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Ghost town
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A ghost town, deserted city, extinct town, or abandoned city is an abandoned settlement, usually one that contains substantial visible remaining buildings and infrastructure such as roads. A town often becomes a ghost town because the economic activity that supported it (usually industrial or agricultural) has failed or ended for any reason (e.g. a host ore deposit exhausted by mining). The town may have also declined because of natural or human-caused disasters such as floods, prolonged droughts, extreme heat or extreme cold, government actions, uncontrolled lawlessness, war, pollution, or nuclear and radiation-related accidents and incidents. The term can sometimes refer to cities, towns, and neighborhoods that, though still populated, are significantly less so than in past years; for example, those affected by high levels of unemployment and dereliction.[1]
Some ghost towns, especially those that preserve period-specific architecture, have become tourist attractions. Some examples are Bannack, Montana and Oatman, Arizona in the United States; Barkerville, British Columbia in Canada; Craco and Pompeii in Italy; Aghdam in Azerbaijan; Kolmanskop in Namibia; Pripyat and Chernobyl in Ukraine; Dhanushkodi in India; Fordlândia in Brazil and Villa Epecuén in Argentina.
Definition
[edit]T. Lindsey Baker, author of Ghost Towns of Texas, defines a ghost town as "a town for which the reason for being no longer exists."[1] Some writers discount settlements that were abandoned as a result of a natural or human-made disaster or other causes; they restrict the term to settlements that were deserted because they were no longer economically viable. Some believe that any settlement with visible tangible remains should not be called a ghost town;[2] others say, conversely, that a ghost town should contain the tangible remains of buildings.[3] Whether or not the settlement must be completely deserted, or may contain a small population, is also a matter for debate.[2] Generally, though, the term is used in a looser sense, encompassing any and all of these definitions. American author Lambert Florin defined a ghost town as "a shadowy semblance of a former self."[4]
Reasons for abandonment
[edit]Factors leading to the abandonment of towns include depleted natural resources, economic activity shifting elsewhere, railroads and roads bypassing or no longer accessing the town, human intervention, disasters, massacres, wars, the shifting of politics or fall of empires, and volcanic eruptions.[5] A town can also be abandoned when it is part of an exclusion zone due to natural or human-made causes.
Economic decline
[edit]
Ghost towns may result when the single activity or resource that created a boomtown (e.g., nearby mine, mill or resort) is depleted or the resource economy undergoes a "bust" (e.g., catastrophic resource price collapse). A gold rush often brought intensive but short-lived economic activity to a remote village, only to leave a ghost town once the resource was depleted.
Boomtowns can often decrease in size as quickly as they grew. Sometimes, all, or nearly all, of the population can desert the town, resulting in a ghost town. The dismantling of a boomtown can often occur on a planned basis. Mining companies nowadays will create a temporary company town to service a mine site, building all the accommodations, shops and services required, and then remove them once the resource has been extracted. Modular buildings can be used to facilitate the process.
In some cases, multiple factors may remove the economic basis for a community; some former mining towns on U.S. Route 66 suffered both mine closures when the resources were depleted and loss of highway traffic as US 66 was diverted from places like Oatman, Arizona, onto a more direct path. Mine and pulp mill closures have led to many ghost towns in British Columbia, Canada, including several relatively recent ones: Ocean Falls, which closed in 1973 after the pulp mill was decommissioned; Kitsault, whose molybdenum mine shut down after only 18 months in 1982; and Cassiar, whose asbestos mine operated from 1952 to 1992.
In other cases, the reason for abandonment can arise from a town's intended economic function shifting to another, nearby place. This happened to Collingwood, Queensland, in Outback Australia when nearby Winton outperformed Collingwood as a regional centre for the livestock-raising industry. The railway reached Winton in 1899, linking it with the rest of Queensland, and Collingwood was a ghost town by the following year. More broadly across Australia, there has been a shift towards fly-in fly-out arrangements over building a company town, in order to avoid the development of ghost towns once a mining resource has been fully extracted.[6]
The Middle East has many ghost towns and ruins that were created when the shifting of politics or the fall of empires caused capital cities to be socially or economically unviable, such as Ctesiphon.
The rise of real-estate speculation and the resulting possibility of real-estate bubbles (sometimes due to outright overbuilding by land developers) may also trigger the appearance of certain elements of a ghost town, as real-estate prices initially rise (whereupon affordable housing becomes less available) and then later fall for a variety of reasons that are often tied to economic cycles and/or marketing hubris. This has been observed to occur in various countries, including Spain, China, the United States, and Canada, where housing is often used as an investment rather than for habitation.
Human intervention and infrastructure
[edit]Railroads and roads bypassing or no longer reaching a town can also create a ghost town. This was the case in many of the ghost towns along Ontario's historic Opeongo Line, and along U.S. Route 66 after motorists bypassed the latter on the faster moving highways I-44 and I-40. Some ghost towns were founded along railways where steam trains would stop at periodic intervals for repairs or to take on water, but dieselization or electrification negated the need for the trains to stop. Amboy, California, was part of one such series of villages along the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad across the Mojave Desert. In other cases, railroads replaced rivers or canals as the primary means of overland transport, causing the decline of towns that depended on river or canal traffic; one such town was Granville, Indiana, located on the Wabash and Erie Canal.
River re-routing is another factor, one example being the towns along the Aral Sea.
Ghost towns may be created when land is expropriated by a government, and residents are required to relocate. One example is the village of Tyneham in Dorset, England, acquired during World War II to build an artillery range.
A similar situation occurred in the U.S. when NASA acquired land to construct the John C. Stennis Space Center (SSC), a rocket testing facility in Hancock County, Mississippi (on the Mississippi side of the Pearl River, which is the Mississippi–Louisiana state line). This required NASA to acquire a large (approximately 34-square-mile or 88-square-kilometre) buffer zone because of the loud noise and potential dangers associated with testing such rockets. Five thinly populated rural Mississippi communities (Gainesville, Logtown, Napoleon, Santa Rosa, and Westonia), plus the northern portion of a sixth (Pearlington), along with 700 families in residence, had to be completely relocated away from the facility.

Sometimes the town might cease to officially exist, but the physical infrastructure remains. For example, the five Mississippi communities that had to be abandoned to build SSC still have remnants of those communities within the facility itself. These include city streets, now overgrown with forest flora and fauna, and a one-room schoolhouse. Another example of infrastructure remaining is the former town of Weston, Illinois, that voted itself out of existence and turned the land over for construction of the Fermi National Accelerator Laboratory. Many houses and even a few barns remain, used for housing visiting scientists and storing maintenance equipment, while roads that used to cross through the site have been blocked off at the edges of the property, with gatehouses or barricades to prevent unsupervised access.
Flooding by dams
[edit]Construction of dams has produced ghost towns that have been left underwater. Examples include:
- Kensico, New York was replaced by the Kensico Reservoir.[7]
- Loyston, Tennessee, U.S., inundated by the creation of Norris Dam and reconstructed on nearby higher ground.[8]
- St. Thomas, Nevada, U.S., flooded by up to 70 feet of water by Lake Mead following construction of the Hoover Dam.[9]
- Stiltner, West Virginia, inundated by the creation of East Lynn Lake in 1969.[10]
- The Lost Villages of Ontario, flooded by Saint Lawrence Seaway construction in 1958.[11]
- Nether Hambleton and Middle Hambleton in Rutland, England, which were flooded to create Rutland Water.[12]
- Ashopton and Derwent, England, flooded during the construction of the Ladybower Reservoir.[13][14]
- The Tignes Dam flooded the village of Tignes in France, displacing 78 families.[15]
- Mologa in Russia was flooded by the creation of Rybinsk reservoir in 1940.[16]
- Many ancient villages were abandoned during construction of the Three Gorges Dam in China, leading to the displacement of many rural people.[17]
- In Guanacaste Province, Costa Rica, inhabitants of Arenal and Tronadora were forced to relocate in 1978 to make room for the human-made Lake Arenal.[18]
- Old Adaminaby in New South Wales, Australia, was flooded by a dam of the Snowy River Scheme.[19]
- Construction of the Aswan High Dam on the Nile River in Egypt submerged archaeological sites and ancient settlements, such as Buhen under Lake Nasser.[20]
- Tehri was drowned after the construction of the Tehri Dam in the Indian state of Uttarakhand.[21]
- Aceredo and five other villages in the region of Galicia, Spain, drowned by the construction of Alto Lindoso Dam downstream in Portugal in 1992[22] (later exposed after extreme drought conditions in early 2022[23][24]).
- Capel Celyn, Gwynedd, Wales, was lost to the Trywern Flooding of 1965. This was to create a reservoir, Llyn Celyn, in order to supply the English areas of Liverpool and Wirral with water for industry.[25]
- Dana, Enfield, Greenwich, and Prescott, Massachusetts; four towns in the Swift River Valley of Massachusetts who were flooded to create the Quabbin Reservoir in 1938 to create a water reservoir to provide water to the growing city of Boston, Massachusetts and the surrounding suburbs.[26]
Armed conflicts
[edit]
Some towns become deserted when their populations were massacred, deported, or expelled. Examples include Kayaköy, an ancient Greek city abandoned in 1923 as result of population exchange between Greece and Turkey and the original French village at Oradour-sur-Glane which was destroyed on 10 June 1944 when 642 of its 663 inhabitants were killed by a German Waffen-SS company. A new village was built after the war on a nearby site, and the ruins of the original have been maintained as a memorial. Another example is Aghdam, a city in Azerbaijan. Armenian forces occupied Aghdam in July 1993 during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. The heavy fighting forced the entire population to flee. Upon seizing the city, Armenian forces destroyed much of the town to discourage Azerbaijanis from returning. More damage occurred in the following decades when locals looted the abandoned town for building materials. It is currently almost entirely ruined and uninhabited.
Disasters, actual and anticipated
[edit]
Natural and human-made disasters can create ghost towns. For example, after being flooded more than 30 times since their town was founded in 1845, residents of Pattonsburg, Missouri, decided to relocate after two floods in 1993. With government help, the whole town was rebuilt 3 miles or 5 km away.
Craco, a medieval village in the Italian region of Basilicata, was evacuated after a landslide in 1963. Nowadays it is a filming location for many movies, including The Passion of The Christ by Mel Gibson, Christ Stopped at Eboli by Francesco Rosi, The Nativity Story by Catherine Hardwicke and Quantum of Solace by Marc Forster.[27]
In 1984, Centralia, Pennsylvania, was abandoned due to an uncontainable mine fire, which began in 1962 and still rages to this day; eventually the fire reached an abandoned mine underneath the nearby town of Byrnesville, which caused that mine to catch on fire too and forced the evacuation of that town as well.

