Central Darfur

Central Darfur State is an administrative division in southwestern Sudan, constituting one of the five states of the Darfur region. Established in 2012 from areas previously administered under West Darfur State, it spans 46,729 square kilometers and had an estimated population of 1.6 million in 2022, including around one million children under 18.^[1][2] The state capital is Zalingei, with a population of approximately 340,000, and it comprises nine localities: Azoum, Bendisi, Golo, Mukjar, Nertiti, Rokero, Um Dukhun, Wadi Salih, and Zalingei.^[1] Geographically, Central Darfur features semi-arid plains interspersed with highlands, including portions of the Jebel Marra volcanic massif to the northeast, and borders Chad and the Central African Republic to the west.^[1] The population includes diverse ethnic groups, predominantly non-Arab Fur peoples alongside Arab nomadic communities, with livelihoods centered on agriculture, pastoralism, and limited mining.^[1] Since the onset of the Darfur insurgency in 2003, triggered by rebel grievances over political marginalization and resource inequities, the state has endured cycles of violence involving government-aligned militias and insurgent factions, resulting in over 400,000 internally displaced persons as of 2022 and persistent humanitarian access constraints in mountainous areas.^[1][3] These conflicts, rooted in competition over scarce arable land amid environmental pressures like desertification, have displaced significant portions of the population and hindered development, though recent peace processes have occasionally improved access to remote localities.^[2][3]

Introduction and Overview

Administrative Status and Formation

Central Darfur State was established on 10 January 2012 by presidential decree from the Sudanese government, forming part of a broader administrative reconfiguration of the Darfur region that expanded its states from three to five.^[4] This reorganization split existing states, with Central Darfur primarily derived from sections of South Darfur and West Darfur, alongside contributions from North Darfur in some delineations.^[5] The move was framed as a step toward enhancing local administration and supporting peace initiatives amid protracted ethnic and rebel conflicts in Darfur, though critics viewed such subdivisions as mechanisms to dilute regional unity originally established under the singular Darfur province before its 1994 trifurcation.^[6] The formation aligned with efforts to implement aspects of the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, signed in 2011, which sought to devolve power and address grievances fueling the insurgency since 2003.^[5] Zalingei was designated as the state capital, reflecting its central geographic and administrative role in the newly delimited territory. Prior to 2012, the constituent areas fell under the jurisdictions of North, South, and West Darfur states, created in 1994 to ostensibly improve governance but often perceived by local populations as exacerbating fragmentation and central control from Khartoum.^[6] Administratively, Central Darfur operates as one of Sudan's 18 federal states (wilayat), governed by a wali (governor) appointed by the president, overseeing local legislative councils and security apparatus.^[7] Its boundaries encompass approximately 55,000 square kilometers, including disputed enclaves like Kafia Kingi claimed by South Sudan, complicating formal delineation.^[7] As of 2022, the state maintains this status despite national instability, including the 2023 outbreak of civil war between Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces, which has disrupted governance without altering its foundational administrative framework.^[7]

Capital and Major Settlements

Zalingei serves as the capital and administrative center of Central Darfur state in Sudan, established when the state was formed in January 2012 from portions of West and South Darfur.^[8] The city, located in the central-western part of the state, has historically functioned as a hub for local governance, trade, and humanitarian operations amid ongoing regional instability. Its Zalingei locality, encompassing the urban area and surrounding communities, had an estimated population of 339,759 as of recent assessments, though displacement from conflicts has significantly altered demographics, with reports of parts of the town resembling a ghost town by 2023 due to clashes and flight of at least 3,000 families.^[1][9] Other major settlements in Central Darfur include Bindisi (also spelled Bendisi), a key town in the southern region near agricultural zones; Nertiti, situated in the northeastern Jabal Marra highlands and noted for its strategic position amid conflict zones; Golo, another highland locality with historical significance for local ethnic groups; and Um Dukhun, a border town with the Central African Republic serving as a checkpoint for cross-border movement and trade.^[1][8] These settlements, often capitals of the state's nine localities (including Azoum, Mukjar, and Rokero), support pastoral and farming activities but have faced recurrent violence, population displacements, and humanitarian challenges since the early 2000s Darfur conflict.^[1][10]

