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Crystal Lee Sutton (née Pulley; December 31, 1940 – September 11, 2009) was an American union organizer and advocate who gained fame in 1979 when the film Norma Rae was released, based on events related to her being fired from her job at the J.P. Stevens plant in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina, on May 30, 1973, for "insubordination" after she copied an anti-union letter posted on the company bulletin board.[1][2]

Key Information

Union activism and recognition

[edit]

Sutton was one of the union activists during the J.P. Stevens controversy—one of "the ugliest episodes in labor history in the United States which took place from about 1963 to 1980"[3] during which Stevens "repeatedly harassed or fired union activists"[3] and the union "countered with a boycott of Stevens products"[3][4] and a "campaign to isolate the company by pressuring companies that dealt with Stevens or had Stevens officers on their boards."[1][3] In 1973 Crystal saw a union poster hanging in one of the seven mills in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina owned by J.P. Stevens & Company mills where three generations of her family had worked—living in a neighborhood where the Company "owned every shotgun house"[2] in Sutton's neighborhood. She had been "thinking about the paltry wages, the bone-tiring work and the stingy benefits that she and her parents had suffered. She wanted something better for her children."[2] In 1978 Sutton was fired after trying to unionize employees.[1][5] Shortly after, by August 28, 1978, Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) began to represent workers at the plant.[1]

The Textile Workers Union of America sent union organizer Eli Zivkovich to unionize J.P. Stevens & Company's Roanoke Rapids mills employees and worked with Sutton. He said "in {his} 20 years as an organizer he had never known anyone who matched Sutton's zeal."[2][6] "Management and others treated me as if I had leprosy," she stated.[7] Sutton earned $2.65 per hour folding towels (equivalent to $19.22 in 2025).[7]

She received threats and was finally fired from her job.[8] But before she left, she took one final stand, portrayed in Norma Rae. "I took a piece of cardboard and wrote the word UNION on it in big letters, got up on my work table, and slowly turned it around. The workers started cutting their machines off and giving me the victory sign. All of a sudden the plant was very quiet…"[1][9] Sutton was physically removed from the plant by police, but she achieved her goal.[10] On August 28, 1974, the 3,133 workers at the Roanoke Rapids plant[1] voted to allow The Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) to represent them by a slim 237 vote margin.[1] However, because of the intractability of J.P. Stevens, workers at the plant continued without a contract until 1980.[citation needed] Thanks to a coalition of black and white women employees of the mill, Sutton's national speaking tour, and local organizing on behalf of workers among religious groups, J.P. Stevens and ACTWU agreed to a settlement in 1980.[11] Sutton became a paid organizer for the ACTWU and went on a national speaking tour as "the real Norma Rae."[1] Sutton was the 13th recipient of the Pacem in Terris Peace and Freedom Award in 1980.[12] The honor was named after a 1963 encyclical letter, Pacem in terris (Peace on Earth), by Pope John XXIII, that calls upon all people of good will to secure peace among all nations.[citation needed]

Sutton was critical of the ACTWU for not supporting her after her arrest, relaying that union leaders "...acted like they were ashamed to have ever had anything to do with Crystal Lee." She reported that, when she was reinstated at J.P. Stevens, she was snubbed by the union organizer. "I mean, I walked into that mill that day and the organizer said he didn't even know who I was. There was nobody from the regional office. No press, nothing." Two days later she took her accumulated sick days to demonstrate her value to the union. Ultimately her relationship with the Union was mended and she began working directly for the ACTWU.[13]

Norma Rae

[edit]

The 1979 film Norma Rae, starring Sally Field, is based on Sutton's early union work.[8] The movie is based on the 1975 book about her by New York Times reporter Henry "Hank" Leifermann Crystal Lee: A Woman of Inheritance.[6] Her papers and memorabilia are located at Alamance Community College in North Carolina, where she took classes in nursing in 1988.[14]

Personal life

[edit]

Sutton was born Crystal Lee Pulley in Roanoke Rapids on December 31, 1940.[7] She married at 19, gave birth to her first child at 20, and was widowed at 21.[2] She married Larry Jordan Jr. and had her third child at 25. Following the events that made her famous and before the release of Norma Rae, she and Jordan were divorced.[10] She married Lewis Sutton Jr. about 1977. Obituaries state they were married 32 years.[10]