Ghost towns may also occasionally come into being due to an anticipated natural disaster – for example, the Canadian town of Lemieux, Ontario, was abandoned in 1991 after soil testing revealed that the community was built on an unstable bed of Leda clay. Two years after the last building in Lemieux was demolished, a landslide swept part of the former town-site into the South Nation River. Two decades earlier, the Canadian town of Saint-Jean-Vianney, Québec, also constructed on a Leda clay base, had been abandoned after a landslide on 4 May 1971, which swept away 41 homes, killing 31 people.
Following the Chernobyl disaster of 1986, dangerously high levels of nuclear contamination escaped into the surrounding area, and nearly 200 towns and villages in Ukraine and neighbouring Belarus were evacuated, including the cities of Pripyat and Chernobyl. The area was so contaminated that many of the evacuees were never permitted to return to their homes. Pripyat is the most famous of these abandoned towns; it was built for the workers of the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant and had a population of almost 50,000 at the time of the disaster.[28]
Human health
[edit]
Significant fatality rates from epidemics have produced ghost towns. Multiple hamlets in England were depopulated in the wake of the Black Plague in the mid-14th century. Some places in eastern Arkansas were abandoned after more than 7,000 Arkansans died during the Spanish flu epidemic of 1918 and 1919.[29][30] Several communities in Ireland, particularly in the west of the country, were wiped out due to the Great Famine in the latter half of the 19th century, and the years of economic decline that followed.
Catastrophic environmental damage caused by long-term contamination can also create a ghost town. Some notable examples are Times Beach, Missouri, whose residents were exposed to a high level of dioxins, and Wittenoom, Western Australia, which was once Australia's largest source of blue asbestos, but was shut down in 1966 due to health concerns. Treece and Picher, twin communities straddling the Kansas–Oklahoma border, were once one of the United States' largest sources of zinc and lead, but over a century of unregulated disposal of mine tailings led to groundwater contamination and lead poisoning in the town's children, eventually resulting in a mandatory Environmental Protection Agency buyout and evacuation. Contamination due to ammunition caused by military use may also lead to the development of ghost towns. Tyneham, in Dorset, was requisitioned for military exercises during the Second World War, and remains unpopulated, being littered with unexploded munitions from regular shelling.
Ghost town repopulation
[edit]A few ghost towns have managed to get a second life, and this happens through a variety of reasons. One of these reasons is heritage tourism generating a new economy able to support residents.[31][32]
For example, Walhalla, Victoria, Australia, became almost deserted after its gold mine ceased operation in 1914, but owing to its accessibility and proximity to other attractive locations, it has had a recent economic and holiday population surge.[33] Another town, Sungai Lembing, Malaysia, was almost deserted due to closure of a tin mine in 1986 was revived in 2001 and has become a tourist destination since then.[34]
Foncebadón, a village in León, Spain, that was mostly abandoned and only inhabited by a mother and son, is slowly being revived owing to the ever-increasing stream of pilgrims on the road to Santiago de Compostela.
Some ghost towns (e.g. Riace, Muñotello) are being repopulated by respectively refugees and homeless people. In Riace, this was accomplished by a scheme funded by the Italian government which offers the housing to refugees and in Muñotello it was accomplished through an NGO (Madrina Foundation).[35][36]
In Algeria, many cities became hamlets after the end of Late Antiquity. They were revived with shifts in population during and after French colonization of Algeria. Oran, currently the nation's second-largest city with 1 million people, was a village of only a few thousand people before colonization.
Alexandria, the second-largest city of Egypt, was a flourishing city in the ancient era, but declined during the Middle Ages. It underwent a dramatic revival during the 19th century; from a population of 5,000 in 1806, it grew into a city of more than 200,000 inhabitants by 1882,[37] and is now home to more than four million people.[38]
Around the world
[edit]Africa
[edit]
Wars and rebellions in some African countries have left many towns and villages deserted. Since 2003, when President François Bozizé came to power, thousands of citizens of the Central African Republic have been forced to flee their homes as a result of the escalating conflict between armed rebels and government troops. Villages accused of supporting the rebels, such as Beogombo Deux near Paoua, are ransacked by government soldiers. Those who are not killed have no choice but to escape to refugee camps.[39] The instability in the region also leaves organized and well-equipped bandits free to terrorize the populace, often leaving villages abandoned in their wake.[40] Elsewhere in Africa, the town of Lukangol was burnt to the ground during tribal clashes in South Sudan. Before its destruction, the town had a population of 20,000.[41] The Libyan town of Tawergha had a population of around 25,000 before it was abandoned during the 2011 civil war, and it has remained empty since.
Many of the ghost towns in mineral-rich Africa are former mining towns. Shortly after the start of the 1908 diamond rush in German South-West Africa, now known as Namibia, the German Imperial government claimed sole mining rights by creating the Sperrgebiet ("forbidden zone"),[42] effectively criminalizing new settlement. The small mining towns of this area, among them Pomona, Elizabeth Bay and Kolmanskop, were exempt from this ban, but the denial of new land claims soon rendered all of them ghost towns.
Asia
[edit]
The town of Dhanushkodi, India is a ghost town. It was destroyed during the 1964 Rameswaram cyclone and remains uninhabited in the aftermath.[43]
Many abandoned towns and settlements in the former Soviet Union were established near Gulag labour camps to supply necessary services. Since most of these camps were abandoned in the 1950s, the towns were abandoned as well. One such town is located near the former Gulag camp called Butugychag (also called Lower Butugychag). Other towns were deserted due to deindustrialisation and the economic crises of the early 1990s attributed to post-Soviet conflicts – one example being Tkvarcheli in Georgia, a coal mining town that suffered a drastic population decline as a result of the War in Abkhazia in the early 1990s and Aghdam, made ruined and uninhabited after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War.
Although in the 2010s Chinese ghost cities became a frequent feature of discourse regarding China's economy and urbanization, underoccupied cities filled up.[44]: 151 Writing in 2023, academic and former UK diplomat Kerry Brown described the idea of Chinese ghost cities as a popular bandwagon which was shown to be a myth.[44]: 151–152
The town of Namie, along with several other towns in Fukushima Prefecture, Japan, was temporarily evacuated as a result of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster following the 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami. Following ongoing decontamination works, several portions of Namie have been fully reopened to residents, allowing reconstruction and renovation of the town's buildings to be undertaken and resettlement of the area to take place.[45]
Europe
[edit]


Urbanization – the migration of a country's rural population into the cities – has left many European towns and villages deserted. An increasing number of settlements in Bulgaria are becoming ghost towns for this reason; at the time of the 2011 census, the country had 181 uninhabited settlements.[46] In Hungary, dozens of villages are also threatened with abandonment. The first village officially declared as "dead" was Gyűrűfű in the late 1970s, but later it was repopulated as an eco-village. Some other depopulated villages were successfully saved as small rural resorts, such as Kán, Tornakápolna, Szanticska, Gorica, and Révfalu.
In Spain, large zones of the mountainous Iberian System and the Pyrenees have undergone heavy depopulation since the early 20th century, leaving a string of ghost towns in areas such as the Solana Valley. Traditional agricultural practices such as sheep and goat rearing, on which the mountain village economy was based, were not taken over by the local youth, especially after the lifestyle changes that swept over rural Spain during the second half of the 20th century.[47]
Examples of ghost towns in Italy include the medieval village of Fabbriche di Careggine near Lago di Vagli, in province of Lucca, in Tuscany,[48] the deserted mountain village of Craco, located in Basilicata, which has served as a filming location,[49] and the ghost village of Roveraia, in the municipality of Loro Ciuffenna, in province of Arezzo, situated near Pratovalle.[50] The presence of the village is attested since the Middle Ages, when there was a tower.[51] During World War II it was an important partisan base[52][50] and it was abandoned between the 1960s and the 1980s, when the last family who lived here left the village.[53][54] Two projects have been proposed for the recovery of the village: in 2011 the proposal of Movimento Libero Perseo "Roveraia eco - lab", based on sustainability,[55][56][57] and in 2019 there was a proposal aiming to recover the village with a mix of functions called "Ecomuseum of Pratomagno".[58][59][60][61]

In the United Kingdom, thousands of villages were abandoned during the Middle Ages, as a result of Black Death, revolts, and enclosure, the process by which vast amounts of farmland became privately owned. Since there are rarely any visible remains of these settlements, they are not generally considered ghost towns; instead, they are referred to in archaeological circles as deserted medieval villages.
Sometimes, wars and genocide end a town's life. In 1944, occupying German Waffen-SS troops murdered almost the entire population of the French village Oradour-sur-Glane. A new settlement was built nearby after the war, but the old town was left depopulated on the orders of President Charles de Gaulle, as a permanent memorial. In Germany, numerous smaller towns and villages in the former eastern territories were completely destroyed in the last two years of the war. These territories later became part of Poland and the Soviet Union, and many of the smaller settlements were never rebuilt or repopulated, for example Kłomino (Westfalenhof), Pstrąże (Pstransse), and Janowa Góra (Johannesberg). Some villages in England were also abandoned during the war, but for different reasons. Imber, on Salisbury Plain, and several villages in the Stanford Battle Area, were commandeered by the War Office for use as training grounds for British and US troops. Although this was intended to be a temporary measure, the residents were never allowed to return, and the villages have been used for military training ever since. Three miles or 5 km southeast of Imber is Copehill Down, a deserted village purpose-built for training in urban warfare.
Disasters & natural disasters have played a part in the abandonment of settlements within Europe. Two examples are Pripyat and Chernobyl. After the Chernobyl disaster of 1986, both cities were evacuated due to dangerous radiation levels within the area. As of today, Pripyat remains completely abandoned, and Chernobyl has around 500 remaining inhabitants. Another example is Todoque in the Canary Islands, Spain. During the 2021 Cumbre Vieja volcanic eruption, the locality was severely affected. Hundreds of buildings were destroyed, including the parish Church of Saint Pius X, the health center, the headquarters of the neighborhood association, the School of Early Childhood Education, and Los Campitos Elementary School and the Todoque Elementary and the Infant Education School, and by October 10, new lava flows destroyed the remaining buildings that were still standing, leaving the town practically erased from the map.
An example in the UK of a ghost village which was abandoned before it was ever occupied is at Polphail, Argyll and Bute. The planned development of an oil rig construction facility nearby never materialised, and a village built to house the workers and their families became deserted the moment the building contractors finished their work.