Geography and Environment

Location, Borders, and Terrain

Central Darfur State occupies a central position within Sudan's Darfur region in the southwestern part of the country, roughly centered around 12°23′N 23°18′E. It encompasses an area of 46,729 square kilometers, making it one of the smaller states in the Darfur administrative division. The state was established in January 2012 by subdividing portions of West Darfur and South Darfur states to address local administrative needs amid ongoing regional instability.^[11] The state shares internal borders with North Darfur to the north, West Darfur to the northwest, and South Darfur to the south, while its western and southwestern boundaries abut the international frontiers with Chad and the Central African Republic, respectively. These borders have been points of cross-border movement for populations and resources, exacerbated by conflicts in the broader Sahel region. Eastern extents interface with East Darfur, though primary adjacencies are with the aforementioned western Darfur states. Disputed areas, such as Kafia Kingi, complicate precise boundary delineations along the southern international frontier.^[11][7] Terrain in Central Darfur is characterized by a semi-arid plateau typical of the Darfur landscape, interrupted by the rugged Jebel Marra volcanic massif that spans parts of the state. This mountain range, extending approximately 100 miles in length, features elevations averaging 2,200 meters, with the highest point at Deriba Caldera reaching 3,042 meters above sea level. The volcanic origins contribute to fertile highlands supporting higher rainfall and vegetation compared to the surrounding plains, though accessibility remains challenging due to steep terrain and poor infrastructure. Volcanic features include lava flows and crater lakes, fostering localized agricultural potential amid the predominant savanna and scrubland.^[7][12][13]

Climate and Natural Resources

Central Darfur lies within Sudan's semi-arid Sahelian zone, featuring hot, dry conditions with significant seasonal variability. Mean annual temperatures range from 23°C to 32°C, with daytime highs frequently surpassing 40°C during the March-to-May pre-monsoon period and minimal seasonal fluctuation due to the region's latitude and elevation. Precipitation averages 250–500 mm annually, concentrated in a single wet season from June to September, where approximately 85% of rainfall occurs; however, interannual variability exceeds 30%, exacerbating risks of drought and flood. This climate supports sparse savanna vegetation but limits reliable surface water, relying on seasonal wadis and groundwater aquifers.^[14][15][16] Natural resources center on rain-fed agriculture and pastoralism, with fertile volcanic soils in the Jebel Marra highlands enabling cultivation of sorghum, millet, sesame, and groundnuts on approximately 20–30% of arable land. Livestock, including cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, dominate livelihoods, grazing on rangelands that cover much of the state and providing milk, meat, and hides; herd sizes have historically numbered in the millions regionally, though conflict has disrupted mobility. Forest resources, such as acacia trees, yield gum arabic and fuelwood, but deforestation rates average 1–2% annually due to charcoal production and agricultural expansion. Mineral deposits include gold veins in Jebel Marra and alluvial placer deposits, exploited primarily through artisanal small-scale mining yielding 1–5 tons annually in Darfur states combined, alongside untapped potential for iron ore and chromite; however, insecurity limits formal extraction.^[17][18][19]

Demographics

Population Statistics and Trends

The population of Central Darfur was estimated at 2.6 million people as of 2018, with approximately one-fifth already classified as internally displaced persons (IDPs) prior to the escalation of nationwide conflict in 2023. This figure reflects projections from the last comprehensive Sudanese census in 2008, adjusted for natural growth amid ongoing instability from the Darfur conflict that began in 2003, which had already displaced over 2 million people across the region by the late 2000s.^[20] Demographic data remains limited and imprecise due to persistent insecurity, lack of recent censuses, and challenges in conducting surveys in conflict zones. Since the outbreak of war between the Sudanese Armed Forces and Rapid Support Forces in April 2023, displacement has intensified, with Central Darfur hosting an estimated 785,000 IDPs by the end of 2024, representing a significant strain on local resources and infrastructure.^[21] By September 2025, the state accounted for about 10% of Sudan's total IDP population, amid reports of further outflows from violence in adjacent areas like North Darfur. These trends indicate net population stagnation or decline in fixed settlements, driven by internal movements, refugee outflows to Chad and South Sudan, and excess mortality from famine, disease, and direct violence, though high fertility rates—typical of rural Sudanese states with over 40% of the population under 18—counterbalance some losses.^[20] Urban centers like Zalingei have seen influxes of IDPs, exacerbating overcrowding and humanitarian needs, with 977,842 people identified in acute need as of September 2025 per humanitarian assessments.^[22] Pre-conflict patterns showed rural-to-urban migration for security and services, but recent dynamics favor spontaneous camps and host communities, complicating accurate enumeration. Reliable tracking relies on IOM and UNHCR mobility data, which prioritize displacement over total counts due to access constraints.