Death

[edit]

Crystal Lee Sutton died of inoperable brain cancer at Hospice Home in Burlington, North Carolina on September 11, 2009.[7][15]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
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Crystal Lee Sutton

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Crystal Lee Sutton (née Pulley; December 31, 1940 – September 11, 2009) was an American textile worker and labor organizer whose defiance against exploitative conditions at the J.P. Stevens mill in , catalyzed a pivotal unionization campaign and inspired the 1979 film . Born into a family of mill workers, Sutton began employment at J.P. Stevens as a teenager, enduring low wages of $2.65 per hour, hazardous environments, and anti-union reprisals as a mother of three by 1973. On May 30, 1973, she was fired after copying a company anti-union notice onto a clipboard, holding it aloft with "UNION" scrawled across it in bold letters to rally coworkers amid a Textile Workers Union of America drive. Sutton's stand drew national attention, amplifying the broader struggle against J.P. Stevens' resistance to , which included , firings, and portraying unions as disruptive to Southern mill . Despite legal reinstatement and back wages awarded in 1977 following rulings, she briefly returned to the mill before pursuing full-time , contributing to the eventual 1980 that boosted average wages to $5 per hour, established safety protocols, and introduced seniority protections for thousands of workers. Her story, dramatized in —which earned Sally Field an —highlighted the human cost of industrial exploitation and the tenacity required to overcome entrenched corporate opposition in the non-unionized South. Later in life, Sutton faced health battles, including a two-month denial of after her cancer , underscoring persistent vulnerabilities for working-class advocates even post-victory. While celebrated in labor circles for empowering Southern women in organizing efforts, her legacy includes critiques of union complacency, as evidenced by her public rebukes of figures who prioritized political alliances over gains. Sutton's empirical impact—transforming a single factory's dynamics into a model for regional union advances—remains a in causal persistence against systemic employer tactics.

Early Life

Birth and Family Background

Crystal Lee Sutton was born Crystal Lee Pulley on December 31, 1940, in , a rural in Halifax County where dominated the local economy. Her parents, Albert Joe Pulley and Hilda Odell Blythe Pulley, both worked in the textile mills, exposing her from an early age to the physical demands and economic precarity of Southern working-class life in the industry. This environment, marked by generational employment in low-wage factory labor, fostered a practical orientation toward self-reliance amid limited opportunities, as mill families navigated cycles of debt and job instability without broader social safety nets. Sutton was the first in her family to complete high school, reflecting a departure from the norm in her community where many children entered the workforce young to contribute to household income. Her upbringing in this context instilled an early awareness of labor's hardships, shaping a grounded in direct experience rather than abstract ideals, though formal remained secondary to familial economic pressures.

Entry into the Textile Workforce

Crystal Lee Sutton entered the textile workforce in her hometown of , a company-dominated where generations of families, including her own, relied on the industry for livelihood amid limited economic alternatives. Born into a poor household on December 31, 1940, she began contributing to family income as a teenager, reflecting the common practice in Southern mill communities where young workers supplemented household earnings through low-skill factory roles. At age 17 in 1957, while an 11th grader, Sutton secured her initial employment at J.P. Stevens & Company, one of the dominant local mills, on the 4 p.m. to midnight shift. Her duties involved the monotonous task of feeding shuttles of thread into looms, a entry-level operation requiring minimal training but demanding sustained attention to prevent production defects in the high-volume processing. Such positions exemplified the repetitive manual labor prevalent in mid-20th-century Southern operations, where machinery operation and formed the core of unskilled work. Work in these mills entailed extended shifts amid physically taxing conditions, including exposure to pervasive dust and lint that irritated respiratory systems, alongside constant machinery noise—factors contributing to chronic health strains over time, though medical recognition of issues like remained limited in the . Hours typically spanned 10 to 12 per day, six days weekly, with wages for Southern operatives averaging $1.13 hourly in 1950 and remaining below national manufacturing norms through the decade, often hovering under $1.50 for low-skill roles in areas. These pay scales, while above the federal minimum (which rose from $0.75 to $1.00 during the period), underscored the region's dependence on inexpensive, locally available labor to sustain competitive production. Sutton's trajectory mirrored the of non-unionized mill , characterized by frequent job shifts across local facilities due to seasonal demands, personal circumstances like family obligations, and the ease of hiring in labor-surplus towns. Following her initial stint at J.P. Stevens, she held various short-term positions in operations—another -adjacent field—and waitressing, driven by household needs rather than , before re-entering mill work in subsequent years. This pattern of intermittent, necessity-driven labor highlighted the voluntary yet precarious of entry-level textile roles in the pre-globalization Southern , where workers navigated opportunities within a constrained industrial ecosystem.

