both a dress and a beard. This is sometimes known as "genderfuck". In a broader context, cross-dressing may also refer to other actions undertaken to pass as a particular sex, such as packing (accentuating the male crotch bulge) or, the opposite, tucking (concealing the male crotch bulge).[58]

Gender disguise

[edit]

Gender disguise has been used by women and girls to pass as male, and by men and boys to pass as female. Gender disguise has also been used as a plot device in storytelling, particularly in narrative ballads,[59] and is a recurring motif in literature, theater, and film. Historically, some women have cross-dressed to take up male-dominated or male-exclusive professions, such as military service. Conversely, some men have cross-dressed to escape from mandatory military service[a] or as a disguise to assist in political or social protest, as men in Wales did in the Rebecca Riots and when conducting Ceffyl Pren as a form of mob justice.[60]

Depiction of Welsh labourers dressed in women's clothing within the Rebecca Riots, Illustrated London News 1843

Sports

[edit]

Conversation surrounding exclusion and gender inequality in sports has been around for decades. Some women have dressed as men to enter male sports, or registered in male sports using an alias.

Roberta "Bobbi" Gibb

[edit]

Roberta "Bobbi" Gibb is the first woman to have competed in the Boston Marathon. In 1966 Bobbi Gibb wrote a letter to the Boston Athletic Association asking to participate in the race happening that year. When Gibb received her letter back in the mail she was faced with the news that her entry to the race was denied due to her gender. Rather than just accept her fate, Gibb did not take no for an answer and decided to run the marathon anyways—however, she would do it hidden as a man. On the day of the race Gibb showed up in an oversized sweatshirt, her brother's shorts, and men's running shoes. Gibb hid in the bushes until the race started and then joined in with the crowd. Eventually her fellow runners figured out Gibb's real gender but stated that they would make sure that she finished the race. Gibb ended up finishing her first Boston Marathon in 3 hours, 27 minutes and 40 seconds.[61] She crossed the finish line with blistered, bleeding feet from the men's running shoes she was wearing.[62] Gibb's act of defiance influenced other women marathon runners of the time like Katherine Switzer, who also registered under an alias to be able to run the race in 1967. It would not be until 1972 until there was an official women's race within the Boston Marathon.[citation needed]

Sam Kerr

[edit]

Sam Kerr is a forward for the Australian Women's Soccer Team and Chelsea FC in the FA Women's Super League. Kerr has been regarded as one of the best forward players in the sport and has been one of the most highly paid players in women's soccer as well. While Kerr now shares the world state with other great women soccer players, as a young child she shared the field with young boys. Kerr grew up in a suburb of Perth where there was little to no access to young girls soccer teams in the direct area. Not having a girls team to play on did not bother Kerr though, she simply played on a youth boys team where all of her teammates just assumed she was also a boy. Kerr states in her book My Journey to the World Cup that she continued to hide her gender because she did not want to be treated any differently. In her book Kerr also revealed that when one of her teammates found out that she was, in fact a girl, he cried. While Kerr's act of hiding her gender was initially an accident, it is still an example of how women (and in the case a young girl) can create opportunities for themselves by looking or acting as a man.[63]

War

[edit]

Sometimes gender disguise is for war/militaristic situations.

Joan of Arc

[edit]

Born c. 1412,[64] St Joan of Arc or the Maid of Orleans is one of the oldest examples of gender disguise. At 13, after receiving a revelation that she was supposed to lead the French to victory over the English in the 100 years war,[65] Joan donned the clothing of a male soldier in the French army. Joan was able to convince King Charles the VIII to allow her to take the lead of some of the French armies in order to help him get his crown back. Ultimately, Joan of Arc was successful in claiming victory over the English but was captured in 1430 and found guilty of heresy, leading to her execution in 1431. The impact of her actions was seen even after Joan's death. During the suffragette movement, Joan of Arc was used as an inspiration for the movement, particularly in Britain where many used her actions as fuel for their fight for political reform.[66]

Deborah Sampson

[edit]

Born in 1760 in Plympton, Massachusetts,[67] Deborah Sampson was the first female soldier in the US Army.[68] The only woman in the Revolution to receive a full military pension, at age 18 Deborah took the name "Robert Shirtleff" and enlisted in revolutionary forces. In her capacity as a soldier, she was very successful, being named captain and leading an infantry in the capture of 15 enemy soldiers among other things.[69][failed verification] One and a half years into service, her true sex was revealed when she had to receive medical care. Following an honorable discharge, Deborah petitioned congress for her full pay that was withheld on the grounds of being an "invalid soldier" and eventually received it.[70] She died in 1827 at age 66.[71] Even after her death, Deborah Sampson continues to be a "hero of the American Revolution".[72] In 2019, a diary from corporal Abner Weston shares about Deborah Sampson's previously unknown first attempt to enlist in the Continental Army.[73]

These women are just a few among many who have disguised themselves as men in order to be able to fight in many different wars. Others who have used gender disguise for this purpose include Kit Kavanaugh/Christian Davies, Hannah Snell, Sarah Emma Edmonds, Frances Clayton, Dorothy Lawrence, Zoya Smirnow, and Brita Olofsdotter.[74][75]

Journalism and culture

[edit]

In some instances, women in journalism deem wearing the identity of a man necessary in order to gather information that is only accessible from the male point of view. In other cases, people cross-dress to navigate certain cultures and/or specific circumstances that involve strict gender norms and expectations.[74][76]

Norah Vincent

[edit]

Norah Vincent, author of the book Self-Made Man: One Woman's Journey Into Manhood and Back Again, used gender disguise in order to go undercover as a man to penetrate men's social circles and experience life as a man. In 2003, Vincent put her life on pause to adopt a new masculine identity as Ned Vincent.[77][unreliable source?] She worked with a makeup artist and vocal coach in order to convincingly play the role of a man. She wore an undersized sports bra, a stuffed jock strap, and size 11½ shoes to deceive those around her. In her book, Vincent makes discoveries about socialization, romance, sex, and stress as a man that leads her to conclude that, "[Men] have different problems than women have, but they don't have it better",[78] However, Vincent developed controversial opinions about sex and gender, claiming that transgender people are not legitimate until they undergo hormone therapy and surgical intervention. After writing Self-Made Man, Vincent became a victim of depression; she died by medically assisted suicide in 2022.[79]

Bacha posh

[edit]

Bacha posh, an Afghan tradition, involves the crossdressing of young Afghan girls by their families so that they present to the public as boys. Families without sons, or whose sons are heavily outnumbered by daughters, may choose to raise one of their daughters bacha posh for a number of reasons. Having a bacha posh daughter may ease financial burdens, as girls and women are generally prohibited from work in contemporary Afghanistan,[80][81] and improve their social status, as families with boys tend to be more well regarded in Afghan society.[82][81] While there is no law that prohibits bacha posh, girls are expected to revert to traditional gender norms upon reaching puberty.[83][84][85] According to Thomas Barfield, an anthropology professor at Boston University, bacha posh is "one of the most under-investigated" topics in the realm of gender studies, making difficult to determine exactly how common the practice is in Afghan society.[85] However, some prominent female figures in Afghan society have admitted to being bacha posh in their youth. A more famous example of this is Afghan parliament member Azita Rafaat. Rafaat claims that bacha posh was a positive experience that built her self-confidence in Afghanistan's heavily patriarchal society and gave her a more well rounded understanding of women's issues in Afghanistan.[81]

Fashion

[edit]
Some male crossdressers seek a more subtle feminine image.

The actual determination of cross-dressing is largely socially constructed.[86] For example, in Western society, trousers have long been adopted for usage by women, and it is no longer regarded as cross-dressing.[87] In cultures where men have traditionally worn skirt-like garments such as the kilt or sarong, these are not seen as women's clothing, and wearing them is not seen as cross-dressing for men. In many parts of the world, it remains socially disapproved for men to wear clothes traditionally associated with women.[88]

Cosplaying may also involve cross-dressing, for some females may wish to dress as a male, and vice versa (see crossplay). Females may choose to chest bind while cosplaying a male character.[89]

While creating a more feminine figure, male cross-dressers may utilize breast forms or breast plates to give the appearance of breasts.[90][91] Some male cross-dressers may also cinch their waists or use padding to create a profile that appears more stereotypically feminine.[90][92]

While most male cross-dressers utilize clothing associated with modern women, some are involved in subcultures that involve dressing as little girls[93][94] or in vintage clothing. Some such men have written that they enjoy dressing as femininely as possible, so they wear frilly dresses with lace and ribbons, bridal gowns complete with veils, as well as multiple petticoats, corsets, girdles and/or garter belts with nylon stockings.