Ethnic Groups and Social Structure

Central Darfur is predominantly inhabited by the Fur ethnic group, which forms the core sedentary farming population in the region, including around the capital Zalingei.^[11] Other significant groups include Arab tribes such as the Rizeigat, Bani Halba, Bani Hussein, and Khozam, alongside smaller non-Arab communities like the Masalit, Tama, and Bergu.^[11] These groups reflect the broader Darfur pattern of approximately 80 tribes and ethnic communities, historically categorized by livelihood as nomadic herders (often Arab-identified) and settled cultivators (often non-Arab African).^[23] Social organization in Central Darfur centers on tribal kinship systems, where authority derives from hereditary leaders such as nazirs (paramount chiefs) and sheikhs (sub-clan heads), who mediate disputes through customary law and elders' councils.^[24] The Fur maintain a hierarchical structure rooted in their pre-colonial sultanate, emphasizing communal land tenure for agriculture in fertile highlands, while Arab pastoralist tribes like the Rizeigat organize around mobile clans with flexible governance adapted to seasonal migrations for livestock grazing.^{[25] [24]} Intertribal relations historically involved resource-sharing arrangements, such as hakura land grants, but tensions arise from ecological pressures like desertification, pitting farmers against herders over water and pasture access.^[23] Ethnic identities in the region exhibit fluidity, with individuals often holding overlapping Arab and African affiliations through intermarriage and shared Islamic practices, rather than rigid racial binaries emphasized in some external analyses.^[26] Tribal loyalty remains primary, influencing marriage, conflict resolution, and economic cooperation, though state interventions since independence have periodically undermined traditional structures by favoring certain groups in security roles.^[24]

Economy and Livelihoods

Agricultural and Pastoral Activities

Central Darfur's agricultural sector primarily consists of smallholder, rain-fed farming practices concentrated in fertile highlands like Jebel Marra and surrounding plains, where subsistence cultivation dominates household livelihoods.^{[27] [28]} The main staple crops include sorghum and millet, planted during the rainy season from June to September, yielding harvests critical for food security among rural populations.^[29] Cash crops such as groundnuts and sesame are also grown for market sales, with groundnuts supporting both local consumption and trade in areas near Zalingei.^[30] Limited irrigation from seasonal wadis supplements production in drier zones, though traditional hoe-based and ox-plow methods prevail due to mechanization constraints.^[31] Pastoral activities form a complementary economic pillar, involving transhumant herding by agro-pastoralist groups who migrate seasonally with livestock in search of water and pasture across the state's savanna and semi-arid grasslands.^[32] Dominant livestock include cattle (primarily Nilotic breeds for milk and traction), sheep and goats for meat and hides, and camels for transport and dry-season endurance, with herds integrated into mixed farming systems for manure fertilization and draft power.^{[24] [33]} Livestock sales to regional markets, including export routes to eastern Sudan, provide cash income, underscoring pastoralism's role in the local economy alongside crop production.^[33]