North America
[edit]
Canada
[edit]Canada has several ghost towns in parts of British Columbia, Alberta, Ontario, Saskatchewan, Newfoundland and Labrador, and Quebec. Some were logging towns or dual mining and logging sites, often developed at the behest of the company. In Alberta and Saskatchewan, most ghost towns were once farming communities that have since died off due to the removal of the railway through the town or the bypass of a highway. The ghost towns in British Columbia were predominantly mining towns and prospecting camps as well as canneries and, in one or two cases, large smelter and pulp mill towns. British Columbia has more ghost towns than any other jurisdiction on the North American continent, with more than 1,500 abandoned or semi-abandoned towns and localities.[62] Among the most notable are Anyox, Kitsault, and Ocean Falls.
Some ghost towns have revived their economies and populations due to historical and eco-tourism, such as Barkerville; once the largest town north of Kamloops, it is now a year-round provincial museum. In Quebec, Val-Jalbert is a well-known tourist ghost town; founded in 1901 around a mechanical pulp mill that became obsolete when paper mills began to break down wood fibre by chemical means, it was abandoned when the mill closed in 1927 and re-opened as a park in 1960.
Mexico
[edit]A former mining town in Mexico, Real de Catorce, has been used as a backdrop for Hollywood movies such as The Treasure of the Sierra Madre (1948),[63] The Mexican (2001), and Bandidas (2006).[64]
United States
[edit]
Many ghost towns or abandoned communities exist in the American Great Plains, the rural areas of which have lost a third of their population since 1920. Thousands of communities in the northern plains states of Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota became railroad ghost towns when a rail line failed to materialize. Hundreds of towns were abandoned as the Interstate highway system replaced the railroads as the favored means of transportation. Ghost towns are common in mining or mill towns in all the western states, and many eastern and southern states as well. Residents are compelled to leave in search of more productive areas when the resources that had created an employment boom in these towns were eventually exhausted.
Sometimes a ghost town consists of many abandoned buildings as in Bodie, California, or standing ruins as in Rhyolite, Nevada, while elsewhere only the foundations of former buildings remain as in Graysonia, Arkansas. Old mining camps that have lost most of their population at some stage of their history such as Aspen, Deadwood, Oatman, Tombstone and Virginia City are sometimes referred to as ghost towns although they are presently active towns and cities.[citation needed] Many U.S. ghost towns, such as South Pass City in Wyoming are listed on the National Register of Historic Places.[65][66]

Starting in 2002, an attempt to declare an official ghost town in California stalled when the adherents of the town of Bodie and those of Calico, in Southern California, could not agree on the most deserving settlement for the recognition. A compromise was eventually reached—Bodie became the official state gold rush ghost town, while Calico was named the official state silver rush ghost town.[67]
South America
[edit]In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a wave of European immigrants arrived in Brazil and settled in the cities, which offered jobs, education, and other opportunities that enabled newcomers to enter the middle class. Many also settled in the growing small towns along the expanding railway system. Since the 1930s, many rural workers have moved to the big cities. Other ghost towns were created in the aftermath of dinosaur fossil rushes.[68]
In Colombia, a volcano erupted in 1985, where the city of Armero was engulfed by lahars, which killed approximately 23,000 people in total.[69] Armero was never rebuilt (its inhabitants being diverted to nearby cities, and thus becoming a ghost town), but still stands today as "holy land", as dictated by Pope John Paul II.[70]
A number of ghost towns throughout South America were once mining camps or lumber mills, such as the many saltpeter mining camps that prospered in Chile from the end of the Saltpeter War until the invention of synthetic saltpeter during World War I. Some of these towns, such as the Humberstone and Santa Laura Saltpeter Works in the Atacama Desert, have been declared UNESCO World Heritage Sites.[71]
Oceania
[edit]The boom and bust of gold rushes and the mining of other ores has led to a number of ghost towns in both Australia and New Zealand. Other towns have become abandoned whether due to natural disasters, the weather, or the drowning of valleys to increase the size of lakes.
In Australia, the Victoria gold rush led to numerous ghost towns (such as Cassilis and Moliagul), as did the hunt for gold in Western Australia (for example, the towns of Ora Banda and Kanowna). The mining of iron and other ores has also led to towns thriving briefly before dwindling. The town of Wittenoom was abandoned and demolished due to the health hazards posed by asbestos mining in the area.
In New Zealand, the Otago gold rush similarly led to several ghost towns (such as Macetown). New Zealand's ghost towns also include numerous coal mining areas in the South Island's West Coast Region, including Denniston and Stockton. Natural disasters have also led to the loss of some towns, notably Te Wairoa, "The Buried Village", destroyed in the 1886 eruption of Mount Tarawera, and the Otago town of Kelso, abandoned after it was flooded repeatedly after heavy rainstorms. Early settlements on the rugged southwest coast of the South Island at Martins Bay and Port Craig were also abandoned, mainly due to the inhospitable terrain.
Antarctica
[edit]
The oldest ghost town in Antarctica is on Deception Island, where in 1906, a Norwegian-Chilean company set up a whaling station at Whalers Bay, which they used as a base for their factory ship, the Gobernador Bories. Other whaling operations followed suit, and by 1914 there were thirteen factory ships based there. The station ceased to be profitable during the Great Depression, and was abandoned in 1931. In 1969, the station was partially destroyed by a volcanic eruption. There are also many abandoned scientific and military bases in Antarctica, especially in the Antarctic Peninsula.
The Antarctic island of South Georgia used to have several thriving whaling settlements during the first half of the 20th century, with a combined population exceeding 2,000 in some years. These included Grytviken (operating 1904–64), Leith Harbour (1909–65), Ocean Harbour (1909–20), Husvik (1910–60), Stromness (1912–61) and Prince Olav Harbour (1917–34). The abandoned settlements have become increasingly dilapidated and remain uninhabited nowadays except for the Museum curator's family at Grytviken. The jetty, the church, dwellings, and industrial buildings at Grytviken have recently been renovated by the South Georgian government, becoming a popular tourist destination. Some historical buildings in the other settlements are being restored as well.
See also
[edit]References
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- ^ a b Brown, Robert L. (1990). Ghost Towns of the Colorado Rockies. Caldwell, ID: Caxton Printers. p. 15. ISBN 0-87004-342-0.
- ^ Thomsen, Clint (2012). "What is a ghost town?". Ghost Towns: Lost Cities of the Old West. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-78200-107-2.
- ^ Hall, Shawn (2010). Ghost Towns and Mining Camps of Southern Nevada. Charleston, SC: Arcadia Pub. p. 7. ISBN 978-0738570129.
- ^ Graves, Philip; Weiler, Stephan; Tynon, Emily (25 January 2010). "The Economics of Ghost Towns". Journal of Regional Analysis & Policy. Social Science Research Network. SSRN 1540770. Archived from the original on 5 January 2024.
- ^ Peace, Adrian (2015). "Australia, Sociocultural Overviews: Australian Settler Society". International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences (Second ed.). pp. 239–244. doi:10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.12022-7. ISBN 9780080970875. Retrieved 21 October 2022.
- ^ Halpern, W. Dyer (24 January 2011). "The Lost Village of Kensico". Westchester Magazine. Retrieved 18 July 2024.
- ^ Watts, Jennifer. "Underwater Ghost Towns of Tennessee". Tennessee State Museum. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ "St Thomas Nevada - Lake Mead National Recreation Area (U.S. National Park Service)". National Park Service. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ Thompson, Robert. "The Lost Town of Stiltner". The Wayne County News. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ Wheeler, Maggie. "The Lost Villages". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Historica Canada. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ "Hambleton, Upper Hambleton, Middle Hambleton, Nether Hambleton". Survey of English Place-Names. English Place-Name Society. Archived from the original on 26 February 2023. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ York, Chris (17 November 2018). "Two Lost Derbyshire Villages Have Been revealed By Low Water Levels At Ladybower Reservoir". HuffPost UK News. Huffington Post. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
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- ^ "Village Destroyed as New Dam Floods Reservoir". British Pathe. Reuters. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ Mandraud, Isabelle (30 January 2015). "Sunken towns of the Volga revive memories of Stalinist-era Russia". The Guardian.
- ^ "Three Gorges Dam". Encyclopedia Britannica. Britannica. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ "La Nacion Costa Rica". lanacioncostarica.pressreader.com. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
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- ^ Harford, Tim (11 March 2020). "The Spectacular Failures and Successes of Massive Dams". BBC News. Retrieved 26 February 2023.
- ^ "New Tehri - Overlooks The Gigantic Tehri Lake And Dam | Uttarakhand Tourism". Uttarakhand Tourism.
- ^ Pontevedra, Silvia R. (14 December 2012). "Memoria de un pueblo ahogado". El País (in Spanish). Retrieved 21 February 2022.
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- ^ Brundage, John F.; Shanks, G. Dennis (August 2008). "Deaths from Bacterial Pneumonia during 1918–19 Influenza Pandemic". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 14 (8). U.S. Centers for Disease Control: 1193–1199. doi:10.3201/eid1408.071313. PMC 2600384. PMID 18680641. Retrieved 11 July 2010.
- ^ Annual report of the Surgeon General of the Public Health Service of the United States - 1920. Washington, DC: Public Health Service.
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- ^ a b Brown, Kerry (2023). China Incorporated: The Politics of a World Where China is Number One. London: Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 978-1-350-26724-4.
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- ^ "Lake of Vagli". Italy Undiscovered. 14 June 2015. Archived from the original on 29 November 2020. Retrieved 17 February 2021.
- ^ "Craco, the Ghost Town jewel of Basilicata". visititaly.eu. Archived from the original on 15 January 2022. Retrieved 17 February 2021.
- ^ a b Fanti, Marco (29 July 2023). "Tomba di Rinaldo Mori al Cimitero di Pratovalle e Roveraia – Loro Ciuffenna (AR)". Pietre della Memoria (in Italian). Associazione fra Mutilati ed Invalidi di Guerra. Retrieved 14 April 2025.
- ^ "Piano territoriale paesistico della provincia di Arezzo – Pratomagno: valle dell'Agna" (PDF). Provincia di Arezzo - Pianificazione Territoriale (in Italian). Provincia di Arezzo. pp. 1–2. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
- ^ Irdani, David (24 April 2010). "Rappresaglie di San Giustino". Resistenza Toscana (in Italian). Federazione Regionale Toscana delle Associazioni Antifasciste e della Resistenza. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
- ^ Fanti, Marco (4 April 2020). "Parco della Rimembranza ai Caduti di Pratovalle e Roveraia nella Grande Guerra". Pietre della Memoria (in Italian). Associazione fra Mutilati ed Invalidi di Guerra. Retrieved 15 April 2025.