The term underdressing is used by male cross-dressers to describe wearing female undergarments such as panties under their male clothes. The famous low-budget film-maker Edward D. Wood Jr. (who also went out in public dressed in drag as "Shirley", his female alter ego[95]) said he often wore women's underwear under his military uniform as a Marine during World War II.[96] Female masking is a form of cross-dressing in which men wear masks that present them as female.[97]

Some drag kings may use binders or chest plates to give the impression of a more stereotypically male physique, but others forego this.[98] They may also paste or draw on fake facial hair.[99] Drag kings may use a phallic prosthetic for packing to create the appearance of having male genitals.[100][101]

Example of drag king utilizing fake facial hair

Social issues

[edit]
A Morning Frolic, or the Transmutation of the Sexes (c. 1780, artist unknown) depicts a man and a woman exchanging items of clothing in a parody of the satirical drawings of John Collet, which were considered to be vulgar at the time.

Cross-dressers may begin wearing clothing associated with the opposite sex in childhood, using the clothes of a sibling, parent, or friend. Some parents have said they allowed their children to cross-dress and, in many cases, the child stopped when they became older. The same pattern often continues into adulthood, where there may be confrontations with a spouse, partner, family member or friend. Married cross-dressers can experience considerable anxiety and guilt if their spouse objects to their behavior.

Sometimes because of guilt or other reasons cross-dressers dispose of all their clothing, a practice called "purging", only to start collecting the other gender's clothing again.[43]

Publications

[edit]

Transvestia

[edit]

In 1960, Virginia Prince published the first issue of Transvestia, a magazine aimed at cross-dressers.[102] Prince funded the initial publication with a capital of one hundred dollars raised through personal acquaintances.[103] The first issue was published by Prince's Chevalier Publications, and sold by subscription and through adult bookstores.[104][105]

In 1963, the inside jacket of the magazine stated the publication as "dedicated to the needs of the sexually normal individual who has discovered the existance [sic] of his or her 'other side' and seeks to express it."[104] Rather than relying on a team of professional authors, this magazine was to be"written by... the readers" with the editor's job to be organizing and categorizing these submissions as appropriate.[106]

Transvestia was published bi-monthly by Prince between the years of 1960 and 1980, with a total of 100 issues being created. The subsequent 11 issues were edited and published by Carol Beecroft (the co-founder of Chevalier publications) until 1986.

With a readership of mostly white, middle-to-professional-class crossdressers, the magazine offered, among other things, dozens of published life stories and letters contributed by other crossdressers.[107]

Beaumont Bulletin

[edit]

The Beaumont Society began in the UK in 1966 as an offshoot of Virgina Prince's Full Personality Expression group for cross-dressers.[108] The society began to distribute its publication the Beaumont Bulletin in January 1968. Starting out at eight pages, it reached 24 pages by 1970. The publication referred to its readers as 'girls',[109] and included tips on make-up and women's clothing, especially those in larger sizes.[110] In 1977, a new publication, Beaumag, was issued which included fiction and comic writing.[111] As of 2024, the society was still publishing a magazine for its members, entitled Beaumont Magazine.[109]

En Femme

[edit]

Between 1987 and 1991, JoAnn Roberts and CDS published a magazine called En Femme that was "for the transvestite, transsexual, crossdresser, and female impersonator".[112]

Others

[edit]

Chrysalis Quarterly was Dallas Denny's publication from the 1990s focused on gender identity, including cross-dressing and transgender issues. [113]

Femme Mirror was a quarterly inewsletter/magazine of Tri-Ess begun by Carol Beecroft, and catered to the cross-dresser community.[114]

Transgender Tapestry magazine began as the TV-TS Tapestry newsletter by Merissa Sherrill Lynn's Tiffany Club. It was published from 1979 to 2008, and continues as an online website of the International Foundation for Gender Education.[115]

Empathy Magazine was a publication in the United States focused on support for cross-dressers and their families.[116]

Festivals

[edit]

Celebrations of cross-dressing occur in widespread cultures. The Abissa festival in Côte d'Ivoire,[117] Ofudamaki in Japan,[118] and Kottankulangara Festival in India[119] are all examples of this.

Analysis

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Advocacy for social change has done much to relax the constrictions of gender roles on men and women, but they are still subject to prejudice from some people.[120][121][122]

The reason it is so hard to have statistics for female cross-dressers is that the line where cross-dressing stops and cross-dressing begins[clarification needed] has become blurred, whereas the same line for men is as well defined as ever. This is one of the many issues being addressed by third wave feminism as well as the modern-day masculist movement.

The general culture[clarification needed] has very mixed views about cross-dressing. A woman who wears her husband's shirt to bed is considered attractive, while a man who wears his wife's nightgown to bed may be considered transgressive. Marlene Dietrich in a tuxedo was considered very erotic; Jack Lemmon in a dress was considered ridiculous.[123] All this may result from an overall gender role rigidity for males; that is, because of the prevalent gender dynamic throughout the world, men frequently encounter discrimination when deviating from masculine gender norms, particularly violations of heteronormativity.[124] A man's adoption of feminine clothing is often considered a going down in the gendered social order whereas a woman's adoption of what are traditionally men's clothing (at least in the English-speaking world) has less of an impact because women have been traditionally subordinate to men, unable to affect serious change through style of dress. Thus when a male cross-dresser puts on his clothes, he transforms into the quasi-female and thereby becomes an embodiment of the conflicted gender dynamic. Following the work of Judith Butler, gender proceeds along through ritualized performances, but in male cross-dressing it becomes a performative "breaking" of the masculine and a "subversive repetition" of the feminine.[125][non-primary source needed]

Psychoanalysts today do not regard cross-dressing by itself as a psychological problem, unless it interferes with a person's life. "For instance", said Joseph Merlino, senior editor of Freud at 150: 21st Century Essays on a Man of Genius, "[suppose that]...I'm a cross-dresser and I don't want to keep it confined to my circle of friends, or my party circle, and I want to take that to my wife and I don't understand why she doesn't accept it, or I take it to my office and I don't understand why they don't accept it, then it's become a problem because it's interfering with my relationships and environment."[126]

Cross-dressing in the 21st century

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Camp fashion made an appearance during the 2019 Met Gala which had the theme of "Camp: Notes on Fashion", A themed exhibit of the same name was later displayed at the Met Fifth Avenue.

Cross-dressing today is much more common and normalized due to trends such as camp fashion and androgynous fashion. Camp is a style of fashion that has had a long history extending all the way back to the Victorian era to the modern era. During the Victorian era up until the mid-20th century, it was defined as an exaggerated and flamboyant style of dressing.[127] This was typically associated with ideas of effeminacy, de-masculization, and homosexuality.[128] As the trend entered the 20th century, it also developed an association with a lack of conduct, creating the connotation that those who engaged in Camp are unrefined, improper, distasteful, and, essentially, undignified. Though this was its former understanding, Camp has now developed a new role in the fashion industry. It is considered a fashion style that has "failed seriousness" and has instead become a fun way of self-expression. Thanks to its integration with high fashion and extravagance, Camp is now seen as a high art form of absurdity: including loud, vibrant, bold, fun, and empty frivolity.[127]

Drag icon RuPaul speaking at RuPaul's DragCon in Los Angeles in 2019.

Camp is often used in drag culture as a method of exaggerating or inversing traditional conceptions of what it means to be feminine. In actuality, the QTPOC community has had a large impact on Camp. This is exhibited by ballroom culture, camp/glamour queens, Black '70s funk, Caribbean Carnival costumes, Blaxploitation movies, "pimp/player fashion", and more. This notion has also been materialized by camp icons such as Josephine Baker and RuPaul.[127]

Androgynous fashion is described as neither masculine nor feminine rather it is the embodiment of a gender inclusive and sexually neutral fashion of expression. The general understanding of androgynous fashion is mixing both masculine and feminine pieces with the goal of producing a look that has no visual differentiations between one gender or another. This look is achieved by masking the general body so that one cannot identify the biological sex of an individual given the silhouette of the clothing pieces: Therefore, many androgynous looks include looser, baggier clothing that can conceal curves in the female body or using more "feminine" fabrics and prints for men.

Musician Harry Styles wearing a shimmery pussy-bow blouse at a concert in Saint Paul in 2018.

Both of these style forms have been normalized and popularized by celebrities such as Harry Styles, Timothée Chalamet, Billie Eilish, Troye Sivan, and more.[129]

Societal changes

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A person crossplaying as Misty from the popular anime Pokémon at Chicago Comic & Entertainment Expo in 2015.