Challenges from Instability and Underdevelopment

Central Darfur's economy and livelihoods face profound challenges due to chronic instability rooted in the Darfur conflict that erupted in 2003, compounded by successive droughts, resource competition, and the escalation of Sudan's civil war since April 2023. Insecurity has displaced hundreds of thousands, forcing many to abandon farmlands and livestock, which form the core of subsistence agriculture and pastoralism; for instance, in Jebel Marra areas of Central Darfur, conflict has significantly reduced the land area available for cultivation, leading to diminished crop production and heightened food insecurity. ^{[34] [35]} Violence, including attacks on markets in Zalingei—the state capital—has disrupted trade routes, plundered goods, and restricted mobility, further eroding income-generating activities and exacerbating poverty among rural households reliant on seasonal herding and farming. ^{[36] [37]} Underdevelopment compounds these issues through inadequate infrastructure and limited access to basic services, perpetuating economic marginalization. The state suffers from deficient road networks, electricity shortages, and underdeveloped markets, which hinder diversification beyond rain-fed agriculture and impede the transport of goods to urban centers; this structural deficit has persisted despite natural resource potential, as conflict deters investment and maintenance. ^{[38] [39]} Poverty rates in Darfur states like Central Darfur remain among Sudan's highest, with multidimensional deprivation metrics indicating severe shortfalls in health, education, and living standards, worsened by the 2023-2025 conflict that has closed around 40% of public hospitals and strained remaining services. ^{[40] [41] [42]} These intertwined factors foster a cycle of vulnerability, where instability destroys assets and underdevelopment limits resilience, resulting in widespread reliance on humanitarian aid amid projections of national economic contraction by 18.3% in 2024 alone. Efforts to bolster livelihoods, such as cash assistance in localities like Nertiti and Zalingei, are frequently undermined by ongoing clashes and funding shortfalls, leaving populations exposed to famine risks and stalled recovery. ^{[37] [10] [43]}

Government and Administration

Local Governance Structure

Central Darfur State's governance operates within Sudan's federal system, featuring a state governor appointed by the federal president, supported by a state council and ministries handling sectors like health, education, and security.^[44] The state assembly, intended as a legislative body, has limited functionality amid ongoing instability.^[45] The state divides into nine localities—Azum, Bindisi, Golo, Mukjar, Nertiti, Rokero, Umm Dukhun, Wadi Salih, and Zalingei—each administered by a locality commissioner appointed by the state governor, overseeing local councils, administrative units, and villages.^[11][46] Locality commissioners manage service delivery, security, and development, though operations are frequently disrupted by conflict.^[7] In conflict-affected areas, particularly the Jabal Marrah localities (encompassing parts of North, Central, and West Jabal Marrah), governance is contested, with non-state actors like the Sudan Liberation Army-Abdel Wahid faction exercising de facto control, limiting federal and state authority.^[7] Humanitarian access to these zones remained restricted by government policies until 2019, after which limited missions occurred under rebel oversight.^[7] This fragmentation undermines the formal hierarchical structure from federal to locality levels, as outlined in Sudan's decentralization framework.^[44]

List of Governors and Political Changes

Central Darfur State, established on 10 January 2012 by subdividing the former Darfur region into five states under President Omar al-Bashir's administration, has seen its governors appointed directly by Sudan's central authority, typically reflecting shifts in national politics from military rule to brief civilian transitions and back to military dominance.^[47] These appointments have often prioritized security amid ongoing insurgencies, with governors frequently holding military ranks.^[47] The following table lists known governors and their tenures: Post-2023, the position has remained vacant under Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) authority, with no effective central governance as Rapid Support Forces (RSF) asserted de facto control over the state by August 2023 following clashes that displaced populations and disrupted administration.^{[54] [56]} The 2021 military coup under al-Burhan reversed 2020 civilian appointments across states, including Central Darfur, reinstating security-focused military governors amid stalled transitions.^[55] The state's integration into the Darfur Regional Government in June 2021, led by Minni Minnawi (allied with SAF), added a layer of regional oversight, but state-level roles have been undermined by the SAF-RSF civil war, rendering appointed governors nominal in RSF-held areas like Zalingei.^{[47] [57]}