- ^ Centrone, Daniel (November 2024). "Sentieri partigiani sul Pratomagno". ToscanaNovecento. Portale di Storia Contemporanea (in Italian). Regione Toscana. Retrieved 29 March 2025.
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- ^ Amidei, Emma (14 January 2021). "Portfolio di architettura". Issuu (in Italian). Archived from the original on 20 October 2021. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
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- ^ "Ecomuseum of Pratomagno". KooZA/rch. 1 March 2021. Retrieved 20 April 2025.
- ^ Ramsey, Bruce (1963–1975). Ghost Towns of British Columbia. Vancouver: Mitchell Press.
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- ^ "National Register Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service. 13 March 2009.
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Bibliography
[edit]- Baker, T. Lindsay (1991). Ghost Towns of Texas (2nd ed.). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 0-8061-2189-0.
- McIntyre, Tobi; Politis, Paul (September–October 2005). "Standing legacy: Ghost towns preserve the Ottawa Valley's rich history". Canadian Geographic. Archived from the original on 16 June 2016. Retrieved 3 October 2005.
- Steinhilber, Berthold (2003). Ghost Towns of the American West. New York: Harry N. Abrams. ISBN 0-8109-4508-8.
- Wolle, Muriel Sibell (1993) [1977]. Timberline Tailings: Tales of Colorado's Ghost Towns and Mining Camps (1st ed.). Athens, Ohio: Swallow Press/Ohio University Press. ISBN 0-8040-0963-5.
- Wolle, Muriel Sibell (1991). Stampede to Timberline: The Ghost Towns and Mining Camps of Colorado (2nd ed.). Athens, OH: Swallow Press/Ohio University Press. ISBN 0-8040-0946-5.
Further reading
[edit]- Curtis, Daniel R. (13 September 2012). "Pre-industrial societies and strategies for the exploitation of resources. A theoretical framework for understanding why some settlements are resilient and some settlements are vulnerable to exploitation". Academica.edu.
Ghost town
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Classification
Core Definition
A ghost town is defined as a once-thriving settlement that has become wholly or nearly deserted, typically due to the exhaustion of key natural resources or the cessation of sustaining economic activities. This abandonment results in a sharp population decline, often to less than 10% of peak levels, with substantial physical remnants such as buildings and infrastructure persisting amid decay.[8] Empirical criteria emphasize verifiable depopulation thresholds and visible structural evidence over anecdotal or spectral interpretations, distinguishing ghost towns from mere ruins or temporary evacuations.[9] The core causal mechanism involves the breakdown of viable local economies, such as mining booms ending with ore depletion or agricultural viability lost to soil exhaustion, prompting rational resident exodus rather than mystical forces.[10] Dictionaries consistently attribute this to business declines or resource limits, underscoring that ghost towns emerge when the foundational purpose of the community—be it extraction, trade, or production—no longer supports habitation.[1] For classification, a site qualifies if original commercial or population centers have faded significantly, with abandonment tied to tangible failures in resource availability or market viability, as observed in historical mining districts where populations plummeted post-extraction peaks.[11] This definition privileges observable data, such as census records showing near-total depopulation and aerial surveys revealing unoccupied structures, over subjective narratives.[2] Unlike partial urban decay, true ghost towns exhibit comprehensive resident flight, leaving settlements functionally inert while preserving archaeological value for study of economic causality.[12]Variations in Scope and Degree of Abandonment
Ghost towns exhibit a spectrum of abandonment, from complete depopulation to partial occupancy with negligible community viability. True ghost towns typically feature near-total evacuation, where nearly all residents have departed, leaving structures unoccupied and essential services defunct.[13] This contrasts with merely declining settlements, which retain substantial populations—often 10-50% of historical peaks—and ongoing economic functions, albeit diminished.[14] Semi-abandoned sites occupy an intermediate degree, with sparse habitation by a handful of individuals, such as caretakers or seasonal visitors, but lacking the infrastructure for sustained communal life.[12] Debates over precise thresholds persist, as rigid criteria like zero inhabitants exclude many sites with minimal lingering presence yet profound desolation. Mining history analyses define ghost towns as "mostly or all abandoned," permitting a "relative handful" of part-time residents if tourism or residual extraction does not restore viability as a self-sustaining community.[12] Similarly, regional experts emphasize "dramatically fewer people" alongside the loss of the town's foundational purpose, rather than absolute vacancy.[15] Empirical distinctions often rely on qualitative assessments of population density relative to historical norms, supplemented by metrics like building occupancy rates below 10% or structural decay indicating long-term neglect.[16] Permanent abandonment further differentiates ghost towns from transient depopulations, such as seasonal fluctuations in resort areas or short-term evacuations, which do not erode foundational habitation patterns.[17] Classifications may tier sites by remnants of integrity and activity: intact but vacant locales versus rubble-strewn ruins, with the former retaining tourism potential while the latter signify irreversible collapse.[18] These gradations underscore that ghost town status hinges on causal persistence of decline, not mere snapshots of occupancy.Historical Context
Etymology and Early Concepts
The term "ghost town" denotes a formerly inhabited settlement that has been largely depopulated, leaving behind dilapidated structures as echoes of prior activity. It first appeared in English-language records between 1870 and 1875, coinciding with the decline of mining boomtowns in the American West.[10] This usage evoked the haunting, insubstantial remnants of communities built on transient resource extraction, such as gold and silver deposits that fueled rapid settlement followed by inevitable collapse when veins depleted. The phrase's imagery of "ghosts" highlights a causal chain: speculative capital inflows created inflated populations unsupported by enduring infrastructure, leading to mass exodus and structural decay upon economic reversal.[19] Early attestations cluster in the 1890s, with the Oxford English Dictionary tracing the noun to 1894 in a Philadelphia newspaper, amid accounts of Western frontier abandonments.[20] Though such deserted locales proliferated during mid-19th-century rushes—like California's 1849 gold fever or Nevada's Comstock Lode from 1859—the term postdated many initial busts, retroactively framing them as archetypal failures of overreliance on singular commodities. This linguistic crystallization reflected broader recognition of market corrections in unregulated extractive economies, where absence of adaptive diversification amplified the severity of downturns. Conceptual precursors to ghost towns appear in pre-modern abandoned settlements worldwide, driven by analogous disruptions like resource exhaustion or trade route shifts, though devoid of the modern appellation. For instance, Roman-era towns in Britannia were deserted by the 5th century AD following legion withdrawals, economic contraction, and invasions, leaving ruins akin to later Western relics.[21] However, the "ghost town" construct distinctly embodies 19th-century industrial transients, privileging empirical patterns of boom-bust over supernatural or mythic interpretations, and underscoring how frontier capitalism exposed vulnerabilities in settlement viability absent sustainable foundations.Evolution Through Industrial Eras
The advent of large-scale industrialization in the 19th century markedly increased the formation of ghost towns, particularly through extractive industries like mining, where rapid population influxes followed resource discoveries only to collapse upon exhaustion. The California Gold Rush beginning in 1849 exemplifies this archetype, as prospectors established hundreds of ephemeral camps and settlements in the Sierra Nevada foothills, such as Coloma, which peaked with thousands of residents by 1852 before depopulating as surface gold diminished.[22] Railroads amplified this dynamic by facilitating access to remote sites, enabling boomtowns like those in Nevada's Comstock Lode, but also rendering hamlets obsolete when lines shifted or ores played out, leaving structures to decay by the 1880s.[23] By 1900, the United States hosted thousands of such abandoned sites, concentrated in the West, as successive booms in silver, copper, and coal followed the gold era, with technological advances in extraction accelerating both growth and inevitable busts tied to finite deposits.[3] This pattern persisted into the 20th century with oil discoveries, as in Texas's Ranger field from 1917 onward, where populations surged from under 1,000 to over 30,000 amid derrick forests, only for many satellite camps to empty post-peak production in the 1920s.[24] Similarly, early factory-dependent communities, often tied to rail for raw materials, faced demographic implosions as mechanization reduced labor needs; for instance, coal-processing towns in Appalachia saw workforce halving by mid-century due to machinery efficiencies.[25] Globalization further extended these cycles into the late 20th century, offshoring manufacturing to lower-cost regions and exacerbating declines in U.S. industrial hamlets, though full ghost town status remained rarer than in resource-extraction cases, with empirical counts indicating over 3,800 derelict settlements nationwide by recent inventories, underscoring resource finitude and technological displacement as core drivers over external impositions.[3][26]Primary Causes of Abandonment
Economic and Resource-Based Factors
Economic factors, particularly the exhaustion of local natural resources, represent the predominant cause of ghost town formation in resource-dependent settlements. In mining boomtowns of the American West during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, communities flourished on the extraction of minerals such as gold, silver, and coal until ore veins were depleted or extraction costs exceeded yields. For instance, numerous Colorado mining districts, including those around Leadville which peaked in the 1880s with silver production reaching over 100 million ounces annually by 1890, saw rapid abandonment as accessible high-grade ores diminished, rendering operations unprofitable without technological advances or new discoveries.[27][28] This depletion-driven collapse exemplifies how finite resource endowments impose natural limits on localized economic viability, prompting capital and labor to migrate to untapped sites in a process of market-driven reallocation.[29] Shifts in transportation infrastructure further accelerated abandonment by isolating towns from evolving trade networks. Railroad construction often bypassed established settlements in favor of more efficient routes, severing access to markets and suppliers; examples include Promontory, Utah, which thrived during the 1869 transcontinental railroad completion but declined sharply after the line's rerouting in 1904, reducing its population from thousands to near zero within years.[30] Similarly, towns like Perkinsville, Minnesota, faded after the St. Paul & Pacific Railroad opted for adjacent locations in 1868, undermining their commercial prospects.[31] These instances highlight the efficiency of free-market adjustments, where infrastructure capital reallocates to optimize connectivity, though they underscore vulnerabilities in single-industry dependencies.[32] Over-speculation during boom phases exacerbated busts, as rapid influxes of investment inflated infrastructure beyond sustainable demand, leading to stranded assets upon resource decline. Historical analyses of Western mining towns reveal that speculative fervor, driven by exaggerated claims of mineral wealth, often resulted in oversized populations and facilities that could not persist post-depletion, with many sites emptying as profitability evaporated.[33] While this mobility of resources fosters broader economic adaptation—evident in the persistence of major cities near persistent veins like Denver's ties to regional mining— it critiques unchecked optimism in extractive economies, where failure to diversify leaves communities prone to total abandonment. Studies of such dynamics emphasize that most 19th-century ghost towns stemmed from these extractive industry cycles, illustrating causal chains from resource finitude to demographic exodus.[34][29]Natural Disasters and Environmental Shifts