Union Organizing at J.P. Stevens

Initial Employment and Conditions

Crystal Lee Sutton returned to employment at the J.P. Stevens textile plant in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina, in 1972, after holding various other positions, working in the towel department where she folded and boxed towels for approximately $2.65 per hour. This wage aligned with industry standards for unskilled textile labor in the rural South during the early 1970s, where minimum wage was $1.60 per hour federally but market rates for mill work hovered around $2.50–$2.80. Her role involved repetitive manual tasks typical of the finishing department, contributing to the plant's production of household textiles amid a workforce dominated by local residents with limited alternatives to agriculture or seasonal farm labor. Workplace conditions at the Roanoke Rapids plants featured characteristic hazards of Southern textile mills, including chronic exposure to cotton dust and lint that posed risks of byssinosis (brown lung disease), high noise levels from operating looms and machinery exceeding safe decibel thresholds, and injury potential from unguarded equipment and fast-paced production lines. Poor ventilation exacerbated dust accumulation and respiratory strain, while the six-day workweek and shift rotations contributed to physical exhaustion, though no comprehensive pre-1973 injury statistics specific to Stevens' plants are documented beyond general industry reports of elevated accident rates. From the workers' perspective, these factors compounded low pay to foster dissatisfaction, yet the company provided relatively stable employment in a right-to-work state economy where mill jobs offered predictable paychecks superior to the volatility of tobacco farming or sharecropping prevalent in Halifax County. J.P. Stevens maintained a non-union environment as a deliberate strategy to preserve managerial flexibility and cost control, arguing that would elevate labor expenses through mandated hikes and benefits, rendering the firm less competitive against low-wage foreign imports flooding the U.S. market in the 1970s. Operating under (NLRB) guidelines and North Carolina's right-to-work laws—which prohibited compulsory union dues and allowed individual opt-outs—the company leveraged legal campaigning, employee communications, and selective improvements to counter organizing efforts without obligations. This approach aligned with broader practices aimed at sustaining profitability amid rising material costs and , providing for non-union employees in exchange for terms.

Escalation of Activism in 1973

In early 1973, Crystal Lee Sutton, a 32-year-old mother of three earning about $2.65 per hour packing towels at the J.P. Stevens mill in , joined the Textile Workers Union of America (TWUA) organizing drive targeting the company's non-unionized Southern plants. This involvement followed her attendance at an initial TWUA meeting held at a local , amid longstanding union efforts to penetrate the in the region, where only about 5 percent of workers were organized compared to 37-46 percent in equivalents. Sutton escalated her support by wearing a "I'm for TWUA" button on the job, distributing union leaflets to colleagues, hosting small meetings at her , and recruiting coworkers during breaks, before and after shifts. These tactics aimed to highlight grievances over low wages and harsh conditions while encouraging voluntary card-signing, though participation remained limited due to cultural aversion to unions in the —rooted in generations of anti-labor messaging—and workers' fears of economic dependency on mill jobs. J.P. Stevens management countered with heightened surveillance of suspected organizers, including Sutton, and issued warnings for activities deemed disruptive to productivity, such as prolonged break-time discussions; the company had previously terminated other outspoken union advocates, often within legal bounds under standards at the time.