Historical Context

Pre-Modern History and Sultanate Era

The territory of present-day Central Darfur, particularly the Jebel Marra massif, hosted early settlements associated with the Daju people from the 10th to 15th centuries, evidenced by archaeological sites such as Dar Wona.^[58] Succeeding them, the Tunjur dynasty established an Islamic-influenced kingdom centered in eastern Jebel Marra, with capitals at Uri and Ayn Farah featuring red-brick architecture blending local and Nubian styles; a 1576 endowment to Medina underscores their Islamic ties.^[58] The Tunjur rule ended in the early 17th century through intermarriage and conquest by the Keira clan of the Fur people.^[58] The Fur Sultanate was founded around 1650 by Sultan Sulayman Solonga of the Keira dynasty, who defeated his uncle Tansam in Dar Fia (near Kabkabiya) and consolidated power from Jebel Marra, annexing 27 tribal lands and promoting Islam through mosque construction.^[59] Jebel Marra remained the sultanate's heartland, with initial capitals at Turra boasting palaces and royal tombs; the region supplied fertile lands at its foothills, classified as palace domains (rokeri).^[59] Administrative divisions included provinces like Dar Dima (a major central fertile area providing troops) and Dar Dali (eastern quadrant), governed under the hakura land tenure system granting usufruct rights to title-holders in exchange for tribute and military service.^[59][58] Expansion peaked under Sultan Ahmad Bukr (r. 1682–1722), who conducted campaigns subduing neighbors like the Gimir Sultanate after seven years of war, extending control over Zaghawa Kobi and reaching approximately 360,000 square kilometers by 1730.^[58] Later rulers, such as Muhammad al-Fadl (r. 1801–1838), further developed land grants while managing Arab migrations and tribal integrations in central zones.^[59] The Fur, who began Islamizing in the 1300s, formalized Islam as the state religion, with the sultanate drawing on customary laws like the Dali Book for governance.^[23][59] Central Darfur's Jebel Marra retained strategic importance as the Keira's ancestral base, fostering agricultural and pastoral economies amid a hierarchical society of sultan, nobles, and provincial officials.^[58] The sultanate preserved autonomy through the 19th century, resisting external pressures until Ottoman-Egyptian incursions in 1874.^[58][59]

Colonial and Post-Independence Developments

The Anglo-Egyptian conquest of the Darfur Sultanate occurred in 1916, following Sultan Ali Dinar's resistance to British authority amid World War I alliances with the Ottoman Empire and Senussi order. British-led forces, utilizing early air reconnaissance and bombing from the Royal Flying Corps, pursued Dinar's army across western Sudan, culminating in his death on November 6 near Daud al-Jabal after a seven-month campaign that incorporated Darfur into the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium.^[60][61] Darfur was administered as a distinct province under indirect rule, with British officials adapting the pre-existing native administration system rooted in Fur sultanic hierarchies and tribal nazirates (chiefships) to maintain order and collect taxes with minimal direct intervention. This approach, formalized through the Closed District Ordinance, restricted non-local migration and preserved local governance structures, including courts and resource allocation by customary authorities, while designating the region a labor reserve for central Sudan's Gezira Scheme cotton plantations.^[62][63] Zalingei, in what became Central Darfur, served as the administrative center of the Western District within Darfur Province, overseeing Fur-dominated areas with limited infrastructural investment focused on basic roads and animal health services.^[64] Following Sudan's independence on January 1, 1956, Darfur Province retained much of its colonial-era native administration framework under the early parliamentary governments, with tribal leaders handling local disputes and land tenure amid Khartoum's centralizing tendencies. However, post-independence policies perpetuated uneven resource distribution, channeling national investments toward the Nile Valley and Gezira at Darfur's expense, resulting in persistent underdevelopment evident in the region's lowest per capita hospital beds and schooling rates by the late 1950s.^[65][66] Successive regimes, including military rule from 1958, gradually undermined native courts through the 1971 People's Local Courts Act and land reforms favoring state control, eroding customary authority while failing to provide equivalent modern governance.^[67] Economic stagnation intensified with recurrent droughts, notably in 1969–1973 and 1983–1985, which devastated pastoral and rain-fed agriculture in central Darfur's savanna zones, displacing thousands and straining tribal resource-sharing systems without substantial federal relief infrastructure. Administrative reforms in the 1990s under President al-Bashir's government divided Darfur Province into three states in 1994—North, South, and West—reallocating Central Darfur's territories (including Zalingei locality) among them to decentralize power, though implementation lagged due to fiscal constraints and rising inter-tribal competition over shrinking arable land.^[68][69]