Natural disasters including floods, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions have prompted the evacuation and abandonment of settlements, though such events rarely act as the sole cause of ghost towns, often amplifying underlying economic or infrastructural weaknesses. For instance, the catastrophic failure of the St. Francis Dam in San Francisquito Canyon, California, on March 12, 1928, released approximately 12.4 billion gallons of water, sweeping through the canyon and downstream areas along the Santa Clara River, resulting in over 450 deaths and the destruction of ranches, homes, and small communities in the path. [35] The disaster rendered sections of the canyon uninhabitable due to debris flows and altered hydrology, leading to permanent abandonment of pre-existing rural habitations there, with remnants preserved as a national memorial site featuring an abandoned stretch of San Francisquito Canyon Road.[36] Similarly, the 1993 Great Flood of the Mississippi River submerged Valmeyer, Illinois, a town of about 900 residents, forcing complete relocation to a new site on higher ground approximately 3 miles away, while the original location was left as an undeveloped floodplain prone to recurrent inundation.[37] Volcanic activity has yielded comparable outcomes; the 2008 eruption of Chaitén volcano in Chile blanketed the nearby town of Chaitén in ash and prompted mandatory evacuation of its 4,000 inhabitants, with ongoing instability preventing repopulation and transforming it into a de facto ghost town.[38] In Iceland, recurrent eruptions from the Fagradalsfjall system since 2021, culminating in events in 2023 and 2024, necessitated the evacuation of Grindavík's 3,700 residents due to lava flows encroaching on infrastructure, leaving the town evacuated and its future uncertain as a preserved exclusion zone.[39] Environmental shifts, such as gradual dune migration or erosion cycles, contribute to decay in abandoned sites but seldom initiate depopulation independently. Kolmanskop, Namibia, established as a diamond mining settlement in 1906, saw its population dwindle by the 1950s after resource exhaustion, after which encroaching Namib Desert sands progressively buried buildings, accelerating structural collapse through abrasion and infilling—a process driven by prevailing wind patterns rather than recent climatic novelty.[40] [41] Historical droughts, like those in the 1930s U.S. Great Plains, exacerbated soil erosion in marginal farming areas but primarily triggered migrations through intertwined agricultural failures, not isolated geophysical causation.[42] These cases underscore that while acute disasters can decisively empty fragile locales, sustained shifts typically overlay prior economic unsustainability, with pre-industrial records indicating similar variability in aridity and sedimentation without modern infrastructural dependencies.Government Interventions and Policy Failures
Government-led infrastructure initiatives have induced abandonment by prioritizing centralized objectives over local sustainability. The Tennessee Valley Authority's dam constructions in the 1930s and 1940s submerged multiple communities to form reservoirs for hydroelectric power and flood mitigation. Norris Dam, completed in 1936, flooded Loyston, Tennessee, displacing around 70 families from a settlement dating to the early 1800s and rendering it an underwater ghost town.[43] The Kentucky Dam, finished in 1944, necessitated the full evacuation and abandonment of Birmingham, Kentucky, relocating over 200 families while inundating fertile farmland and structures.[44] These displacements affected thousands across the region, with TVA acquiring over 1.5 million acres, often through eminent domain, halting organic economic evolution in favor of top-down electrification.[45] Subsidized planned developments illustrate how state funding can prop up unviable locales, locking capital away from productive uses. In Soul City, North Carolina, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development provided approximately $32 million in loans and grants from 1969 onward to construct a model interracial community projected for 50,000 residents. Despite initial infrastructure like a hospital and school, economic underperformance and administrative issues led to foreclosure in 1981, leaving the site with fewer than 100 homes and structures decaying into a de facto ghost town by the 1990s.[46][47] In systems emphasizing central planning, directives to meet growth metrics have produced expansive but unoccupied urban areas. China's local governments, compelled by national GDP targets, invested trillions in new districts during the 2000s real estate boom, often without demand assessment. Kangbashi in Ordos, Inner Mongolia, designed for 1 million inhabitants with monumental architecture, registered occupancy under 5% in 2010, symbolizing misdirected resources exceeding $100 billion regionally.[48] Similarly, Chenggong near Kunming, developed from 1999 as an administrative hub, featured miles of vacant high-rises by 2010 due to speculative building detached from migration patterns.[49] Such policies contrast with market-driven adjustments, where private actors reallocate capital more responsively to actual needs, underscoring government interventions' tendency to amplify rather than mitigate decline.Conflicts, Wars, and Political Upheaval
Conflicts and wars often result in ghost towns through massacres, invasions, and forced displacements that render areas uninhabitable due to destruction, ongoing hostilities, or deliberate preservation as memorials. In such cases, populations flee en masse, leaving behind infrastructure that decays without maintenance, as return is precluded by territorial disputes or trauma. Political upheavals, including civil wars and ethnic conflicts, exacerbate abandonment by eroding security and economic viability, leading to self-sustaining cycles of depopulation.[50] A prominent example is Oradour-sur-Glane in France, where on June 10, 1944, Waffen-SS troops from the Das Reich Division massacred 642 villagers—men shot in barns, women and children burned in the church—and razed the settlement in reprisal amid [World War II](/page/World War II) operations following the D-Day landings. The site was left unrestored by French decree as a permanent witness to Nazi atrocities, with ruins including charred vehicles and buildings preserved to this day, preventing repopulation.[50][51] In Cyprus, the Varosha district of Famagusta was abandoned by its roughly 15,000 Greek Cypriot residents in August 1974 during the Turkish military intervention, which followed a Greek-backed coup and partitioned the island. Fearing advancing forces, inhabitants fled with minimal possessions, leaving homes, hotels, and shops intact but sealed off by Turkish authorities as a bargaining chip, resulting in over four decades of neglect and urban decay.[52] The First Nagorno-Karabakh War produced Aghdam in Azerbaijan, a city of about 28,000 seized by Armenian forces in July 1993 as they advanced beyond the disputed enclave. Residents evacuated amid shelling, and subsequent looting and deliberate destruction reduced much of the city to rubble, including its mosque and Soviet-era apartments, creating a vast no-man's-land until Azerbaijani recapture in November 2020.[53][54]Health Epidemics and Sanitation Failures
In medieval Europe, the Black Death (1347–1351), a bubonic plague pandemic transmitted primarily by Yersinia pestis bacteria via flea vectors in unsanitary, rodent-infested environments, directly depopulated entire villages through high mortality and subsequent abandonment driven by survivor flight. Specific cases include Tilgarsley and Tusmore in Oxfordshire, England, where documentary records indicate complete community extinction from plague fatalities, leaving archaeological remnants as deserted medieval villages (DMVs); England alone preserves evidence of over 3,000 such sites, with plague as a key causal factor in acute wipeouts despite overlapping agrarian shifts.[55] Poor sanitation—lacking sewage systems and relying on open pits—facilitated secondary pneumonic spread, amplifying contagion in dense rural clusters.[56] Nineteenth-century cholera epidemics, caused by Vibrio cholerae in fecally contaminated water supplies amid rapid urbanization without infrastructure, similarly triggered desertions in frontier settlements. Hindostan Falls, Indiana, established circa 1808 with ambitions as a regional hub exceeding Indianapolis in size, collapsed after a 1820–1822 outbreak blending cholera and yellow fever; inadequate sanitation via river-dependent water sources and rudimentary waste disposal led to mass deaths and exodus, reducing the population to near zero by 1824 and rendering the site a ghost town.[57] In Portuguese-controlled Old Goa, India, recurrent cholera and malaria waves from the 1600s, worsened by overcrowding, monsoon-flooded streets, and absent piped sanitation, depopulated the former trade capital from 200,000 residents to abandonment by the mid-1700s as fear and mortality overwhelmed containment efforts.[58] The 1918–1919 influenza pandemic provided another vector for health-driven ghosting in nascent industrial outposts lacking isolation protocols or medical capacity. Midco, Missouri, a short-lived iron boomtown peaking at thousands in 1917, suffered catastrophic losses in October 1918 when Spanish flu infected most residents and killed dozens outright; the absence of quarantine infrastructure and reliance on communal barracks accelerated airborne transmission, prompting total evacuation and non-recovery into a ghost town by the 1920s.[59][60] Empirical patterns show sanitation deficits—shared wells, open defecation—exacerbated water- and vector-borne risks in these cases, with recovery improbable absent external intervention due to eroded social cohesion post-outbreak.[61] Twentieth-century non-communicable health crises, akin to epidemics in scale, compelled evacuations via chronic exposure threats. Pripyat, Ukraine, a planned city of 49,000 built adjacent to the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant, was fully evacuated on April 27, 1986—36 hours after the reactor explosion—to avert acute radiation syndrome (ARS) and stochastic cancers; initial doses exceeded 0.8 Gy for 134 exposed workers (28 fatalities), with fallout contamination via airborne particles necessitating indefinite exclusion to curb thyroid cancers (linked to iodine-131) and leukemias.[62] Wittenoom, Western Australia, an asbestos mining hub operational 1937–1966, devolved into effective abandonment from the 1960s as crocidolite fiber inhalation triggered mesotheliomas and lung cancers in over 2,000 former residents and workers; government-mandated closures by 2022 cited persistent airborne hazards from tailings, overriding sanitation parallels with unremediated dust as the vector.[63] These instances underscore causal chains where infrastructure lags (e.g., unlined tailings dams, unsealed reactors) parallel sanitation oversights, yielding abandonment when projected morbidity outpaces mitigation.[63]Characteristics of Ghost Towns
Physical Structures and Decay Processes
In ghost towns originating from resource extraction, such as 19th-century mining settlements, surviving structures typically include wooden saloons, general stores, assay offices, boarding houses, and miners' cabins clustered around vertical mineshafts or horizontal adits.[64][65] These buildings were often framed with dimension lumber or log construction, featuring shingle or metal roofs, and stone or brick foundations where local materials permitted, reflecting rapid, low-cost assembly to support transient populations.[66] Natural decay processes follow principles of material entropy, where exposure to environmental stressors erodes structural integrity over decades. Weathering from wind, solar radiation, and thermal expansion-contraction cycles causes cracking and spalling in masonry and metal elements, while precipitation facilitates corrosion in ferrous components like nails and roofing.[67] In humid or temperate climates, biological decay dominates, with fungi and wood-boring insects degrading untreated timber through rot and infestation, often reducing load-bearing capacity within 15-40 years for above-ground elements.[68] Arid environments, by contrast, inhibit microbial activity due to low moisture, preserving wooden frameworks and adobe structures for 100 years or more through desiccation rather than decomposition, as seen in desert locales where relative humidity below 20% limits fungal growth.[69][70] Anthropogenic factors exacerbate these natural processes: scavenging for salvageable metals, fixtures, and lumber removes critical components, accelerating collapse, while vandalism introduces targeted damage like broken windows that invite further water ingress and freeze-thaw deterioration.[71][72] Untreated wooden roofs, unsupported by maintenance, commonly fail first under accumulated debris or minor seismic activity, with half-lives for structural viability estimated at 20-50 years in unprotected settings, varying by exposure.[73] Key visual indicators of advanced abandonment include sagging or fully collapsed roofs from unchecked load accumulation and material fatigue, alongside unmaintained roads exhibiting potholing, vegetation encroachment, and erosion that render them impassable within 10-20 years of disuse.[74][75] These markers distinguish partial remnants from total site reversion to wilderness, where subsurface mineshafts may remain intact longer due to burial but pose subsidence risks as surrounding supports decay.[76]Demographic and Social Remnants