The Stand and Immediate Firing

On May 30, 1973, at the J.P. Stevens plant in , Crystal Lee Sutton was terminated during her shift after defying a supervisor's order to cease copying a company-posted anti-union bulletin, an action interpreted by management as in violation of plant rules prohibiting union advocacy during work hours. Immediately prior to leaving the premises, Sutton climbed onto her folding workstation table and held aloft a cardboard sign she had improvised with the word "UNION" in bold letters, rotating slowly to ensure visibility across the factory floor to over 1,000 workers. This symbolic gesture prompted operators to shut down their machines in a coordinated show of support, halting production for 11 minutes until plant security and local police physically removed her from the site. The company's stated rationale for the dismissal centered on tied to unauthorized , though Sutton maintained it stemmed directly from her visible union organizing efforts amid documented poor working conditions, including low wages of $2.65 per hour and inadequate safety measures. The subsequently investigated and ruled the firing an under the National Labor Relations Act, as it interfered with protected concerted activity, but protracted legal proceedings delayed any remedy until 1978, when Sutton received $13,000 in back pay and brief reinstatement—highlighting limitations in regulatory enforcement against non-compliant employers. While eyewitness accounts from supportive workers described the episode as invigorating, with some flashing V-for-victory signs during the shutdown, the response was not unanimous; depositions from anti-union employees revealed fears of reprisals and job losses, underscoring divisions within the workforce where a significant portion, particularly among operators, remained wary of unionization due to perceived risks in the non-unionized Southern sector. This polarization reflected broader tensions in the organizing drive, with Sutton's stand energizing proponents but alienating those prioritizing employment stability over .

Post-Firing Challenges and Advocacy

Following her dismissal from J.P. Stevens on May 30, 1973, Sutton endured extended periods of in , a textile-dependent region with persistent high joblessness during the industry downturn. She supported her three children through sporadic minimum-wage positions at other mills, from which she was repeatedly terminated, and relied on compensation as low as $29 per week into the mid-1980s, underscoring the fragility of her household finances absent steady employment. Sutton pursued remedies through the , resulting in a 1977 federal court ruling that ordered her reinstatement alongside roughly 300 fellow workers and the distribution of $1.3 million in aggregate back wages for unfair labor practices spanning multiple years. Despite compliance with the order, she departed the facility soon after resuming work, deterred by enduring workplace antagonism and prioritizing union organizing over reimmersion in a punitive setting—a choice that sustained her exposure to economic instability even as litigation yielded partial monetary recovery after four years of appeals. This outcome illustrated the tangible burdens of such disputes, where delayed judicial intervention prolonged personal financial distress and offered limited buffer against recidivist poverty in a low-wage labor market.

National Recognition and Tours

Following her termination in 1973, the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) hired Crystal Lee Sutton as a paid organizer, enabling her to conduct national speaking tours throughout the to rally support against J.P. Stevens' anti-union practices. These efforts included public addresses at labor events and community gatherings across the , which drew media coverage highlighting the hazardous conditions, low wages, and retaliatory firings faced by workers in Stevens' Southern mills. Sutton's role gained further visibility through the 1975 book Crystal Lee: A Woman of Inheritance by journalist Henry P. Leifermann, which recounted her stand with the "UNION" sign and the ensuing hardships, amplifying the campaign's narrative amid ongoing NLRB cases and boycotts. This exposure contributed to mounting pressure on Stevens, resulting in a October 1980 settlement recognizing ACTWU at four Roanoke Rapids plants and yielding the first contract for 3,000 workers, featuring a 19% increase to an average exceeding $5 per hour along with back pay provisions. The tours, however, elicited mixed responses, with critics portraying them as scripted union advocacy detached from local worker priorities, while Sutton reflected on the heavy personal costs—including family strains and —against persistent plant-level resistance driven by fears of mill closures in an industry vulnerable to foreign competition. Despite these gains, broader union penetration at Stevens remained limited into the , as subsequent settlements coincided with plant consolidations and job reductions totaling thousands amid textile sector contraction.

Depiction in Media

The Book "Crystal Lee"

Crystal Lee, a Woman of Inheritance is a 1975 biography authored by Henry P. Leifermann, a New York Times reporter, chronicling the life of Sutton through interviews conducted with her and related parties. The 190-page work, published by Macmillan, focuses on Sutton's upbringing in the rural mill town of , her entry into labor as a teenager, and the familial legacy of low-wage factory employment spanning generations. Sutton's direct input via detailed personal disclosures ensured the account's grounding in verifiable experiences, including her responsibilities as a to four children amid economic . The narrative centers on the grueling mill conditions—such as lint-filled air, repetitive machinery hazards, and substandard wages—juxtaposed against Sutton's evolving , culminating in her 1973 holding a union aloft, which prompted her dismissal. Leifermann employs a first-person-heavy style, allowing Sutton's voice to convey the human toll of industrial labor and the resistance from J.P. Stevens management, without imposing a pronounced ideological lens like overt ; instead, it portrays her as a pragmatic worker asserting basic rights. This approach yields an unembellished depiction prioritizing empirical struggles over dramatic embellishment, distinguishing it from subsequent adaptations. While the book advanced the unionization narrative aligned with the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union's (ACTWU) campaign against J.P. Stevens, its journalistic origins via Leifermann mitigate overt partisanship, though the sympathetic framing reflects the era's labor advocacy priorities. It predates the 1979 film —for which rights were optioned—and provides the primary, less sensationalized source material drawn from Sutton's lived events.