State Creation in 2011

In response to the ongoing Darfur conflict and as part of administrative restructuring, Sudan's Council of Ministers approved legislation on 5 May 2011 to divide the Darfur region from three states into five, creating Central Darfur State (with Zalingei as its capital) and East Darfur State by carving territory primarily from West Darfur and portions of South Darfur.^[70][71] This move followed earlier proposals, including a presidential approval in March 2011, and was framed by the government as a means to improve local governance and service delivery in the conflict-affected area, though Darfur rebel groups condemned it as a strategy to fragment opposition unity and consolidate central authority.^[72] The creation of Central Darfur encompassed approximately 50,000 square kilometers, incorporating diverse ethnic groups and pastoral lands previously under West Darfur administration, with the stated aim of decentralizing power amid stalled peace talks.^[73] State media reported the decision as enhancing development, but independent analyses noted it aligned with Khartoum's broader counterinsurgency tactics, including redrawing boundaries to dilute non-Arab rebel strongholds without addressing underlying grievances over resource allocation and marginalization.^[70] Implementation was delayed until presidential decrees issued by Omar al-Bashir on 10 January 2012 formally established the state and appointed its first governor, tying the process to the July 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, which emphasized administrative reforms for stability.^[73][74] Despite the 2011 legislative foundation, the state's operational launch in 2012 highlighted ongoing tensions, as the division did not quell violence and instead complicated humanitarian access in the newly delineated territory.^[75]

Conflicts and Security Issues

Origins of the Darfur Insurgency (2003 Onward)

The Darfur insurgency originated from long-standing grievances among non-Arab ethnic groups, particularly the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masalit, who comprised the majority of the region's sedentary farming population but faced political and economic marginalization by the Sudanese central government in Khartoum. These groups, concentrated in areas like Jebel Marra in Central Darfur, documented systemic underrepresentation in national institutions; for instance, the anonymously published Black Book: Imbalance of Power and Wealth in the Sudan in 2000 analyzed census and appointment data to argue that northern riverine Arabs, representing about 5% of the population, dominated 80-90% of senior civil service and political positions, with Darfur receiving negligible shares despite its size and population.^[76] This neglect exacerbated intercommunal tensions, as environmental degradation from droughts in the 1980s and 1990s intensified competition for arable land between non-Arab farmers and Arab pastoralists, whose southward migrations were tacitly supported by Khartoum through arming militias against perceived threats.^[77] Local self-defense committees formed in the late 1990s in response to Arab raids and banditry, evolving into organized rebel structures amid perceived favoritism toward Arab tribes in resource allocation and security.^[78] Rebel groups coalesced in the early 2000s, drawing ideological inspiration from Islamist critiques of the regime and demands for federalism or autonomy. The Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), led by Zaghawa figures like Khalil Ibrahim, publicly announced its existence in August 2001, framing its agenda around the Black Book's exposé of elite imbalances and calling for power-sharing reforms.^[23] Concurrently, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A), primarily Fur- and Masalit-based under leaders like Abdul Wahid al-Nur, unified disparate militias from Jebel Marra and western Darfur by early 2003, seeking to address local disarmament policies that disproportionately targeted non-Arab groups while ignoring Arab militias.^[79] These movements rejected the government's divide-and-rule tactics, which had fueled proxy conflicts, and positioned their struggle as one against Arab supremacist policies akin to those in southern Sudan.^[80] The insurgency ignited with coordinated rebel attacks on government installations starting in February 2003, marking a shift from sporadic resistance to open warfare. Initial strikes targeted symbols of state control, such as police stations and garrisons in rural areas; for example, SLM/A forces assaulted facilities in Garsila and surrounding West Darfur locales, followed by a major raid on the military outpost in Golo, Central Darfur, in April 2003, where rebels overran positions and captured arms.^[81] These operations, involving hundreds of fighters equipped with salvaged weapons and Toyota technicals, demonstrated rebel coordination and exposed the fragility of Sudanese military presence in Darfur, prompting Khartoum to escalate by mobilizing Janjaweed militias—nomadic Arab groups previously used for counterinsurgency—for reprisals against civilian non-Arab villages.^[82] By mid-2003, violence had intensified in Central Darfur's Zalingei and Jebel Marra zones, with rebels controlling swathes of territory and the government facing a multi-front challenge amid its commitments in the south.^[83]