In ghost towns, demographic remnants are characterized by minimal holdout populations, typically consisting of caretakers, property stewards, or rare squatters who maintain a presence amid widespread abandonment. These individuals often number fewer than a dozen and represent a negligible fraction—frequently under 1%—of historical peak populations, as verified through state park records and ownership deeds rather than formal censuses, which cease for unincorporated sites once thresholds for enumeration drop below viable levels. For example, Bodie, California, peaked at around 10,000 residents in 1880 before declining to zero permanent inhabitants by the mid-20th century, with only seasonal park staff providing oversight today.[64][77] Such holdouts endure profound social isolation, compounded by geographic remoteness and lack of community infrastructure, leading to documented psychological challenges including loneliness and self-reliance burdens. In Cerro Gordo, California, owner Brent Underwood resided as the sole permanent occupant from 2018 onward for over three years, citing isolation as a primary struggle alongside logistical maintenance demands in an otherwise deserted mining settlement.[78] Empirical accounts from similar lone residents, such as in Yeso, New Mexico, underscore how decades-long solitude in depopulated locales fosters adaptive but strained social dynamics, with interactions limited to infrequent visitors or supply runs.[79] Social remnants extend to abandoned artifacts that empirically signal the pace of community dissolution, distinguishing sudden evacuations—marked by intact personal effects like uneaten meals, clothing, and children's toys—from gradual exits where valuables were systematically removed. Archaeological analyses of settlement abandonments reveal that perishable or domestic items left as "site furniture" in hasty departures preserve traces of everyday life, offering causal insights into disruption events like disasters versus economic attrition.[80] In mining ghost towns, for instance, scattered relics such as bottles, tools, and play items like marbles indicate familial presence prior to final outflows, reflecting sociological patterns of familial migration and asset liquidation over time.[81][82] Verification of these remnants relies on cross-referenced historical records, including U.S. Census Bureau data for incorporated locales showing terminal declines (e.g., from thousands to under 100 by the 1940s in sites like Bodie), supplemented by modern remote sensing. Satellite imagery from platforms like Google Earth confirms persistent low-density or absent habitation signatures, with no clustered structures or vehicular activity indicative of sustained populations, thereby validating the demographic void in canonical examples.[83][84]Repopulation Dynamics
Market-Driven Revivals
In instances where legal ownership of abandoned properties is unambiguous, private investors have initiated revivals by leveraging market demand for heritage tourism or niche economic activities, bypassing state intervention. Clear property rights reduce transaction costs and litigation risks, enabling entrepreneurs to acquire sites at low prices and adapt them for revenue generation, as evidenced in analyses of vacant property dynamics where defined titles correlate with higher redevelopment rates compared to disputed holdings.[85] Such market signals—visitor willingness to pay for authentic experiences—provide ongoing incentives for upkeep, fostering sustainability absent in subsidy-dependent models. A prominent case is Virginia City, Nevada, which declined sharply after the Comstock Lode's peak production ended around 1880, reducing its population from over 25,000 to a few hundred by the early 20th century. Private operators revived the town starting in the 1950s through investments in restored saloons, museums, and mine tours, capitalizing on growing interest in Western history; by the 1960s, tourism had transformed it into a viable commercial hub with annual visitors exceeding 200,000, sustaining local employment in hospitality and retail without primary reliance on public funds.[86] [87] Jerome, Arizona, exemplifies artistic and tourism-driven resurgence: after copper mining ceased post-World War II, its population fell below 100 by the 1950s, leaving most structures derelict. In the 1960s and 1970s, private buyers—artists and small business owners—purchased properties for as little as a few hundred dollars, converting them into galleries, studios, and bed-and-breakfasts amid the town's scenic perch on Cleopatra Hill; this organic influx grew the resident population to around 500 by 2020, with tourism revenue from over 1 million annual visitors supporting preservation through private ventures like wine tasting rooms and haunted tours.[88] [89] These examples highlight advantages of market-driven approaches, including adaptive reuse that aligns costs with demand, yielding long-term viability as seen in sustained occupancy and revenue streams. Drawbacks include infrastructure strain from high visitor volumes, which can accelerate decay in unrestored buildings and erode historical authenticity through commercialization, though private owners often mitigate this via tiered access fees. Resource-based revivals remain rarer, with modern technology enabling select private reopenings of depleted mines—such as enhanced extraction methods—but typically boosting peripheral economies rather than fully repopulating towns due to mechanized operations requiring fewer workers.[90]Government-Led Attempts and Outcomes
Governments worldwide have initiated programs to repopulate depopulated or abandoned areas, often through subsidies, low-cost housing sales, and infrastructure grants, aiming to reverse economic decline and bolster rural or urban peripheries. These efforts typically involve local authorities offering financial incentives to attract residents, such as tax breaks or relocation payments, but outcomes frequently reveal inefficiencies stemming from mismatched demand signals and high implementation costs. Empirical assessments highlight persistent underutilization, with bureaucratic hurdles and inadequate job creation undermining sustainability.[91][92] ![Chenggong ghost district, Kunming, China][float-right] In China, central and local governments pursued aggressive urbanization policies in the 2010s, constructing vast new districts and offering incentives like subsidized mortgages and migration quotas to fill "ghost cities" such as Ordos and Zhengzhou's Zhengdong New District. These initiatives, driven by land sale revenues funding local budgets, targeted occupancy in overbuilt areas but resulted in widespread vacancies, with estimates of 65 to 80 million empty housing units nationwide as of 2025. Housing utilization efficiency in urbanized zones declined from 84% in 2010 to 78% in 2020, reflecting overinvestment without corresponding population inflows, as local officials prioritized construction metrics over viable demand. While some districts saw gradual filling through economic spillover—such as in parts of Tianducheng—long-term success remains limited, with new urban areas exhibiting only 7.69% of the vitality of established ones, underscoring how fiscal incentives distorted resource allocation toward cronies in real estate rather than organic growth.[93][91][94][95] European examples illustrate similar challenges in rural revival. In Italy, municipalities in regions like Sicily and Sardinia launched "one-euro house" schemes since the 2010s, selling derelict properties for nominal fees plus renovation commitments to combat depopulation in villages such as Patrica and Ollolai. Despite attracting media attention, these programs have yielded minimal results, with many listings unsold due to restoration costs exceeding €50,000 per unit and insufficient local employment, leaving occupancy gains negligible in participating towns. Spain's regional governments, including in Extremadura and Galicia, have offered grants of €6,000 to €15,000 per resident since 2020 to resettle abandoned villages, supplemented by tax reductions for young buyers. Initial relocations occurred, particularly via refugee integrations, but sustained repopulation falters amid infrastructural decay and job scarcity, with programs failing to reverse net outflows in most targeted areas.[96][97][92][98] Critically, these interventions often amplify failures by overriding market-driven migration, favoring politically connected developers and imposing delays from regulatory compliance, as seen in China's land monopoly system where officials extract revenue from sales without ensuring end-use viability. Achievements, such as upgraded roads and utilities in incentivized zones, provide ancillary benefits but rarely catalyze self-sustaining communities without private sector follow-through. Data from multiple cases indicate success rates below 20% for long-term demographic stabilization, contrasting with higher retention in unsubsidized revivals elsewhere, attributable to governments' inability to replicate genuine economic pulls.[99][100][101]Contemporary Barriers to Renewal
Legal barriers, particularly stringent environmental regulations, often impede the redevelopment of ghost towns by mandating comprehensive site assessments and remediation for contamination, which can extend timelines and escalate expenses beyond feasibility for private investors.[102] In the United States, sites classified under frameworks akin to the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) require identification of hazardous substances through environmental site assessments before any reuse, deterring projects where perceived risks outweigh benefits. Eminent domain processes, intended to consolidate fragmented land holdings common in abandoned settlements, frequently encounter disputes over just compensation and public use justification, further complicating assembly for renewal efforts.[103] Economic obstacles compound these issues, with remediation costs for contaminated sites averaging approximately $27 million per Superfund location, straining budgets for smaller-scale ghost town revivals lacking federal designation or funding.[104] The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency estimates annual expenditures for existing sites ranging from $335 million to $681 million, highlighting how underfunding and high per-site outlays—often involving removal of legacy pollutants from mining or industrial activities—render many projects uneconomical without subsidies.[105] Moreover, the absence of basic amenities such as reliable utilities, transportation links, and proximate markets in remote ghost towns necessitates substantial upfront infrastructure investments, which fail to yield returns absent a viable economic driver like resource extraction or tourism demand. Social and geographic factors perpetuate decline through stigma tied to abandonment and environmental hazards, fostering perceptions of inherent risk that discourage settlement even when physical barriers are addressed.[106] Residents and potential investors associate such locales with deteriorated infrastructure and historical failures, amplifying aversion in an era prioritizing urban connectivity and safety. Remoteness exacerbates this, as isolated locations lack the agglomeration benefits of population density—access to labor pools, suppliers, and services—essential for sustaining communities; without a compelling value proposition, such as untapped natural resources or policy incentives, influx remains negligible, rooted in basic economic causality where human settlement follows opportunity rather than vacancy alone.[90]Global Examples
North America