Development and Content of Norma Rae

The film Norma Rae originated from the 1975 biography Crystal Lee, a Woman of Inheritance by Henry P. Leifermann, which documented Sutton's efforts to organize workers at the J.P. Stevens mill in . Producers, including 20th Century Fox, acquired the rights to adapt the book into a screenplay written by Irving Ravetch and Harriet Frank Jr., with direction by , known for socially conscious dramas like . The production emphasized a dramatized narrative of labor struggle, casting as Webster—a fictionalized for Sutton—and as Reuben Warshowsky, the archetype of an idealistic Northern dispatched to the . Released theatrically on March 2, 1979, the film grossed $22,228,000 in the United States and , reflecting strong audience interest in working-class themes amid late-1970s economic pressures. received the at the 52nd Oscars for her portrayal, highlighting the character's transformation from disillusioned mill hand to defiant activist. The screenplay, nominated for an Oscar but ultimately unsuccessful, drew from the book's factual basis while incorporating original elements to streamline the story for cinematic pacing. At its core, follows Webster's awakening to exploitative conditions—long hours, low wages, and health hazards from cotton dust—in a fictionalized Southern , culminating in her bold stand holding a spelling "UNION" to halt machinery, prompting her dismissal. This mirrors Sutton's documented 1973 action of copying and distributing an ACTWU leaflet, which led to her firing for after nine years of . However, the film condenses the real J.P. Stevens campaign, which spanned over a of collective ACTWU efforts involving thousands of workers across multiple plants from 1963 onward, into a focused individual arc emphasizing personal heroism and interpersonal tensions. Dramatizations include amplified depictions of workplace militancy, such as overt confrontations with management, and a romantic subplot involving Webster's relationships, which heightened emotional stakes but deviated from the protracted, community-wide organizing in Sutton's case, prioritizing narrative compression over historical duration.

Sutton's Criticisms of the Film's Portrayal

Sutton sought approval over the Norma Rae script, citing concerns about historical accuracy, but producers denied her request, prompting her to refuse the use of her name and likeness initially. She departed the production amid creative differences, objecting to its shift toward a feminist that she believed overshadowed the core issues of blue-collar worker mistreatment and economic hardships faced by families in mills. Instead, Sutton advocated for a portrayal emphasizing and dignity for laborers over ideological or gender-focused themes, aligning with her priorities rooted in practical union organizing rather than broader social movements. Sutton specifically criticized the depiction of the protagonist as promiscuous, a characterization director retained to illustrate personal growth, which clashed with her own life as a married Baptist mother and led her attorney to reject early release offers. She also disapproved of script alterations, such as transforming her real-life platonic, father-daughter-like relationship with Eli Zivkovich into a romantic subplot, further distancing the film from her experiences. These changes contributed to her view that the film overstated individual heroism, simplifying the collective union campaign by downplaying internal worker divisions, company legal tactics, and the protracted nature of the J.P. Stevens organizing effort. Following the 1979 release, Sutton sued the producers and secured a $52,000 settlement, reflecting ongoing reservations about the portrayal's fidelity despite eventual appreciation from some fellow workers. In later reflections, she expressed ambivalence, recognizing elements of truth but distrusting the film's polished narrative and its selective emphasis on her role amid broader labor realities.

Personal Life

Marriages and Family

Crystal Lee Sutton's first marriage occurred in 1959 at age 19 to a local worker, resulting in the birth of her son four months later; her husband died in a car accident when she was 20. She remarried Larry Jordan Jr., with whom she had two daughters, Elizabeth and Renee, during the early 1960s. This ended in in the mid-1970s, following strains from her increasing involvement in labor organizing. Sutton married Lewis Sutton Jr., a worker at a unionized plant, around 1977; the couple remained together for 32 years until her death. Lewis provided support during periods of transition, including shared residence in modest mill village housing. Sutton raised her three biological children while maintaining employment in textiles and later roles, often juggling multiple jobs to ensure stability without reliance on external aid. She incorporated her stepchildren from Lewis's prior relationships into the household, fostering a blended amid ongoing economic pressures.