Beyond fashion, cross-dressing in non-Western countries has not fully outgrown the negative connotations that it has in the West. For instance, many Eastern and Southeastern Asian countries have a narrative of discrimination and stigma against LGBTQ+ and cross-dressing individuals. This is especially evident in the post-pandemic world. During this time, it was clear to see the failures of these governments to provide sufficient support to these individuals due to a lack of legal services, lack of job opportunity, and more. For instance, to be able to receive government aid, these individuals need to be able to quickly change their legal name, gender, and other information on official ID documents.[130] This fault augmented the challenges of income loss, food insecurity, safe housing, healthcare, and more for many trans and cross-dressing individuals. This was especially pertinent as many of these individuals relied on entertainment and sex work for income. With the pandemic removing these job opportunities, the stigmatisation and discrimination against these individuals only increased, especially in Southeast Asian countries.[130]

On the other hand, some Asian countries have grown to be more accepting of cross-dressing as modernization has increased. For instance, among Japan's niche communities, there exists the otokonoko. This is a group of male-assigned individuals who engage in female cross-dressing as a form of gender expression. This trend originated with manga and grew with an increase in maid cafes, cosplaying, and more in the 2010s.[131] With the normalization of this through cosplay, cross-dressing has become a large part of otaku and anime culture.[132]

In 2023, Noor Alsaffar, an Iraqi vlogger and model, who described themselves as a cross-dresser, was murdered.[133][134][135] The killing of Alsaffar appears to be linked to an increase in homophobia and transphobia in Iraq.[136]

Across media

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Actress Lucie Höflich portraying Viola in a Berlin production of Twelfth Night in 1907.

Women dressed as men, and less often men dressed as women, is a common trope in fiction[137] and folklore. For example, in Thrymskvitha, Thor disguised himself as Freya.[137] These disguises were also popular in Gothic fiction, such as in works by Charles Dickens, Alexandre Dumas, père, and Eugène Sue,[137] and in a number of Shakespeare's plays, such as Twelfth Night. In The Wind in the Willows, Toad dresses as a washerwoman, and in The Lord of the Rings, Éowyn pretends to be a man.

In science fiction, fantasy and women's literature, this literary motif is occasionally taken further, with literal transformation of a character from male to female or vice versa. Virginia Woolf's Orlando: A Biography focuses on a man who becomes a woman, as does a warrior in Peter S. Beagle's The Innkeeper's Song;[138] while in Geoff Ryman's The Warrior Who Carried Life, Cara magically transforms herself into a man.[138]

Other popular examples of gender disguise include Madame Doubtfire (published as Alias Madame Doubtfire in the United States) and its movie adaptation Mrs. Doubtfire, featuring a man disguised as a woman.[139] Similarly, the movie Tootsie features Dustin Hoffman disguised as a woman, while the movie The Associate features Whoopi Goldberg disguised as a man. Japanese fashion designer and visual kei musician Mana of the bands Malice Mizer and Moi dix Mois is notable for wearing traditionally female clothes. He is credited with popularizing cross-dressing among visual kei bands.[140]

Medical views

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The International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems listed dual-role transvestism (non-sexual cross-dressing)[141] and fetishistic transvestism (cross-dressing for sexual pleasure) as disorders in its 10th edition,[142] but both were removed for the 11th edition, which came into effect in 2022.[143]

When cross-dressing occurs for erotic purposes over a period of at least six months and also causes significant distress or impairment, the behavior is considered a mental disorder in the United States Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, and the psychiatric diagnosis "transvestic fetishism" is applied.[144] Under the name transvestic disorder, it is categorized as a paraphiliac disorder in the DSM-5.[33] The DSM-5 defines a paraphilic disorder as "a paraphilia that is currently causing distress or impairment to the individual or a paraphilia whose satisfaction has entailed personal harm, or risk of harm, to others", adding that paraphilias do not require or justify psychiatric treatment in themselves.[145]

For the next edition of the DSM the aim is to harmonize with the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11) as much as possible.[146]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Sources

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Cross-dressing is the practice whereby individuals, most commonly biological males, wear clothing and adopt accessories or mannerisms conventionally associated with , often for theatrical, , disguisal, or expressive purposes, without necessitating a repudiation of their biological sex or . The term originated in the early , building on the earlier German concept of Transvestismus introduced in to denote the act of dressing across sex norms. Historically, cross-dressing appears across ancient civilizations in ritualistic, mythological, and performative contexts, such as gender-crossing deities in Greek festivals or male actors embodying female roles in theater traditions spanning from antiquity to the , where practical necessities like bans on female performers necessitated male-to-female impersonation. In empirical psychological studies, the behavior is frequently tied to fetishistic , with surveys of over 1,000 cross-dressers revealing that 87% identify as heterosexual males, and estimates suggesting 2.8% of men at least one episode, typically without progression to desires. When recurrent cross-dressing generates intense sexual excitement and associated distress or interpersonal impairment, it meets criteria for transvestic disorder under classification as a paraphilic condition, underscoring its distinction from rooted in identity incongruence. Culturally, it manifests in forms like drag performance for entertainment or historical wartime disguises, though it has provoked controversies including legal prohibitions in 19th- and 20th-century Western societies aimed at preserving sex-based dress codes amid fears of moral subversion.

Definitions and Terminology

Core Concepts and Distinctions

Cross-dressing refers to the practice of an individual, typically male, wearing clothing conventionally associated with the opposite biological sex, often for purposes of emotional relief, , or personal expression. This behavior is distinct from mere or , as it recurrently involves adopting attire that contravenes established -based norms of dress, which have historically aligned with biological dimorphism in humans for signaling reproductive roles and social differentiation. Empirical observations indicate that cross-dressing predominantly manifests among heterosexual males, with motivations rooted in fetishistic arousal rather than a desire for permanent sex reassignment. A primary distinction lies between cross-dressing as a behavioral act and identity, which entails a persistent conviction of misalignment between one's biological sex and internal sense, often leading to medical interventions like hormones or . Cross-dressers generally retain identification with their birth and experience satisfaction from episodic dressing without seeking to alter their physical form or social role permanently, whereas individuals pursue congruence through transition. This separation is supported by clinical data showing low rates of progression from cross-dressing to full ; for instance, longitudinal studies of males presenting with cross-dressing behaviors reveal that most do not develop identities over time. Cross-dressing also differs from drag performance, which emphasizes theatrical exaggeration for entertainment, often involving , makeup, and audience interaction as part of a or show. In drag, the attire serves an artistic or satirical purpose, frequently detached from personal sexual gratification, and is typically confined to staged contexts, whereas cross-dressing occurs privately or semi-privately without performative intent. Psychological classifications, such as transvestic disorder in the , underscore this by defining the condition as recurrent, intense sexual excitement from cross-dressing that causes distress or impairment, framing it as a rather than performative expression or identity shift. These concepts intersect with , where cross-dressing specifically elicits , distinguishing it from non-erotic motivations like theatrical necessity or cultural ritual; the fetishistic variant predominates in clinical presentations, affecting an estimated 2-3% of males based on community surveys, though prevalence varies by self-reporting biases in data collection. Causal analysis suggests that such fetishes may arise from early conditioning or neurodevelopmental factors imprinting atypical arousal patterns onto sex-differentiated stimuli like , rather than innate incongruence.

Etymology and Evolving Usage

The term "transvestite" was coined in 1910 by German sexologist in his book Die Transvestiten, derived from Latin trans- meaning "across" or "over" and vestire meaning "to dress" or "to clothe," to describe individuals compelled to wear clothing associated with the opposite biological sex. Hirschfeld introduced the term to categorize a specific erotic drive independent of or desire for anatomical change, viewing it as a congenital variation rather than a symptom of or , based on case studies of 23 individuals who reported persistent cross-dressing urges from childhood. "Cross-dressing," an English of the German Transvestismus, first appeared in as a referring to the act of wearing clothes of the opposite sex, with the verb form attested by 1966. Early 20th-century usage retained Hirschfeld's clinical framing, distinguishing cross-dressing from inversion or ; for instance, in , Hirschfeld advocated for "transvestite passes" allowing public cross-dressing without arrest, framing it as a protected expression of rather than deviance. By mid-century, however, Anglo-American psychiatric literature increasingly pathologized it under terms like "transvestism," associating it with fetishistic disorders in the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (1952), though without empirical prevalence data at the time. In the late , usage evolved amid cultural shifts: "transvestite" acquired connotations linked to outdated , prompting self-identified practitioners—often heterosexual men engaging privately—to prefer "cross-dresser" by the 1970s, as seen in organizations like the Society for the Second Self founded in 1962 by , who emphasized non-pathological self-expression over clinical labels. Contemporary definitions maintain the core denotation of adopting attire conventionally tied to the opposite sex, but distinguish it from ; for example, the (2013) classifies persistent cross-dressing for as transvestic disorder only when causing distress, reflecting a narrowed focus on fetishistic motivations rather than identity or performance. This terminological shift parallels broader debates in , where early descriptive terms yielded to diagnostic specificity amid rising awareness of comorbid issues, though source critiques note institutional biases in academia favoring identity-based interpretations over fetishistic data.