North America hosts thousands of ghost towns, predominantly in the United States, where resource extraction industries drove rapid settlement followed by swift depopulation upon resource exhaustion or operational failures.[3] Over 3,800 such sites have been documented across the U.S., many originating from 19th-century mining booms in gold, silver, and coal, illustrating the vulnerability of single-industry economies to commodity price fluctuations and geological limits.[3] Canada and Mexico contribute fewer but notable examples, tied to analogous extractive cycles in remote frontiers. In the United States, Bodie, California, exemplifies the gold rush archetype: initial discoveries in 1859 escalated into a boom by the 1870s, peaking at approximately 10,000 residents with saloons, mills, and a Chinatown district by 1880, before ore vein depletion and fires triggered collapse by the late 1880s, leaving the site preserved as a state historic park.[107][64] Centralia, Pennsylvania, diverges slightly as a coal town undermined by disaster; an underground mine fire ignited in May 1962 from trash burning in an open pit spread uncontrollably, releasing toxic gases and causing subsidence that prompted federal buyouts and evacuation of nearly all 1,000 residents by 1992, rendering it largely uninhabited.[108] These cases underscore causal chains where initial profitability masked unsustainable dependencies on finite subsurface assets. Canada's Yukon Territory features remnants from the 1896-1899 Klondike Gold Rush, which drew over 100,000 prospectors but yielded ephemeral settlements as placer deposits waned post-1900.[109] Sites like Silver City and roadside camps along the Klondike Highway, once housing thousands of miners and support workers, devolved into foundations and artifacts after the rush's end, with harsh Arctic conditions accelerating abandonment.[109][110] Mexico's silver mining heritage produced ghost towns in arid highlands, such as Real de Catorce in San Luis Potosí, established in 1779 amid prolific veins that sustained a population of 15,000-20,000 until exhaustion and the 1910 Revolution diminished output by the early 20th century, leaving a semi-abandoned core amid pilgrimage traffic.[111] Mineral de Pozos in Guanajuato similarly thrived on silver and gold from the 16th century but faded after 1906 mine closures due to flooding and low yields, preserving colonial ruins that highlight Spain's extractive colonial model extended into independence.[112] Across the region, these depopulations reflect empirical patterns of over-reliance on non-renewable resources, where speculative influxes ignored long-term viability absent diversification.Europe
Europe's ghost towns often stem from a combination of wartime destruction, natural disasters, industrial collapses, and political upheavals following World War II, contrasting with more resource-driven abandonments elsewhere. Post-1945, while many war-damaged areas were rebuilt through Marshall Plan aid and national efforts, specific sites tied to massacres or strategic withdrawals remained derelict as memorials or due to unresolved conflicts. Industrial declines, particularly in coal mining, led to depopulation in the United Kingdom after the 1984–1985 miners' strike, which accelerated pit closures; by 1994, nearly all deep coal mines had shut, leaving communities like those in Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire with persistent economic stagnation and population outflows exceeding 20% in some locales.[113][114] In southern Europe, seismic events prompted abrupt evacuations without on-site reconstruction. The 1980 Irpinia earthquake, registering 6.9 magnitude on November 23, devastated over 600 municipalities in Campania and Basilicata, killing nearly 3,000 and rendering villages like Romagnano al Monte and Conza della Campania uninhabitable; these sites were abandoned as residents relocated to new settlements kilometers away, preserving the ruins amid slow decay.[115][116] Similarly, Craco in Basilicata, evacuated progressively from the 1960s due to landslides but finalized post-1980 quakes, exemplifies how geophysical risks compounded demographic shifts in rural Italy.[117] Eastern Europe's abandonments frequently trace to Soviet-era infrastructure rendered obsolete after 1991. Military garrisons like Klomino in Poland and Szentkirályszabadja in Hungary, built to house thousands of troops and families, were vacated en masse upon Warsaw Pact dissolution, leaving barracks and amenities to deteriorate without economic repurposing.[118] Scientific outposts, such as Irbene in Latvia, a radio astronomy complex operational until 1993, similarly decayed as funding evaporated post-independence.[119] Empirical patterns indicate political ruptures—wars, regime changes, and forced relocations—account for a higher proportion of Europe's intact ghost towns compared to gradual economic attrition, as evidenced by over 20 documented Soviet legacy sites versus fewer purely market-failed industrial relics.[120] Preservation efforts distinguish some European cases from total erasure. Oradour-sur-Glane in France, site of a 1944 Waffen-SS massacre claiming 642 lives on June 10, was decreed unrestored by Charles de Gaulle to memorialize Nazi atrocities, with ruins maintained as a national site drawing visitors while barring repopulation.[50][121] This approach, prioritizing historical testimony over revival, underscores causal realism in policy: political will can sustain dereliction longer than market forces alone, though tourism has stabilized nearby economies without reversing abandonment.[122]Asia and Oceania
In China, rapid urbanization driven by central government directives has led to extensive overbuilding, resulting in numerous underoccupied districts often labeled ghost cities. Kangbashi District in Ordos, Inner Mongolia, exemplifies this, with construction commencing in 2004 for a planned capacity of one million residents by 2023, yet featuring vast empty streets and buildings for years due to speculative real estate investment and premature infrastructure development ahead of actual population influx.[123][124] By 2021, its population reached approximately 119,000, indicating partial occupancy but persistent underutilization stemming from reliance on housing as an economic stimulus rather than organic demand.[124] Similar patterns appear in developments like Chenggong near Kunming, where thousands of apartments stood vacant post-2000s construction, reflecting systemic incentives for local governments to meet growth targets through debt-fueled projects disconnected from market realities.[94] Japan's ghost towns arise primarily from disaster-induced evacuations rather than planning excesses, as seen in the Fukushima Prefecture zones following the 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami, which damaged the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant and prompted the displacement of over 160,000 residents.[125] Towns like Namie, with 21,000 pre-disaster inhabitants, remain largely uninhabited due to persistent radiation concerns, transforming once-vibrant communities into derelict areas with overgrown infrastructure.[126] As of 2020, more than 41,000 individuals from these zones were still displaced, underscoring the long-term demographic void caused by safety necessities rather than economic miscalculation, though slow repopulation efforts highlight challenges in restoring habitability.[125] In Australia, ghost towns frequently result from the exhaustion or economic unviability of opencast mining operations, contrasting with Asia's state-directed overbuilds. The opal mining settlement of Mintabie in South Australia, active since the 1910s, saw its last residents depart by 2019 after mine depletion and regulatory restrictions, leaving behind abandoned structures amid environmental rehabilitation efforts.[127] Similarly, historical gold and copper towns like those in Victoria's Jubilee region declined post-boom in the late 19th century, with recent closures such as Mount Isa's copper operations in 2025 signaling potential for further depopulation in resource-dependent outback communities when global commodity prices falter or deposits wane.[128][129] These cases illustrate market-driven cycles in Oceania's extractive economies, where peripheral settlements emerge and fade with resource viability, unmitigated by the anticipatory excesses seen in centrally planned Asian urbanization.[130]Africa and South America
In Africa, ghost towns frequently arise from the exhaustion of mineral resources amid arid environments and historical colonial exploitation, with post-colonial conflicts accelerating depopulation and hindering preservation. Kolmanskop, located in Namibia's Namib Desert, exemplifies this pattern; established in 1908 following diamond discoveries, the town supported around 300 German miners and their families at its peak in the 1920s, featuring European-style architecture including a hospital, school, and ballroom.[40] [131] By the 1930s, diamond yields declined sharply, prompting relocation to richer coastal fields, and the settlement was fully abandoned by 1956, after which encroaching sand dunes buried structures under meters of sediment due to the region's hyper-arid conditions and shifting winds.[40] [131] Limited preservation stems from scavenging for materials in resource-scarce settings, though Kolmanskop's isolation has allowed partial survival as a tourist site managed by Namdeb, a diamond corporation.[131] Political instability from civil wars has created additional abandoned sites across Africa, particularly in Angola, where the 1975–2002 conflict displaced millions and left numerous rural settlements deserted. In southern Angola, São Martinho dos Tigres on Tigres Island became a ghost town after the war severed access via a shifting sandbar and destroyed infrastructure, with pre-war populations of fishermen and military personnel fleeing violence that claimed over 500,000 lives nationwide.[132] Empirical data from the war indicates that conflict zones like Cuando Cubango province saw village abandonment rates exceeding 80% due to guerrilla tactics and landmines, though rapid post-war looting dismantled most remnants, contrasting with better-preserved mining relics.[132] In South America, resource-driven ventures by foreign entities often failed due to environmental mismatches and labor issues, yielding ghost towns tied to extractive industries. Fordlândia, founded in 1928 by the Ford Motor Company in Brazil's Amazon basin, aimed to cultivate rubber on 2.5 million acres to bypass British monopolies, housing up to 2,500 workers in a prefabricated American-style community with hospitals, schools, and golf courses.[133] [134] The project collapsed by 1934 from leaf blight devastating Hevea trees, unsuitable soil, and worker revolts against imposed diets and segregation, leading to abandonment after $20 million in losses (equivalent to hundreds of millions today); Ford sold the site in 1945, leaving decaying bungalows and machinery amid regrowing jungle.[133] [134] Such cases highlight causal failures in transplanting temperate industrial models to tropical ecosystems, with limited scavenging due to remoteness preserving ruins as informal heritage sites.[134]Modern Developments and Trends
Urban Decline in Western Cities
In major Western metropolitan areas, particularly in the United States, urban decline has manifested not as complete abandonment but as "ghost districts"—zones of high commercial and residential vacancy that render sections of cities eerily underpopulated during business hours or evenings, resembling partial ghost towns. National office vacancy rates reached 18.6% in September 2025, exceeding pre-pandemic levels and reflecting structural shifts in work patterns and economic vitality.[135] This phenomenon contrasts with total depopulation seen in rural or resource-extraction ghost towns, instead featuring persistent underutilization amid ongoing citywide activity.[136] San Francisco exemplifies this trend, with office vacancy rates hovering at 33.6% in Q3 2025, following a peak of 37% in Q2 2024, driven initially by remote work adoption post-2020 but compounded by visible disorder.[137] [138] The city's population declined by approximately 50,000 residents from 2020 to 2024, correlating with a homelessness count exceeding 8,300 individuals in 2024, up 7% from 2022, which has fueled resident and business flight through heightened public safety concerns.[139] [140] Surveys indicate 70% of residents view homelessness as a top issue exacerbating exodus, with empirical links to reduced foot traffic in districts like SoMa and the Financial District, where empty skyscrapers dominate skylines.[141] Detroit's core districts illustrate longer-term partial ghosting rooted in deindustrialization, which eroded manufacturing jobs from the mid-20th century onward, leaving metro office vacancies at 22.3% in Q2 2024.[142] While downtown vacancy stabilized near 10% by late 2023 through targeted revitalization, peripheral neighborhoods persist with higher rates, compounded by crime and economic stagnation that deter reinvestment.[143] Similar patterns appear in other U.S. metros like Seattle and Austin, where vacancies exceed 25-30% in tech-heavy submarkets, signaling broader Western urban challenges beyond isolated events.[136] Causal factors include historical deindustrialization, which displaced blue-collar workforces and hollowed out urban economies, alongside recent spikes in crime and homelessness that empirically accelerate out-migration.[144] [145] Policy shortcomings, such as stringent zoning regulations and high business taxes, have impeded adaptive reuse of vacant spaces, while lenient enforcement on public nuisances has amplified decline in affected districts.[146] These elements foster self-reinforcing cycles of disinvestment, though not irreversible abandonment, as evidenced by pockets of private-led recovery amid overall stagnation.[147]Overbuilt Developments in Centrally Planned Economies