Later Employment and Health Issues

Following her 1977 reinstatement at J.P. Stevens with back pay under , Sutton worked at the plant for only two days before quitting due to unresolved workplace hostilities and resuming full-time union organizing. In the late and early 1980s, she traveled as a spokeswoman for the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union, speaking at events to rally support for textile worker rights and sharing her experiences to inspire organizing efforts. After more than a decade in union roles, Sutton shifted to healthcare training, completing certification as a assistant through College's program in 1988. She later operated a day care center from her home, maintaining employment in low-wage service sectors characteristic of working-class persistence amid contraction. Sutton's prolonged exposure to during nearly two decades of intermittent mill work—from loading shuttles as a teenager to handling bales in her 30s—carried risks of , a respiratory ailment known as brown lung disease that afflicted thousands of laborers through chronic of airborne lint and fibers. While she did not attribute specific early symptoms to this hazard publicly, such occupational exposures were empirically linked to lung irritation, coughing, and diminished breathing capacity in affected workers, contributing to broader health vulnerabilities in her cohort.

Death

Diagnosis and Final Years

In January 2007, Crystal Lee Sutton was diagnosed with , a typically slow-growing form of brain cancer originating in the , though hers proved aggressive and life-threatening. The followed the onset of symptoms consistent with neurological impairment from the tumor's location and growth. Sutton underwent two surgical interventions to address the tumor, followed by a need for , but her provider denied coverage for the latter for two months, prompting her to contest the decision amid a deteriorating condition. Despite the delays and advancing disease, which rendered the cancer inoperable by 2009, she persisted in managing her treatment trajectory. Throughout her final years, Sutton maintained a low-profile existence in , relying on family support including her son Jay Jordan, while the tumor's progression limited her public activities. In a 2008 interview, she affirmed her activist drive, stating she had always been a "take-charge person," underscoring a continuity of personal agency amid health decline.

Passing and Memorials

Crystal Lee Sutton died on September 11, 2009, at the age of 68, succumbing to brain cancer after a prolonged illness. She passed away at a facility in , where she had been under care. Obituaries in major outlets, including on September 15 and the on September 20, centered on her union organizing efforts at the J.P. Stevens plant and her status as the real-life inspiration for the 1979 film , underscoring the dramatic standoff that led to her firing in 1973. These accounts highlighted her persistence in advocating for textile workers despite personal hardships, though they noted the ultimate failure of the union drive at her plant. Funeral services were handled by a local , funeral home, with family receiving friends and mourners. Memorial contributions were directed to the Crystal Lee Sutton Foundation via Truliant Federal Credit Union, reflecting her ongoing ties to community and labor causes. Tributes from labor organizations, such as the AFL-CIO, emphasized her role in worker rights campaigns during their state convention shortly after her death, but broader public commemorations remained confined to union networks and her local Roanoke Rapids area, consistent with her profile as a activist rather than a national figure.

Legacy

Achievements in Labor Organizing

Sutton's activism at the J.P. Stevens textile plants in Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina, contributed to the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) securing recognition in 1974 following a representation election, marking an initial victory in a protracted campaign against employer resistance. Her firing in 1973 for copying and distributing an anti-union notice—prompting her to hold up a "UNION" sign assembled from paper scraps—drew national attention and reinvigorated organizing efforts amid documented unfair labor practices by the company. As a full-time ACTWU organizer post-firing, Sutton participated in the broader push that culminated in the 1980 contract covering seven Roanoke Rapids plants, which established seniority protections for job bidding and layoffs, arbitration procedures, and formal grievance mechanisms to address worker complaints. The agreement also included a union dues check-off provision and a 19 percent retroactive increase, providing tangible economic gains for approximately 3,000 workers represented under its terms. Sutton's involvement extended to supporting national boycotts of J.P. Stevens products, which pressured the company alongside legal actions before the (NLRB), where repeated findings of anti-union violations against Stevens helped establish precedents for remedying employer interference in Southern organizing drives. These efforts symbolized worker resistance in right-to-work states like , where union density remained low, and facilitated ACTWU's expansion to additional Southern facilities in the ensuing . Over her career, Sutton advocated for enhanced worker representation, continuing as an organizer and influencing subsequent campaigns by emphasizing grassroots defiance against retaliation, though outcomes depended on multifaceted strategies including federal oversight and public campaigns rather than individual actions alone. Her persistence underscored the role of personal testimony in NLRB proceedings, contributing to broader enforcement against unfair practices in non-union strongholds.