Historical Practices

Ancient and Non-Western Examples

In ancient Mesopotamia, circa 2500–2000 BCE, gala priests served the goddess Inanna (later Ishtar) and routinely adopted female attire as part of their ritual duties. Cuneiform texts describe these male priests wearing women's clothing on their left side, performing laments in the female dialect eme-sal, and engaging in ecstatic rites that blurred gender norms for cultic purposes; some evidence suggests self-castration or deliberate effeminacy to embody the goddess's transformative power. This practice, documented in Sumerian hymns and temple records, was tied to fertility and lamentation rituals rather than personal identity, with gala holding administrative roles in temples despite social marginalization outside sacred contexts. In Greco-Roman antiquity, cross-dressing featured prominently in mystery cults. During the Dionysian festivals, such as the Great in from the 6th century BCE, male participants donned female garb to impersonate maenads or satyrs, enacting rituals of inversion and ecstasy to honor the god's androgynous nature; archaeological evidence from vases depicts such transvestism in processions. Similarly, in from 204 BCE onward, priests of the Phrygian goddess (Magna Mater) self-castrated during spring rites, thereafter wearing long saffron robes, makeup, turbans, and jewelry typically reserved for women, while carrying cymbals and begging in streets—behaviors chronicled by authors like and as foreign excesses disrupting Roman masculinity. These priests numbered in the hundreds by the Imperial era, their cross-dressing symbolizing devotion but often eliciting elite disdain for subverting civic hierarchies. Non-Western traditions include Japan's theater, emerging in the early 17th century CE from Izumo no Okuni's all-female performances around 1603, which were banned by 1629 due to associations with , leading male actors to specialize as —men trained from youth to embody women through stylized dress, speech, and mannerisms, often extending off-stage for immersion. In pre-colonial Native American societies, certain males in tribes like the Zuni, Lakota, and adopted female clothing and roles as berdaches (a term from French observers meaning "kept boy," now critiqued), performing domestic or spiritual duties; ethnohistorical accounts from 16th–19th century explorers document over 150 tribes with such variants, though prevalence varied, with roles often linked to visions or medicine powers rather than eroticism alone, and anthropological interpretations caution against overgeneralizing as uniform "" acceptance amid colonial biases.

Western Developments Through the 20th Century

In the early , cross-dressing persisted as a staple of Western theatrical entertainment, particularly in circuits across the and music halls in Britain, where male performers impersonated women for comedic effect. , a prominent American female impersonator, headlined shows from the through the , drawing large audiences with elaborate costumes and makeup that emphasized exaggerated . Similarly, British pantomime traditions featured "dames"—male actors portraying comic maternal figures in drag—continuing from the into productions throughout the 1900s, with performers like Dan Leno's successors maintaining the role's campy, over-the-top style during annual holiday seasons. The saw the rise of organized drag balls in urban centers, notably during the , where events like the Hamilton Lodge Ball in attracted thousands of participants and spectators, including both Black and white attendees, for competitions in cross-dressed categories such as "female impersonators" and "male impersonators." These gatherings, held annually from the late but peaking in popularity in the , provided spaces for same-sex dancing and voguing precursors amid Prohibition-era nightlife. In Weimar Germany (1919–1933), sexologist advanced recognition of cross-dressing as a distinct phenomenon, issuing "transvestite passes" (Transvestitenschein) through his Institute for Sexual Science in , which allowed individuals—primarily men dressing as women—to appear in public attire without risk of arrest for indecency or . These documents, endorsed by police after Hirschfeld's advocacy and training programs, were granted to dozens of applicants starting in the late 1910s, framing cross-dressing as an innate variation rather than mere performance or deviance. During World War I and II, cross-dressing featured prominently in military entertainment to boost troop morale, with all-male units staging revues where soldiers donned women's clothing for sketches and songs. British front-line troupes like the "The Follies" performed drag acts in 1914–1918, while U.S. forces in World War II produced shows such as the 1942 Broadway revue This Is the Army, which included drag numbers viewed by millions and later adapted into a film starring Ronald Reagan. These performances, often improvised due to the absence of female entertainers, numbered in the hundreds across theaters of operation, emphasizing humor over eroticism. By mid-century, cross-dressing shifted toward nightclub venues as waned post-1930s, with standalone drag acts emerging in cities like New York and , though legal restrictions on public cross-dressing persisted in many U.S. locales until reforms in the 1960s and 1970s.

Psychological and Biological Foundations

Transvestic Fetishism as Primary Motivation

Transvestic fetishism, now termed transvestic disorder in the , is characterized by recurrent and intense from cross-dressing, manifested through fantasies, urges, or behaviors occurring over a period of at least six months, typically in heterosexual males and often leading to significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other functioning. This arousal is primarily erotic, with cross-dressing serving as a stimulus for sexual excitement, frequently culminating in , rather than stemming from a desire for permanent reversal. The condition usually emerges in late childhood or early , with individuals reporting initial episodes of secretive cross-dressing that produce sexual , often involving women's undergarments or attire symbolizing . Self-reported first-time experiences frequently describe a mix of emotions, including excitement, exhilaration, arousal, a sense of "rightness" or euphoria, and feeling sexy or liberated, alongside nervousness, fear, shame, confusion, insecurity, disgust, or sadness; some report profound relief or life-changing positivity, while others note conflicting or negative reactions like dysphoria or embarrassment. Empirical surveys indicate that among self-identified cross-dressers, the majority—approximately 87% in one study of 1,032 participants—identify as heterosexual, with many maintaining marriages and fathering children while engaging in cross-dressing primarily for private sexual release. These men often describe cross-dressing as providing temporary relief from masculine pressures, but the core driver remains fetishistic arousal tied to the act itself, distinct from where identity congruence, not , motivates attire choice. Prevalence estimates in the general suggest that 2.8% of men report at least one episode of , though clinically significant disorder affects far fewer, under 3% of males seeking psychiatric evaluation. Longitudinal observations show that while some cases may evolve toward secondary transsexualism, the majority do not progress to , underscoring the paraphilic nature as the enduring primary motivation for sustained cross-dressing behavior. This distinction is supported by typologies separating fetishistic cross-dressers, who retain male post-arousal, from those with innate incongruence.

Empirical Data on Prevalence and Mental Health Correlations

Surveys of the general population have estimated the lifetime prevalence of , characterized by from cross-dressing, at approximately 2.8% among men and 0.4% among women. This figure reflects reports of at least one episode, with persistent or recurrent behavior occurring far less frequently, potentially affecting fewer than 1% of men on a regular basis. , as defined in the , requires that such arousal causes clinically significant distress or impairment, narrowing the prevalence to a subset of those experiencing episodes; epidemiological data specific to the disorder remain limited, but clinical presentations suggest it predominantly affects heterosexual males. Correlates in population studies include early separation from parents and histories of same-sex sexual experiences among men, but broad is not uniformly elevated in non-clinical samples. In adolescents identified with , empirical assessments reveal high rates of general behavior problems, internalizing symptoms, and poor peer relations, comparable to those with disorder but distinct in lacking persistent cross-gender identification. Among adults with transvestic disorder, mental health correlations often involve , guilt, or depressive symptoms arising from the conflict between urges and social norms or personal values, rather than inherent independent of the paraphilia. Some case series and theoretical accounts propose cross-dressing as a maladaptive strategy for pre-existing anxiety or low mood, though causal direction remains unestablished in controlled studies. Intermittent may emerge in contexts of , substance use, or intensified depression, but population-level data do not indicate markedly higher rates of axis I disorders like major depression or anxiety disorders compared to the general male population, distinguishing it from where such elevations are more pronounced. Clinical samples of cross-dressers frequently report relational distress and secrecy, contributing to secondary burdens, yet self-selected non-distressed individuals in online communities exhibit lower reported .