In China's state-directed economy, overbuilt urban developments emerged prominently during the 2000s and 2010s, driven by central government mandates prioritizing rapid infrastructure expansion to boost GDP figures. Local officials, evaluated on economic output metrics, pursued ambitious construction projects financed through municipal debt and land lease revenues, often anticipating future population inflows that failed to materialize due to mismatched supply with actual demand signals. This top-down approach resulted in vast underoccupied districts, exemplifying resource misallocation in systems where price mechanisms are subordinated to administrative targets.[148][49] Kangbashi District in Ordos, Inner Mongolia, serves as a paradigmatic case: initiated in the early 2000s with capacity scaled for 300,000 to 500,000 residents, it registered only 20,000 to 30,000 inhabitants by 2010, leaving expansive apartment blocks and public facilities largely vacant. Similarly, Chenggong New Area near Kunming, Yunnan, planned in the 2000s for 1.5 million people, featured rows of unoccupied high-rises and administrative centers by the mid-2010s, underscoring the perils of preemptively constructing without validated economic anchors. Tianducheng near Hangzhou, a themed development mimicking Paris with replicas of the Eiffel Tower, suffered chronic low occupancy post-2007 completion, as speculative real estate investment outpaced organic settlement. These projects, fueled by easy credit and policy incentives, contributed to an estimated 65 million vacant urban properties nationwide by the late 2010s.[123][149][150] The underlying causality traces to distorted incentives in centrally coordinated investment, where capital flows toward prestige projects rather than consumer-driven needs, amplifying debt burdens—local government liabilities swelled to trillions of yuan—without corresponding productivity gains. Empirical outcomes reveal the limitations of such planning: while initial overinvestment wasted resources on ghost infrastructure, partial repopulation in areas like Kangbashi, reaching approximately 100,000 residents by the 2020s through forced relocations and relaxed hukou restrictions, occurred only after market pressures prompted adjustments. This contrasts with market-oriented urban expansion in the United States, where the country lacks equivalent ghost cities built speculatively from scratch on this scale; vacancies are more often in existing older housing stock due to population shifts, economic decline (e.g., Rust Belt cities), or seasonal use, where incremental development aligns supply with verifiable demand, minimizing vacancies and fostering sustainable growth patterns. Reports from outlets scrutinizing state-led models, often overlooked in academia favoring interventionist narratives, highlight these inefficiencies as cautionary evidence against supplanting decentralized decision-making.[151][152][148]Empirical Evaluation of Climate-Driven Claims
Claims that anthropogenic climate change is systematically producing ghost towns have appeared in mainstream media, exemplified by a 2023 CNN article identifying five cases: Vunidogoloa, Fiji (relocated in 2014 due to rising seas and cyclones); Isle de Jean Charles, Louisiana (partial relocation by 2023 amid erosion and storms); Cotul Morii, Moldova (submerged by 2010 flooding); Chacaltaya Ski Resort, Bolivia (closed in 2009 after glacier melt); and Valmeyer, Illinois (relocated post-1993 Mississippi flood).[42] Similar assertions in a 2020 Scientific American piece highlight U.S. examples like Burrwood, Louisiana (eroded by subsidence and hurricanes); Holland Island, Maryland (sea-level rise and erosion); and wildfires in Shasta and Helena, California (2018 Carr Fire).[5] These narratives often frame isolated relocations or closures as harbingers of widespread abandonment, attributing causation primarily to intensified weather extremes linked to greenhouse gas emissions. Empirical scrutiny reveals these instances are exceptional rather than indicative of a dominant trend, frequently involving single catastrophic events compounded by local factors like inadequate infrastructure or prior development choices, rather than gradual climatic shifts.[153] For example, Valmeyer’s 1993 relocation followed a record flood but preserved community viability through proactive state and federal aid, with the original site repurposed for agriculture rather than left derelict.[5] In wildfire-prone areas, such as Paradise, California, after the 2018 Camp Fire destroyed over 18,000 structures and displaced 50,000 residents, rebuilding efforts have restored partial habitation, with approximately 3,000 residents by 2020 and ongoing construction mitigating total abandonment.[154][155] Permanent depopulation remains limited, as market-driven adaptation—insurance payouts, zoning reforms, and migration to safer locales—facilitates recovery or relocation without creating expansive ghost towns. Historical precedents underscore that abrupt climate variability, independent of modern anthropogenic influences, has long prompted similar abandonments, challenging attributions of uniqueness to contemporary warming. During the Little Ice Age (circa 1300–1850), severe droughts in the midcontinental United States led to the desertion of population centers by around 1450 CE, with archaeological evidence showing cessation of large-scale settlements amid reduced agricultural viability.[156] Norse colonies in Greenland collapsed around 1450 due to cooling temperatures and sea ice expansion, exacerbating resource scarcity.[157] Such events demonstrate natural fluctuations' capacity for localized depopulation, often reversed through human ingenuity like technological shifts or southward migrations, mirroring modern responses where economic incentives outweigh climatic pressures in sustaining or reviving communities. Quantitative analyses of ghost town formation prioritize resource exhaustion and market dynamics over environmental drivers, with climate cited as contributory in fewer than isolated cases amid thousands of primarily economic abandonments since the 19th century.[34] Displacement from climate-related hazards is predominantly temporary and internal, with return migration common post-event, as global reviews indicate most affected populations reinhabit areas once acute risks subside or mitigations are implemented.[158] This pattern aligns with causal evidence favoring adaptive resilience—via private investment and policy adjustments—over predictive models forecasting mass ghost towns, which rely on unverified projections rather than observed outcomes.[159] Sources advancing climate-centric narratives, including those from outlets with documented ideological leanings toward alarmism, warrant caution, as they selectively emphasize outliers while underrepresenting rebound data and historical analogs.Cultural Impact and Lessons
Tourism Exploitation and Preservation Debates
Tourism to ghost towns provides economic revenue that can support site maintenance and local economies, though quantifying direct benefits remains challenging due to varying management models. Bodie State Historic Park in California, for example, draws about 200,000 visitors each year, generating funds through $10 adult entry fees that contribute to arrested decay preservation efforts by state authorities and the nonprofit Bodie Foundation.[64][160] Similarly, Pennsylvania's Ghost Town Trail stimulates nearly $1.7 million in annual visitor spending on lodging, meals, and related services, bolstering regional economies tied to historic mining sites.[161] Proponents argue such income offsets natural deterioration, enabling controlled access that sustains structures longer than abandonment alone would allow. Yet heavy foot traffic exacerbates preservation risks, including vandalism, erosion, and accelerated decay from human interference. Montana's unprotected ghost towns suffer routine looting and arson by visitors, compounding weather-induced collapse and reducing intact buildings over time.[162] Overtourism has forced closures or restrictions at multiple abandoned sites worldwide, as unchecked exploration leads to graffiti, theft of artifacts, and structural instability from climbing or off-trail wandering.[163] Commercial elements, such as guided tours and souvenir vendors, further erode site authenticity by prioritizing accessibility over historical integrity, with critics noting that sanitized presentations dilute the raw evidence of abandonment. Debates over management pit public oversight against private enterprise, with empirical outcomes varying by site. Public entities like California's state parks enforce "arrested decay" policies to minimize intervention, but face funding shortages that limit enforcement against vandalism.[83] Private operations, such as Namdeb's control of Namibia's Kolmanskop ghost town, impose visitor caps to curb sand ingress and damage, yet studies around 2010 revealed ongoing deterioration despite tourism income.[40] UNESCO-listed heritage areas, including some near-abandoned historic zones, demonstrate mixed preservation results: while tourism elevates awareness and funds conservation, it often amplifies wear from mass visitation without proportional upkeep gains.[164] "Dark tourism" to sites like Ukraine's Chernobyl exclusion zone intensifies these tensions, attracting tens of thousands annually for its nuclear disaster allure but drawing critiques for sensationalizing human suffering. Observers highlight disrespectful behaviors, such as unauthorized selfies amid ruins, which commodify tragedy for profit and risk further site degradation through illicit access.[165][166] While tour operators claim educational value, empirical accounts from guides reveal tourist motivations often prioritize thrill over reflection, underscoring causal links between exploitation and authenticity loss absent rigorous ethical controls.[167]Insights for Economic Policy and Urban Resilience
Ghost towns illustrate the perils of economic policies that artificially sustain unviable settlements through subsidies, as government interventions often distort market signals and allocate resources inefficiently. In the 19th century, laissez-faire approaches during the Gilded Age permitted natural boom-and-bust cycles in resource-dependent communities without federal bailouts, enabling capital and labor to relocate to more productive areas and fostering overall economic dynamism.[168] [169] By contrast, modern subsidies—totaling billions for economic development programs—have frequently failed to revive declining locales, propping up mono-industry dependencies and exacerbating long-term decline rather than encouraging adaptation.[170] [171] Empirical analyses underscore that economic diversification enhances urban resilience, mitigating the risk of depopulation seen in single-sector reliant areas. Studies of deindustrialization reveal mono-industrial towns as particularly vulnerable to the loss of a dominant employer, with spillover effects amplifying job declines across the local economy.[172] [173] Diversified economies, by spreading risk across multiple industries, better withstand shocks, as evidenced by labor market models linking wage-rent balances to amenity-adjusted adaptability in isolated sites.[34] For policy, prioritizing deregulation—such as flexible zoning reforms—promotes adaptability by reducing barriers to repurposing land and infrastructure in response to shifting economic conditions. Restrictive zoning exacerbates housing shortages and socioeconomic divides, while reforms enabling varied development intensities bolster resilience against demographic and market pressures.[174] [175] These measures align with causal mechanisms where market-driven reallocation outperforms interventionist efforts to preserve outdated structures, serving as a caution against overreach in centrally planned or subsidized urban planning.[176]References
- https://en.wikivoyage.org/wiki/Ghost_towns