Controversies and Criticisms

The union organizing efforts at J.P. Stevens, supported by Sutton, employed boycotts and corporate campaigns targeting the company's financial institutions, which critics characterized as coercive economic pressure akin to warfare that risked broader harm to employment. Such tactics, including nationwide boycotts starting in 1977, were faulted for potentially accelerating job losses among non-union workers by destabilizing company operations, with Stevens management warning employees that union actions threatened plant viability. Worker resistance manifested in the creation of groups like the J.P. Stevens Employees Educational Committee, aimed at expelling union influence, highlighting divisions over whether aggressive external pressures prioritized ideology over job security. Sutton later expressed disillusionment with elements of the labor movement, criticizing Bruce Raynor, president of (an SEIU affiliate focused on textile workers), as a "horrible man" who exhibited selfish behavior, attempted to monopolize media interactions by directing reporters away from her, and fostered intra-union animosity during visits. These remarks, voiced in interviews and documented in labor analyses, underscored fractures within organized labor, particularly accusations that SEIU under Andy Stern engaged in raiding membership from established textile unions like ACTWU, undermining solidarity in manufacturing sectors. Sutton faced a personal controversy over rights to her story in the film Norma Rae, prompting her to hire a and pursue legal action against 20th Century Fox, resulting in a $52,000 settlement after the 1979 release.

Broader Economic Impacts

Despite localized union victories like the 1980 at J.P. Stevens, which raised average wages to $5 per hour and introduced safety protocols, the broader U.S. sector experienced severe contraction due to surging imports from low-wage Asian producers. Employment in textiles and apparel plummeted from 2.4 million jobs in 1973 to 1.5 million by 1996, with textiles specifically declining from approximately 1 million workers in the late to under 200,000 by the early 2000s, driven primarily by rather than domestic labor organization. This trend persisted as imports from countries like and , facilitated by trade liberalization and inadequate protective tariffs, eroded competitiveness; for instance, U.S. imports rose from 5% of domestic consumption in 1970 to over 50% by 2000. Unionization, while achieving short-term gains in select plants, often imposed higher labor costs that accelerated offshoring, as firms sought cheaper production abroad to maintain profitability amid global price pressures. J.P. Stevens itself, post-unionization, faced mounting competitive strains, leading to divestitures of apparel operations by 1985 and eventual corporate restructuring through a 1988 takeover, underscoring how even high-profile organizing efforts could not counteract systemic import competition. Empirical analyses attribute the industry's decline less to union density—which remained low in textiles at around 10-15% in the 1970s—than to technological shifts, consumer demand for lower prices, and policy failures in addressing currency manipulation and unfair trade practices by exporting nations. Sutton's individual activism, including her role in galvanizing the J.P. Stevens campaign, enhanced public awareness of worker grievances but proved insufficient against macroeconomic forces like the North American Free Trade Agreement's precursors and China's post-1978 export surge, which dwarfed localized . Trade policies prioritizing global integration over domestic safeguards thus rendered union panaceas illusory, as evidenced by the sector's persistent job losses even in union-won facilities, where elevated costs hastened to non-unionized foreign venues. This causal dynamic highlights that while Sutton's efforts preserved some concessions temporarily, they did not alter the inexorable trajectory of fueled by in labor-abundant economies.