Ethnic Dimensions and Claims of Atrocities

The Darfur insurgency that began in 2003 pitted rebel groups primarily drawn from non-Arab ethnic communities, such as the Fur—who form the majority in Central Darfur—against the Sudanese government, which responded with a counterinsurgency involving the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and allied Arab militias known as Janjaweed. The Fur, historically sedentary agriculturalists and former rulers of the Darfur Sultanate, clashed with nomadic Arab herders over scarce resources amid environmental degradation and longstanding grievances over political marginalization by the Arab-dominated central government in Khartoum. These tensions, while rooted in competition for land and water, escalated into ethnically targeted violence, with government forces and Janjaweed systematically attacking Fur villages suspected of harboring rebels from groups like the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A), which was Fur-led.^[23][81] Claims of atrocities center on widespread attacks by SAF and Janjaweed in Fur-dominated areas of what is now Central Darfur, including the Mukjar and Garsila regions, starting in August 2003. Human Rights Watch documented mass killings, village burnings, and rapes, with militias using ethnic slurs and declaring intentions to "change the demography" by driving out non-Arabs; in one incident near Garsila, over 100 Fur civilians were reportedly killed in a single raid. The International Criminal Court (ICC) later convicted Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman, a senior Janjaweed leader, in October 2025 for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed between 2003 and 2004 in Mukjar and nearby areas, including murder, rape, and pillage targeting Fur civilians. Sudanese authorities maintained these operations targeted insurgents, not civilians, but eyewitness accounts and forensic evidence indicate deliberate ethnic cleansing tactics, displacing tens of thousands from Central Darfur localities by mid-2004.^[81][84][85] While the bulk of documented atrocities involved government-aligned forces against non-Arabs, rebel groups committed reprisal attacks on Arab communities, including killings and looting, though on a smaller scale according to UN and NGO reports. The ethnic framing of the conflict—Arabs as government proxies versus non-Arabs as victims—has been contested by some analysts as oversimplifying resource-driven disputes, yet the pattern of selective village destruction along ethnic lines, corroborated by satellite imagery and survivor testimonies, supports claims of intentional targeting. By 2005, these events contributed to over 200,000 deaths across Darfur and massive internal displacement, with Central Darfur's Fur population bearing a disproportionate burden.^[78][86]

Role in the 2023 Sudanese Civil War

Clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in Central Darfur began shortly after the outbreak of the civil war on April 15, 2023, with fighting reported in Zalingei, the state capital, by late April. The RSF, leveraging its historical ties to Darfuri Arab militias, prioritized securing the region as a strategic rear base for nationwide operations, given its central position linking other Darfur states and supply routes toward Kordofan. By July 2023, RSF forces had destroyed government institutions in Zalingei and launched repeated assaults on the SAF's 21st Infantry Division headquarters, including a major attack on July 8 that involved heavy bombardment.^[87][88] In August 2023, the SAF temporarily reasserted control over Zalingei following counteroffensives against RSF positions. However, the RSF regained the upper hand by October 2023, capturing the city and establishing dominance across Central Darfur amid ongoing sieges and urban combat. This control facilitated RSF logistics, with Zalingei serving as a hub for reinforcements and materiel to fronts in Khartoum and beyond. In November 2023, elements of the Darfur Joint Force—including factions of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) under Minni Minawi and others—aligned with the SAF, providing temporary support against RSF advances in the state.^[89][90] SAF airstrikes and ground pushes in early 2024 recaptured portions of Zalingei, disrupting RSF holdouts, though the paramilitaries retained effective operational control of most urban and rural areas. Alliance dynamics shifted further in 2025, with some Darfur rebel groups like the SLM/A-Transitional Council defecting to the RSF in February, bolstering their position in Central Darfur. By mid-2025, RSF consolidation in the state contributed to their broader encirclement of SAF remnants in Darfur, underscoring Central Darfur's role as a contested logistics corridor rather than a decisive frontline.^[90][91]

Recent Developments and Humanitarian Impact

Military Control and Clashes (2023-2025)