Biological and Evolutionary Explanations

Biological research on cross-dressing, particularly when motivated by transvestic fetishism, has yielded limited evidence for specific neurobiological or genetic underpinnings, with most studies classifying it as a paraphilic disorder rather than an innate identity trait. Transvestic disorder involves recurrent, intense sexual arousal from cross-dressing, typically in otherwise heterosexual males, without a persistent desire for gender reassignment. Hypotheses include developmental factors such as early gender confusion induced by familial influences, like parental dressing of boys in female attire, potentially disrupting typical sex-typed arousal patterns. Some case reports suggest associations with abnormal androgen levels or co-occurring conditions like Ehlers-Danlos syndrome, implying possible hormonal or connective tissue anomalies contributing to atypical sexual interests, though these links are anecdotal and not causally established. Autogynephilia, a proposed mechanism where males experience erotic arousal from envisioning themselves in female form, has been posited as a core driver in non-homosexual cross-dressers, potentially arising from an "" in sexual imprinting during . and genetic studies specific to this phenomenon are scarce, with broader research indicating possible or irregularities akin to those in other fetishistic disorders, but without direct replication for transvestism. Unlike , where twin studies suggest moderate heritability (around 30-40%) and prenatal hormone influences on brain , no comparable data isolates cross-dressing as heritable or hormonally determined beyond speculative overlaps. Empirical gaps persist due to small sample sizes and ethical constraints on experimental validation, with academic focus often skewed toward affirming narratives over paraphilic etiologies. From an evolutionary standpoint, cross-dressing lacks clear adaptive value and is hypothesized as a maladaptive byproduct of flexible sexual arousal systems, which evolved for mate attraction but can misfire into self-directed fetishes via associative learning or . In ancestral environments, such behaviors would likely reduce reproductive fitness by diverting resources from pair-bonding and investment, suggesting persistence as a rare, non-selected variant rather than a selected trait like same-sex attraction in kin altruism models. No , comparative , or genomic evidence supports cross-dressing as evolutionarily conserved; instead, it aligns with paraphilias emerging post-puberty, potentially amplified by modern cultural cues but rooted in variable neural wiring for novelty-seeking in sexual cues. Controversial theories linking it to evolutionary mismatches in signaling remain untested, with source credibility challenged by ideological pressures minimizing paraphilic framings in favor of identity-based explanations.

Varieties and Motivations

Sexual Fetishism and Private Practices

Transvestic disorder, as defined in the , characterizes recurrent and intense from cross-dressing, typically in heterosexual males, manifesting as fantasies, urges, or behaviors involving attire of , persisting for at least six months and causing significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other functioning. This arousal stems from the tactile, visual, or symbolic properties of the clothing itself, often integrated with , distinguishing it from disturbance where the individual seeks to live as . In such cases, the cross-dresser retains a male and experiences excitement from the contrast between male physiology and female garments, rather than a desire for bodily . Private practices of cross-dressing for fetishistic purposes are predominantly solitary and secretive, commencing often in late childhood or with experimentation using available female clothing, escalating to acquiring items for periodic use. These sessions typically involve full or partial dressing followed by sexual activity, such as self-stimulation, with peaking during the act of donning or wearing the attire; post-, a period of or may follow, prompting concealment or purging of items. Empirical surveys indicate that such behaviors remain confined to private settings for most individuals, avoiding public exposure due to societal stigma and legal risks in some contexts, though online communities have emerged for anonymous sharing of experiences since the early 2000s. Prevalence estimates from population-based studies are low, with 2.8% of men and 0.4% of women reporting at least one episode of involving sexual arousal from cross-dressing, though diagnosable disorder requiring distress is rarer, affecting fewer than 3% of males overall. These figures derive from self-report data in Swedish and U.S. samples, showing correlations with early parental separation and experiences, but remains unestablished, with fetishistic cross-dressing overwhelmingly heterosexual in orientation. Unlike public or performative variants, private fetishistic practices rarely involve partners, and when they do, secrecy persists, potentially straining relationships if disclosed, as heterosexual partners may view it as incompatible with normative . Longitudinal data is limited, but case series suggest persistence into adulthood without progression to in most instances, underscoring its paraphilic rather than identity-based nature.

Theatrical and Performance Contexts

In theater of the , male actors exclusively performed all roles, including female characters, employing masks, stylized gestures, and altered voices to represent women, as public performance by females was deemed socially hazardous. During the in , from 1558 to 1603, legal and social prohibitions barred women from public stage acting until 1660, necessitating that adolescent boys or young men portray female roles in plays by , whose works such as (first performed around 1602) and (circa 1599) incorporated deliberate cross-dressing plots to facilitate narrative disguise and comedic effect. In Japanese theater, emerging in the early , a 1629 edict by the banned female performers following associations with , leading to the development of onnagata—specialized adult male actors trained from youth to embody female roles through precise mannerisms, makeup, and vocal techniques that persist in the form today. Traditional Chinese opera forms, including formalized in the late , similarly restricted women from stages until the early , with male performers assuming dan (female) roles via elaborate costumes and stylized movements, a convention rooted in imperial bans dating to the (1368–1644). British , evolving from 18th-century harlequinades, established the tradition in the early , wherein male actors comically portray matronly female figures with exaggerated makeup and attire; refined this role in the and , performing as characters like in over 200 productions, drawing audiences through caricature rather than realistic imitation. In late 19th- and early 20th-century and music halls, cross-dressing featured prominently in both directions: male impersonators like (1864–1952), who began performing at age five and earned top billing by 1890 for her tailored suits and songs mimicking military men, alongside female impersonators in drag acts that emphasized humor for mixed audiences.

Disguise for Practical or Survival Purposes

Cross-dressing has served as a practical in contexts where individuals sought to evade detection, access restricted opportunities, or ensure personal safety amid gender-based societal constraints or immediate threats. Women, in particular, adopted male clothing to undertake travel, labor, or otherwise barred to them, leveraging the relative afforded to men. This practice often arose from necessity rather than preference, as lone female travelers faced heightened risks of or . For example, in 18th- and 19th-century Britain, women like disguised themselves as men to join the military and secure employment at sea, enabling participation in campaigns such as the Company's operations in 1747. Similarly, Swedish farmhand Elisa Bernerström passed as a man to enlist in the army during the 1808–1809 against , fighting in battles before her gender was discovered post-injury. In agrarian unrest, cross-dressing provided anonymity during acts of . During the of 1839–1843 in , female participants donned men's clothing, blackened faces, and adopted pseudonyms like "Bebbis" to dismantle tollgates protesting policies, minimizing risks of identification and reprisal by authorities. This tactic exploited prevailing gender norms, as women were less likely to be suspected in violent property destruction typically attributed to men. Men have cross-dressed to evade or in wartime, adopting attire to blend into civilian populations or cross front lines undetected. During , anecdotal press accounts described draft-age men donning women's dresses to slip through enemy checkpoints or avoid enlistment patrols, capitalizing on the assumption that women posed no military threat. In analogous survival scenarios, such as medieval or escapes from confinement, individuals occasionally resorted to gender disguise; for instance, some women infiltrated male-only religious orders or prisons by posing as monks or novices, though such cases were rarer and often uncovered through physical examinations. These instances underscore cross-dressing's utility as a low-technology evasion method, grounded in exploiting perceptual biases rather than advanced deception.

Cultural and Religious Perspectives

Traditional Moral and Religious Views

In , the explicitly prohibits cross-dressing in :5, stating, "A woman shall not wear a man's garment, nor shall a man put on a woman's , for whoever does these things is an abomination to the Lord your God." Traditional rabbinic interpretations, such as those in Orthodox sources, view this as a divine command to preserve distinct roles and avoid behaviors associated with or moral confusion in ancient Canaanite practices, rendering such acts to'evah (abhorrent) and incompatible with covenantal fidelity. Christian traditions, drawing from the same verse, have historically condemned cross-dressing as a violation of God's created order distinguishing male and female, often linking it to broader scriptural emphases on and sexual distinction in passages like 1 Corinthians 11:4-5. Early and Reformation-era theologians, such as , reinforced this by interpreting the prohibition as upholding and rejecting or role reversal as contrary to divine intent, with violations seen as sinful rebellion against biblical anthropology. In Islam, traditional views derive from Hadith rather than direct Quranic verses, with the Prophet Muhammad reportedly stating that men resembling women and women resembling men are cursed by Allah, prohibiting the adoption of opposite-sex clothing or mannerisms to maintain fitrah (innate gender disposition) and social order. Scholarly consensus in Sunni jurisprudence, as articulated in sources like IslamQA, deems cross-dressing haram (forbidden), associating it with imitation of the opposite sex (tashabbuh), which undermines modesty (haya) and risks moral corruption, with exceptions only for necessity like disguise in war but not for pleasure or identity expression. Confucian ethics in ancient , as outlined in the Liji (, compiled circa 200 BCE), mandated strict separation of male and female attire to uphold ritual propriety (li) and hierarchical gender roles, viewing cross-dressing as disruptive to cosmic harmony and familial duties. Imperial enforcement, such as (1644-1912) laws punishing men masquerading in women's clothing as a capital offense, reflected this moral framework prioritizing societal stability over individual deviation. Traditional Hindu moral perspectives, while incorporating mythological instances of (e.g., as ), generally emphasize tied to biological sex and caste-specific roles, with texts like the (circa 200 BCE-200 CE) prescribing distinct dress and conduct for men and women to preserve varna order and ritual purity, though without a universal scriptural ban equivalent to Abrahamic prohibitions. Cross-dressing in devotional contexts, such as male performers in certain temple rituals, was tolerated as symbolic devotion rather than normative practice, but everyday adoption was discouraged to avoid blurring familial and social distinctions rooted in karmic causality.