References

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  10. https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/41908273/crystal_lee-sutton
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  21. https://www.wunc.org/politics/2014-01-22/the-struggle-for-workers-rights-in-the-1970s-south
  22. https://www.nytimes.com/1977/03/17/archives/labor-mounting-strong-campaign-to-unionize-south-labor-mounts.html
  23. https://time.com/archive/6852140/unions-you-gonna-gel-fired/
  24. https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/4ADC170ABDEBA0005B9B5CAE4B486F49/S0020859004001841a.pdf/div-class-title-organizing-a-labor-law-violator-the-j-p-stevens-campaign-and-the-struggle-to-unionize-the-us-south-1963-1983-div.pdf
  25. https://hotelworkers.org/article/CrystalLeeSuttonunionorganizerwhoinspiredOscarwinningfilmiNormaRaeidiesat68
  26. https://southernspaces.org/2014/good-faith-working-class-women-feminism-and-religious-support-struggle-organize-j-p-stevens-textile-workers-southern-piedmont-1974-1980/
  27. https://www.academia.edu/102185304/I_was_doing_something_I_didnt_even_think_I_could_do_Crystal_Lee_Sutton_and_the_campaign_to_unionize_J_P_Stevens
  28. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1985/07/24/struggles-of-crystal-lee/2618e802-e0dc-4cb9-b07b-7122a005e5d9/
  29. https://www.facingsouth.org/1994/03/new-day-dixie
  30. https://nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/north-carolina-textile-workers-win-union-recognition-j-p-stevens-1976-1980
  31. http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/EAD/htmldocs/KCL05619-007.html
  32. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1980/10/26/Business-World-After-17-years-and-Norma-RaeStevens-workers-get-a-contract/8610341380800/
  33. https://www.nytimes.com/1980/10/20/archives/stevens-pact-is-ratified-encouraging-unions-in-south-workers.html
  34. https://www.csmonitor.com/1980/1020/102039.html
  35. https://www.kirkusreviews.com/book-reviews/a/henry-p-leifermann/crystal-lee-a-woman-of-inheritance/
  36. https://books.google.com/books/about/Crystal_Lee_a_Woman_of_Inheritance.html?id=lfHmOwAACAAJ
  37. https://www.loc.gov/static/programs/national-film-preservation-board/documents/norma_rae.pdf
  38. https://www.dsausa.org/democratic-left/after-40-years-norma-rae-still-has-a-lot-to-teach-us-about-organizing/
  39. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0079638/
  40. https://sbiff.org/norma-rae/
  41. https://www.incluvie.com/articles/history-and-lessons-behind-norma-rae-aka-crystal-lee
  42. https://thehorseshead.blog/2020/09/02/491-norma-rae-1979/
  43. https://www.brightwalldarkroom.com/2020/10/05/sally-field-norma-rae/
  44. https://oxfordamerican.org/magazine/issue-122-fall-2023/unspooling-norma-rae
  45. https://www.tampabay.com/archive/2009/09/17/voice-for-the-voiceless/
  46. https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/socialist-viewpoint-us/novdec_09/novdec_09_11.html
  47. https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/crystal-lee-sutton-thunder-in-north-carolina/
  48. https://aflcionc.org/news/crystal-lee-norma-rae-sutton-dead-cancer
  49. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/norma-rae-inspiration-dies-at-68/
  50. https://www.rrdailyherald.com/news/crystal-lee-sutton-dies-at-68/article_eb70d6fe-76a9-5ee8-a154-0677a65828bc.html
  51. https://www.upi.com/Archives/1980/10/19/Employees-at-seven-JP-Stevens-Co-plants-overwhelmingly/3467340776000/
  52. https://www.ilr.cornell.edu/news/public-impact/exhibit-celebrates-union-icon-and-power-collective
  53. https://www.heritage.org/jobs-and-labor/report/unionization-the-textile-industry-case-study-j-p-stevens
  54. https://beyondchron.org/book-review-restoring-the-power-of-unions-it-takes-a-movement/
  55. https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/1997/08/art3full.pdf
  56. https://www.epi.org/publication/botched-policy-responses-to-globalization/
  57. https://news.ucr.edu/articles/2025/03/25/globalization-production-undermines-unions-study-finds
  58. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1985-06-28-fi-1498-story.html
  59. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/04/26/business/3-month-battle-for-jp-stevens-ends.html
  60. https://psmag.com/economics/what-caused-the-decline-of-unions-in-america/
  61. https://www.csis.org/analysis/do-not-blame-trade-decline-manufacturing-jobs
  62. https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2023/11/textile-workers-forgotten-warning/
  63. https://www.cato.org/publications/reality-american-deindustrialization
  64. https://thriftcon.co/blogs/education/outsourcing-outfits-why-your-clothes-stopped-being-made-in-america
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