Following the outbreak of the Sudanese civil war on April 15, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), fighting rapidly extended to Central Darfur, where the RSF—rooted in Darfur's tribal militias—leveraged local alliances to seize territory from SAF garrisons. Initial clashes erupted in Zalingei, the state capital, by June 2023, as RSF forces encircled SAF positions amid urban combat that displaced thousands.^[90] By August 2023, the RSF consolidated gains around Zalingei, claiming operational dominance over central districts.^[92] In October 2023, the RSF achieved full military control of Zalingei after overrunning remaining SAF outposts, marking a pivotal shift that left the SAF with minimal footholds in the state. This advance involved coordinated assaults on military bases and supply lines, exploiting the SAF's stretched resources elsewhere in Sudan. Sporadic resistance persisted from SAF-aligned local militias, but RSF dominance in Central Darfur was largely unchallenged through late 2023, enabling the group to redirect forces toward other Darfur regions.^[90] Throughout 2024, RSF control faced intermittent challenges from defections and low-level clashes, including SAF remnants allegedly operating from displacement camps in Zalingei, prompting RSF raids and sieges on sites like El Hasaheisa camp, where attacks killed at least two civilians in mid-2024 amid a multi-week encirclement. Skirmishes between RSF units and unidentified military forces flared in Zalingei neighborhoods, heightening tensions without altering territorial lines. In June 2024, reports emerged of RSF preparations to assault camps harboring suspected SAF intelligence operatives, underscoring ongoing low-intensity conflict. By October 2024, RSF conducted targeted raids in Zalingei, such as on an internet café, to suppress dissent, while internal RSF infighting and defections—exacerbated by morale erosion—contributed to localized violence.^[93][94][95] Into 2025, RSF maintained predominant control over Central Darfur, with no verified SAF counteroffensives recapturing key areas like Zalingei, amid the broader RSF consolidation across Darfur following gains in adjacent North Darfur. Clashes remained sporadic, often involving RSF enforcement actions against perceived SAF sympathizers or rival militias, rather than large-scale battles, reflecting the RSF's strategic prioritization of holding Darfur as a power base. UN assessments in early 2025 confirmed RSF oversight of most Darfur territories, including Central Darfur, through a mix of direct occupation and proxy alliances.^[90]

Displacement, Famine Risks, and Aid Efforts

The ongoing conflict in Central Darfur has intensified internal displacement, particularly around Zalingei, the state capital, where clashes between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have forced thousands to flee to makeshift shelters, abandoned buildings, and overcrowded IDP camps. As of May 2024, displaced populations in Zalingei reported surviving with minimal assistance amid escalating violence that destroyed infrastructure and limited access to basic services.^{[96] [97]} Humanitarian assessments estimate that around 978,000 people in Central Darfur, a significant portion of whom are IDPs, face acute needs as of September 2025, compounding pre-existing displacement from the 2003 Darfur insurgency.^[22] Food insecurity in Central Darfur remains acute, with 54% of the population classified under IPC Phase 3 (Crisis) or higher in 2025 assessments, driven by conflict-disrupted farming, livestock losses, and hyperinflation affecting markets.^[98] Unlike neighboring North Darfur, where famine was confirmed in areas like Zamzam camp in August 2024, Central Darfur has not yet met full famine thresholds, but projections indicate elevated risks through 2025 without sustained intervention, exacerbated by mass displacement and restricted humanitarian corridors.^[99] World Food Programme (WFP) efforts have mitigated famine threats in six Central Darfur localities by delivering emergency rations, though ongoing hostilities continue to undermine long-term agricultural recovery.^[100] Humanitarian aid operations in Central Darfur, led by agencies like WFP, UNHCR, and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), focus on food distributions, nutritional support, and medical care, reaching over 800,000 people in Sudanese hunger hotspots including Darfur states as of December 2024.^[101] However, delivery faces severe challenges from RSF and SAF clashes, which have blocked convoys, led to looting of supplies, and created no-go zones around Zalingei; both factions have been documented restricting access to weaponize aid.^[102] Reports from IDP camps highlight uneven distribution, with complaints of favoritism toward host communities or nomadic groups over long-term displaced persons.^[103] Sudan's 2025 humanitarian response plan, seeking $4.2 billion to assist 20.9 million people including those in Darfur, was only 25% funded by October 2025, limiting scale-up amid persistent insecurity.^{[104] [105]}