Cross-Dressing in Folklore and Customs

In , as preserved in the , the god Thor dresses as the goddess —including bridal linen, a necklace, and keys—to deceive the giant Thrymr and recover his stolen hammer , with accompanying him disguised as a bridesmaid. This cross-dressing serves a narrative purpose of trickery and humiliation, underscoring the gods' pragmatic use of deception rather than any endorsement of . Similarly, in the ancient Japanese chronicle (compiled circa 712 CE), the legendary prince adopts female attire provided by his aunt to infiltrate a banquet and assassinate leaders, enabling conquest through subterfuge. Ancient Greek folklore and rituals feature cross-dressing tied to Dionysian worship, where myths of gods like assuming fluid forms influenced practices. During the Oschophoria festival in autumnal , two wealthy youths dressed as women to lead a from Dionysus's temple to , carrying vine branches in emulation of the god's mythic journey with , symbolizing fertility and disguise in . In European folk customs, cross-dressing appears in protest and seasonal inversions. The (1839–1843) in rural saw aggrieved farmers and laborers, disguised in women's gowns, bonnets, and often as "Rebecca and her daughters"—invoking the biblical figure from Genesis 24—demolish tollgates to challenge exploitative road taxes, blending disguise for anonymity with symbolic maternal authority in agrarian . traditions across , such as the Dutch Hartjesdag ( Hearts' Day, observed November 19 until the mid-20th century), incorporated gender-swapping costumes among working classes in , permitting ritualized transgression of norms during pre-Lenten festivities rooted in medieval folk practices of social satire and release. Japanese customs preserve elements in festivals like Shamenchi Odori in , where boys don kimonos, apply makeup, and perform lantern dances, tracing to late medieval fūryū odori folk dances that invoked protective spirits through gender inversion, distinct from erotic or identity-based motivations. These instances reflect cross-dressing primarily as a tool for ritual efficacy, deception, or communal , grounded in specific cultural logics rather than universal acceptance.

Historical Prohibitions and Punishments

In ancient Israelite law, as codified in Deuteronomy 22:5 circa the 7th–6th centuries BCE, men were forbidden from donning women's garments and women from adopting men's apparel, with such acts classified as a to'evah (abhorrent abomination) linked to idolatrous rituals in Canaanite and Mesopotamian cults. Although the biblical text specifies no temporal penalty, later rabbinic interpretations under Jewish law treated violations as breaches of holiness codes, potentially warranting corporal punishment like 39 lashes or communal ostracism in Second Temple and medieval periods, as cross-dressing blurred divinely ordained gender distinctions essential to covenantal purity. In medieval Christian Europe, biblical prohibitions informed both church and civil enforcement, targeting cross-dressing as a threat to and divine . courts often imposed penances, public confessions, or , viewing it as akin to or moral deviance; secular authorities added fines, whipping, or public shaming via carting—parading offenders in stocks or on wooden carts through streets clad in their transgressive attire. In , records document 13 prosecutions of women in male garb between 1454 and 1537, with punishments including carting, security pledges for future compliance, and occasional , typically for motives like economic necessity or rather than . Similar measures prevailed across regions, such as and , where 15th–16th-century cases linked cross-dressing to crimes like or , escalating penalties to execution if tied to sorcery or rebellion. Islamic Sharia, drawing from hadiths such as those in Sahih al-Bukhari prohibiting men from resembling women in clothing or gait, classified cross-dressing as tashabbuh (imitation of the opposite sex) and a form of moral corruption, punishable under discretionary ta'zir rather than fixed hudud penalties. Historical enforcement in Abbasid (750–1258 CE) and Ottoman eras involved flogging (often 40–80 lashes), fines, or banishment, with severity depending on juristic schools like Hanafi or Maliki; for instance, medieval jurists like al-Shafi'i prescribed corporal correction to restore gender norms rooted in prophetic example. In Mughal India (16th–19th centuries), cross-dressing eunuchs (hijra) faced sporadic imperial edicts mandating confinement or execution if deemed disruptive to public decency. During China's (1644–1911 CE), imperial edicts explicitly criminalized men masquerading in female attire as a grave offense against Confucian gender roles and social harmony, prescribing via beheading or strangulation, enforced through local magistrates to curb perceived moral decay amid theater and private excesses. Earlier dynasties like Ming (1368–1644 CE) issued sporadic bans on theatrical cross-dressing to prevent , with fines or exile for performers, though enforcement waned outside urban centers.

Modern Laws and Restrictions by Region

In , cross-dressing is not prohibited by and has been upheld as protected under freedom of expression following the repeal of historical municipal ordinances, most of which were invalidated by the 1970s through court challenges citing First Amendment rights. In the United States, while some states like and have enacted 2023 restricting drag performances in public spaces accessible to minors—classifying certain cross-dressing exhibitions as adult-oriented if deemed to appeal to prurient interests—private or non-performative cross-dressing remains legal absent intent to deceive or commit a crime. Canada's contains no specific bans, with cross-dressing incidents typically addressed only if linked to public indecency or fraud, as affirmed in case law emphasizing personal liberty. Similar protections apply across , where the has interpreted Article 8 of the to safeguard , rendering outright bans incompatible with privacy and non-discrimination principles; no EU member state maintains explicit prohibitions as of 2025. In , cross-dressing lacks a blanket criminal ban but intersects with anti-LGBTQ measures, including a prohibiting " of non-traditional sexual relations" to minors, extended in 2022, which authorities have invoked against public gender-nonconforming attire. A 2015 amendment to traffic safety regulations disqualifies individuals exhibiting transvestism—deemed a psychological deviation—from obtaining or renewing driver's licenses, requiring medical certification of fitness. Eastern European nations like and impose no direct cross-dressing statutes but enforce restrictions via "LGBT-free zones" declarations (over 100 municipalities in as of 2021) and 2020 Hungarian laws limiting gender recognition, indirectly discouraging public expression through administrative hurdles. Across much of , legal frameworks vary, with imposing no explicit prohibitions under its 1997 Penal Code, though public order regulations can penalize "disturbing social stability" if cross-dressing provokes complaints, as seen in sporadic detentions for performative acts. In , a 2014 Federal Court decision invalidated state's provision banning Muslim men from donning women's attire, ruling it unconstitutional for vagueness, yet analogous laws persist in 12 other states, leading to ongoing arrests of individuals under Islamic edicts punishable by fines up to 5,000 ringgit or imprisonment. Indonesia's province enforces bylaws criminalizing cross-dressing as "immoral acts," with public canings documented as recently as 2021 for men in women's clothing. In the and parts of governed by Islamic law, restrictions are stringent: Saudi Arabia's Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice enforces prohibitions on male cross-dressing as violations of , with penalties including arrest, flogging, or deportation for expatriates, as reported in 2023 enforcement actions. Iran's penal code, under Article 638, punishes "indecent" gender-nonconforming dress with up to 74 lashes, applied to cross-dressers in public since the 1979 revolution. criminalizes cross-dressing under Article 151 of its 1991 Criminal Act as "immoral or indecent acts," carrying imprisonment up to one year, with enforcement tied to apostasy charges in conservative interpretations. , since implementing full in 2019, treats cross-dressing as offenses potentially warranting stoning or amputation in extreme cases, though rarely applied solely for attire.
RegionKey RestrictionsEnforcement Examples
/None specific; drag performance limits in select U.S. states (e.g., 2023 law)Court-overturned historical bans; free expression protections
/Driving license denial for transvestism (2015); bansMedical disqualifications; municipal "LGBT-free" zones
(e.g., , )State-level bans; public order finesArrests in (post-2014); canings in
/ (Islamic) penalties for indecency (flogging, imprisonment)Saudi arrests; Iranian lashes under Article 638

Representations in Media and Arts

Literature and Historical Narratives

In , cross-dressing appears as a motif in myths and dramas, often serving narrative purposes such as disguise or divine transformation rather than erotic or identity-based themes. For instance, the myth of Achilles on Scyros, elaborated in Statius's (late 1st century AD), depicts the hero concealed by his mother on the island of Scyros, dressed as a girl among King Lycomedes's daughters to evade recruitment in the ; this episode underscores themes of fate and heroism overriding gender norms temporarily. Similarly, Heracles's servitude to Queen in Lydian myth, recounted in sources like Apollodorus's Bibliotheca (c. ), involves the exchanging his lion skin for women's attire and performing feminine tasks, symbolizing humiliation and reversal of power dynamics as punishment from . Cross-dressing in and comedy, as analyzed in scholarly examinations of dramatic texts, was not equated with modern concepts of or but functioned to explore in ritual or plot-driven contexts, such as in Euripides's plays where divine figures like blur boundaries through attire. Medieval European literature frequently portrayed cross-dressing in chivalric romances and narratives as a deceptive strategy for adventure or , though sources condemned it as unnatural. In the Þrymskviða (c. 10th-13th century), part of the , the god Thor dresses as the goddess to retrieve his stolen hammer from the giant Thrym, enduring mockery for his feminine garb to achieve his goal, highlighting comedic subversion of masculine valor. The anonymous French Roman de Silence (13th century) features the protagonist , raised as a boy to inherit land due to a ban on female ownership, who excels in knighthood until her gender is revealed, critiquing feudal gender restrictions through her dual identity. Male-to-female cross-dressing appears in tales like Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (c. 1400), where the Pardoner's effeminate traits evoke associations with eunuch-like figures from biblical and hagiographic traditions, reflecting clerical anxieties over clerical and moral ambiguity without endorsing the practice. These depictions, drawn from vernacular and courtly texts, emphasize practical utility or over affirmation, aligning with prohibitions like those in Gratian's Decretum (c. 1140) against transvestism as idolatrous. In literature, William Shakespeare's comedies prominently feature female-to-male cross-dressing as a for , identity confusion, and resolution, necessitated partly by the era's all-male casts but exploited for thematic depth on love and social roles. In (c. 1599), Rosalind flees to the Forest of Arden disguised as the boy Ganymede, enabling her to woo Orlando indirectly and unravel romantic entanglements, with the layered genders (female actor as boy as woman) amplifying Elizabethan audience awareness of performativity without challenging innate sex distinctions. (c. 1601-1602) employs Viola's transformation into Cesario to navigate shipwreck-induced exile, fostering mistaken affections like Olivia's for the "boy," culminating in revelations that affirm heterosexual pairings. Scholarly analyses note these instances subvert patriarchal norms temporarily for comic effect but restore them, reflecting cultural tolerances for theatrical artifice over real-life transgression. Such narratives persisted in later works, like Mark Twain's use of cross-dressing characters across his oeuvre to probe identity and transgression in American contexts.

Film, Theater, and Contemporary Entertainment

In Elizabethan theater, female roles were performed by boy actors due to prohibitions against women appearing on stage, a practice rooted in earlier traditions from where male performers exclusively enacted all parts. This convention persisted in until 1660, when King Charles II permitted women to perform, though cross-gender casting continued for comedic effect in plays like Shakespeare's (c. 1601–1602), where the protagonist Viola disguises herself as a boy, highlighting tropes central to the era's drama. British pantomime developed a distinct tradition of the "," a male actor portraying an older female character in exaggerated drag for humor, originating in the early with the first recorded dame role in 1806. Figures like , who popularized the dame in the late Victorian period through roles such as in (1896), emphasized campy, over-the-top femininity to engage family audiences during holiday seasons, a staple that endures in theaters today with annual productions drawing over 1 million attendees. In film, cross-dressing has frequently served comedic or plot-disguise purposes, as in Billy Wilder's (1959), where and impersonate women to evade gangsters, grossing $25 million against a $2.9 million budget and earning six Academy Award nominations. Dustin Hoffman's portrayal of a female actress in (1982) similarly used male-to-female cross-dressing for on roles, receiving 10 Oscar nominations including Best Picture. Robin Williams' role as a divorced father posing as a nanny in (1993) exemplified family-oriented humor, becoming the second-highest-grossing film of the year at $441 million worldwide. Contemporary entertainment features drag as performance art, predominantly male performers adopting hyper-feminized personas in nightclubs and competitions, with RuPaul's Drag Race (premiered 2009) catapulting the subculture into mainstream television by its 16th season in 2024, amassing over 100 contestants and influencing global spin-offs. The series, hosted by RuPaul Charles, emphasizes lip-syncing, runway challenges, and persona development, achieving peak viewership of 1.3 million for its finale in 2019 and fostering a $1 billion drag economy through merchandise and tours, though critics note its commodification dilutes underground ballroom origins. Despite increased visibility, drag remains distinct from transgender identity, focusing on temporary, theatrical exaggeration rather than personal conviction.

Societal Implications

Efforts to normalize cross-dressing have gained traction through and entertainment, particularly via drag culture. , which debuted on in 2009, has elevated drag—a stylized form of male cross-dressing—by showcasing performers in exaggerated feminine attire, amassing over 10 million viewers per season by the mid-2010s and fostering greater public familiarity with gender-nonconforming expression. The show's format, blending competition with cultural commentary, has been credited with reducing stigma around LGBTQ+ identities, though critics argue it reinforces stereotypes rather than broadly normalizing everyday cross-dressing. In parallel, fashion trends have increasingly incorporated elements of cross-dressing under the banner of . Designers have promoted and androgynous clothing since the , but a marked acceleration occurred in the with shows featuring men in skirts, , and heels; for instance, brands like and displayed such items in menswear collections from 2015 onward. High-profile endorsements, such as ' appearance in a pearl-embellished on the December 2020 cover of Vogue—the magazine's first solo male cover—were positioned by stylists as dismantling rigid gender norms, yet provoked significant online backlash, with commentators decrying it as emasculation and highlighting persistent societal discomfort. Public acceptance remains uneven, with surveys indicating tolerance in urban, progressive circles but broader stigma; a 2023 informal poll by cross-dressing sites reported 68% neutral or positive views, contrasted by ongoing legal and social restrictions in conservative regions. These trends reflect deliberate industry pushes toward inclusivity, driven by cultural shifts post-2010, yet empirical on widespread normalization is limited, as cross-dressing outside performative or contexts continues to face disapproval in 70-80% of global polls on norm adherence.

Criticisms Regarding Sex Role Erosion

Critics, particularly from social conservative and traditionalist viewpoints, contend that cross-dressing contributes to the erosion of distinct sex roles by visually and performatively conflating identities, thereby challenging the binary foundations essential for stable . They argue that practices such as drag performances exaggerate feminine mannerisms by biological males, which not only mocks inherent sex differences but also normalizes the idea that roles traditionally tied to reproduction—such as protector-provider for men and nurturer for women—are fluid constructs rather than biologically anchored realities. This blurring, according to these perspectives, weakens familial cohesion, as evidenced by observations that exposure to such performances instills in the belief that distinctions are performative and optional, potentially increasing relational instability. Evolutionary psychologists further posit that cross-dressing undermines adaptive roles evolved over millennia to address divergent reproductive costs: females' higher investment in and offspring care favors selectivity and nurturing, while males' lower investment promotes risk-taking and provisioning. By obscuring cues like attire that signal these differences, cross-dressing disrupts mate assessment and specialization, akin to how cultural denial of sex variances in and correlates with suboptimal outcomes in education and labor markets, where meta-analyses confirm persistent gaps in fields like (male-dominated) and (female-dominated) despite efforts. Religious traditionalists echo this by interpreting scriptural bans, such as , as safeguards against moral disorder arising from sex inversion, which they link to broader societal decay in maintaining complementary duties between sexes. These views, while contested by proponents of , draw on empirical patterns of sex-dimorphic across cultures to assert that eroding role clarity fosters in and intergenerational transmission of norms.

Controversies and Debates

Blurring with Transgender Identity

Cross-dressing typically involves individuals, predominantly heterosexual males, who adopt clothing associated with the opposite sex for reasons such as , performance, or personal enjoyment, without experiencing a mismatch between their biological sex and internal sense of identity. In contrast, identity is characterized by a persistent conviction that one's gender differs from their biological sex, often accompanied by clinically significant distress known as . This distinction is rooted in psychological classifications, where cross-dressing aligns more closely with transvestic disorder—a involving recurrent arousal from cross-dressing—rather than , which drives desires for social, hormonal, or surgical transition. Prevalence data underscore their separation: approximately 2-3% of males report having cross-dressed with at least once, and estimates suggest 20-30% may do so episodically in their lifetime, yet regular cross-dressing remains rare and seldom progresses to identification. , however, affects a far smaller , with U.S. around 0.6%, and severe cases requiring clinical intervention under 0.01%. Studies of cross-dressers reveal they are significantly less likely to endorse gender incongruence compared to those seeking medical services, with many maintaining comfort in their assigned and lacking dysphoric symptoms. Despite these empirical boundaries, blurring occurs in modern cultural and policy narratives, where cross-dressing, drag artistry, and experiences are increasingly portrayed as points on a fluid "gender spectrum," particularly in LGBTQ+ advocacy and media representations. For instance, drag performances—often theatrical exaggerations of cross-dressing rooted in or fetishistic elements—have been subsumed under visibility efforts, leading to conflations in public discourse that equate temporary attire choices with immutable identity claims. This overlap intensified post-2010s with the rise of shows like , which popularized drag while occasionally featuring contestants, fostering perceptions of interchangeability despite drag's historical separation from transsexualism. Such has policy implications, as seen in debates over drag events in public spaces, where restrictions on sexualized cross-dressing are sometimes challenged under transgender anti-discrimination frameworks, obscuring the non-identity-based motivations of most participants. Critics argue this erodes protections for children by normalizing adult-oriented cross-dressing as akin to exploration, while empirical desistance patterns in youth—where up to 80-90% of -dysphoric children align with their birth sex by adulthood—highlight risks of misattributing transient behaviors to fixed traits. Proponents of the blur, often from activist circles, contend it promotes inclusivity, but source analyses reveal selective emphasis on overlapping cases while downplaying data on cross-dressers' predominant orientation and absence of .

Impacts on Children and Public Policy

Public exposure of children to cross-dressing, particularly through programs like (DQSH) initiated in 2015, has sparked debates over developmental impacts, with critics arguing it introduces adult-oriented themes into -appropriate spaces. Incidents have revealed cases where performers selected for such events possessed criminal histories involving sex offenses; for instance, in 2019, a DQSH reader, Albert Alfonso Garza, was identified as having prior charges for assaulting an 8-year-old boy, leading to his ban from library programs after initial vetting failures. Similar revelations in , in 2022 involved a performer with a prior conviction, prompting scrutiny of protocols in public institutions hosting these events. Empirical research on the psychological effects of such exposures remains limited, with no large-scale, peer-reviewed studies conclusively demonstrating harm or benefit to child development outcomes like gender identity formation or socio-emotional adjustment. Critics, including parental advocacy groups, contend that normalizing cross-dressing—often linked to fetishistic elements in adult contexts—may erode children's understanding of biological sex distinctions and contribute to premature exposure to sexualized performances, potentially fostering confusion or boundary-testing behaviors. Proponents frame DQSH as promoting diversity and imagination, but this view has been challenged for overlooking risks in unsupervised public settings where adult entertainers interact directly with minors. In response, U.S. has increasingly incorporated restrictions on drag performances accessible to minors, treating them akin to adult-oriented entertainment. As of 2023, two states— and —enacted laws explicitly prohibiting "sexually oriented" drag shows on public property or in the presence of children under 18, with Tennessee's measure signed in 2023 following concerns over in family venues. Over 20 states introduced similar bills by mid-2023, often classifying venues hosting such events with minors as requiring like strip clubs, though many faced court challenges or vetoes; for example, and measures were blocked or failed to advance. These policies reflect a causal prioritization of from perceived expressive harms, balancing First Amendment considerations against empirical gaps in safety data.

Psychological Risks and Desistance Patterns

Individuals diagnosed with transvestic disorder, characterized by recurrent and intense from cross-dressing that causes clinically significant distress or impairment, frequently report psychological symptoms including , guilt, anxiety, and depression stemming directly from their urges and behaviors. These individuals may also experience intermittent exacerbated by factors such as grief, substance use, or depressive episodes, potentially intensifying emotional turmoil. Comorbid conditions are prevalent among those with transvestic disorder, with limited research indicating overlaps with obsessive-compulsive disorder, , other paraphilias, and in some cases, intellectual impairments or co-occurring fetishistic elements. Case series document transvestism emerging alongside additional paraphilic interests or as a symptom in contexts of lower , underscoring potential underlying neurodevelopmental or psychiatric vulnerabilities rather than isolated behavioral preferences. Desistance patterns, particularly in youth exhibiting cross-dressing as part of gender incongruence, reveal high rates of resolution without persistence into adulthood. Longitudinal studies of children diagnosed with gender identity disorder (many involving cross-dressing behaviors) report desistance rates ranging from 60% to 90%, with the majority aligning with their biological sex by or early adulthood, often identifying as homosexual rather than . These outcomes are observed in pre-social-transition cohorts, where predominates, contrasting with lower desistance following early affirmation, which may entrench identity through social reinforcement. In adults, cross-dressing tied to tends to persist as a recurring pattern, with fewer documented desistance cases due to its paraphilic nature, though some report reduction or cessation linked to addressing underlying or comorbid distress. Peer-reviewed follow-ups emphasize that childhood-onset cross-gender behaviors rarely evolve into lifelong disorders absent intervening factors like medical transition, highlighting the transient quality in non-affirmed .

Recent Developments

Digital Age Influences and Subcultures

The internet has profoundly influenced cross-dressing by providing anonymity, resources, and global connectivity, transforming isolated practices into shared experiences. Early digital platforms, including bulletin board systems like GenderNet launched in 1984, enabled cross-dressers to exchange information on sourcing attire and techniques without real-world exposure risks. By the 1990s, Usenet newsgroups and personal websites expanded this discourse, allowing users to narrate personal cross-dressing episodes and critique cultural perceptions, as explored in academic analyses of cyberspace as a communicative tool for the practice. Social media and e-commerce platforms in the 2000s and 2010s further lowered entry barriers through tutorials on makeup application, wig maintenance, and outfit assembly, alongside online marketplaces for specialized clothing. Dedicated forums and apps foster , with ethnographic studies of Spanish-speaking cross-dresser communities on platforms like revealing how users navigate agency and safety amid visibility gains and harassment risks. These spaces have increased participation by offering validation absent in pre-digital eras, though anecdotal reports from users indicate a shift from solitary exploration to communal reinforcement, potentially amplifying both positive experimentation and exposure to idealized portrayals. Distinct subcultures have emerged or amplified online. In , the genre, originating in early 2000s and , depicts biologically male characters with feminine aesthetics and cross-dressing for narrative or entertainment purposes, influencing and virtual content without implying identity transition. within global communities—cosplayers embodying opposite-sex characters—gained traction through convention photography shared on sites like and since the mid-2000s, emphasizing performative artistry over personal . Virtual YouTubers (VTubers) extend this digitally, with male creators adopting feminine avatars for streaming, blending cross-dressing elements in avatar design to engage audiences in immersive, non-physical formats. These subcultures highlight how digital tools facilitate aesthetic experimentation tied to media fandoms rather than intrinsic identity shifts.

Backlash and Policy Shifts Post-2020

Following heightened visibility of drag performances—often involving cross-dressing—in public and family-oriented settings during the early , public opposition grew, particularly regarding exposure to minors. A poll found that 60% of American adults viewed events like as inappropriate for children, reflecting concerns over potential . Similarly, a 2023 YouGov survey indicated that 58% of respondents believed drag shows should be restricted to adults only, with Republican support for such limits exceeding 70%. This sentiment fueled protests, petitions, and over 120 reported threats against drag events in , according to monitoring by advocacy groups. Legislative responses emerged primarily in Republican-led states, targeting performances deemed "adult " or harmful to minors, which encompassed cross-dressing elements like male or female impersonation. In 2023, enacted the Adult Entertainment Act (SB 3), prohibiting such performances on or in venues accessible to those under 18, classifying violations as misdemeanors punishable by up to 11 months in jail and $2,500 fines. The law withstood challenges, with the 6th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upholding it in July 2024 and the declining review in February 2025, marking the first statewide restriction to endure judicial scrutiny. By mid-2023, at least 13 states, including , , , , , , , , , , , , and , had introduced similar bills to bar minors from sexually oriented drag shows. Outcomes varied due to First Amendment challenges alleging and overbreadth. Florida's 2023 law restricting minors' attendance at drag performances was enjoined by federal courts, with the 11th U.S. Circuit upholding the block in May 2025 on grounds that it likely suppressed protected expression. , , and saw enacted measures struck down or narrowed, while Oklahoma's Senate Bill 550 advanced in 2025 to criminalize drag deemed harmful to minors, passing committee but pending full enactment. Institutional policies shifted similarly; A&M University's 2023 system-wide drag ban was temporarily blocked by a federal judge in March 2025. As of 2025, only two states maintained explicit statutory restrictions on drag performances, per legal trackers, amid broader efforts in over 20 states to limit public cross-dressing in minor-accessible contexts. These measures represented a pivot from pre-2020 tolerance toward prioritizing from content critics argued blurred sex roles and introduced adult themes prematurely.

References

  1. https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/[psychology](/page/Psychology)/cross-dressers
  2. https://.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22005209/
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