Hubbry Logo
CultureCultureMain
Open search
Culture
Community hub
Culture
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Culture
Culture
from Wikipedia

Symbolic expression developed as prehistoric humans reached behavioral modernity
Religion and expressive art are important aspects of human culture
Germans marching during a folk culture celebration
Food and the culinary arts are an important part of culture, showing Tunisian cuisine
Writings often create a sense of cultural identity, Ernest Hemingway writing

Culture (/ˈkʌlər/ KUL-chər) is a concept that encompasses the social behavior, institutions, and norms found in human societies, as well as the knowledge, beliefs, arts, laws, customs, capabilities, attitudes, and habits of the individuals in these groups.[1] Culture often originates from or is attributed to a specific region or location.

Humans acquire culture through the learning processes of enculturation and socialization, which is shown by the diversity of cultures across societies.

A cultural norm codifies acceptable conduct in society; it serves as a guideline for behavior, dress, language, and demeanor in a situation, which serves as a template for expectations in a social group. Accepting only a monoculture in a social group can bear risks, just as a single species can wither in the face of environmental change, for lack of functional responses to the change.[2] Thus in military culture, valor is counted as a typical behavior for an individual, and duty, honor, and loyalty to the social group are counted as virtues or functional responses in the continuum of conflict. In religion, analogous attributes can be identified in a social group.

Cultural change, or repositioning, is the reconstruction of a cultural concept of a society. Cultures are internally affected by both forces encouraging change and forces resisting change. Cultures are externally affected via contact between societies.

Organizations like UNESCO attempt to preserve culture and cultural heritage.

Description

[edit]
Pygmy music has been polyphonic well before their discovery by non-African explorers of the Baka, Aka, Efe, and other foragers of the Central African forests, in the 1200s, which is at least 200 years before polyphony developed in Europe. Note the multiple lines of singers and dancers. The motifs are independent, with theme and variation interweaving.[3] This type of music is thought to be the first expression of polyphony in world music.

Culture is considered a central concept in anthropology, encompassing the range of phenomena that are transmitted through social learning in human societies. Cultural universals are found in all human societies. These include expressive forms like art, music, dance, ritual, religion, and technologies like tool usage, cooking, shelter, and clothing. The concept of material culture covers the physical expressions of culture, such as technology, architecture and art, whereas the immaterial aspects of culture such as principles of social organization (including practices of political organization and social institutions), mythology, philosophy, literature (both written and oral), and science comprise the intangible cultural heritage of a society.[4]

In the humanities, one sense of culture as an attribute of the individual has been the degree to which they have cultivated a particular level of sophistication in the arts, sciences, education, or manners.[5] The level of cultural sophistication has also sometimes been used to distinguish civilizations from less complex societies.[6] Such hierarchical perspectives on culture are also found in class-based distinctions between a high culture of the social elite and a low culture, popular culture, or folk culture of the lower classes, distinguished by stratified access to cultural capital.[7] In common parlance, culture is often used to refer specifically to the symbolic markers used by ethnic groups to distinguish themselves visibly from each other, such as body modification, clothing or jewelry.[8] Mass culture refers to the mass-produced and mass-mediated forms of consumer culture that emerged in the 20th century.[9] Some schools of philosophy, such as Marxism and critical theory, have argued that culture is often used politically as a tool of the elites to manipulate the proletariat and create a false consciousness.[10] Such perspectives are common in the discipline of cultural studies.[11] In the wider social sciences, the theoretical perspective of cultural materialism holds that human symbolic culture arises from the material conditions of human life, and that the basis of culture is found in evolved biological dispositions.[12]

When used as a count noun, a "culture" is the set of customs, traditions, and values of a society or community, such as an ethnic group or nation, and the knowledge acquired over time.[13] In this sense, multiculturalism values the peaceful coexistence and mutual respect between different cultures inhabiting the same planet.[14] Sometimes "culture" is also used to describe specific practices within a subgroup of a society, a subculture (e.g., "bro culture"), or a counterculture.[15] Within cultural anthropology, the ideology and analytical stance of cultural relativism hold that cultures cannot easily be objectively ranked or evaluated because any evaluation is necessarily situated within the value system of a given culture.[16]

Etymology

[edit]

The modern term culture is based on a term used by the ancient Roman orator Cicero in his Tusculanae Disputationes, where he wrote of a cultivation of the soul or cultura animi,[17] using an agricultural metaphor for the development of a philosophical soul, understood teleologically as the highest possible ideal for human development. Samuel von Pufendorf took over this metaphor in a modern context, meaning something similar, but no longer assuming philosophy was humanity's natural perfection. This use, and that of many writers, "refers to all the ways in which human beings overcome their original barbarism, and through artifice, become fully human".[18]

Edward S. Casey wrote, "The very word culture meant 'place tilled' in Middle English, and the same word goes back to Latin colere, 'to inhabit, care for, till, worship' and cultus, 'A cult, especially a religious one.' To be cultural, to have a culture, is to inhabit a place sufficiently intensely to cultivate it—to be responsible for it, to respond to it, to attend to it caringly."[19]

Culture described by Richard Velkley:[18]

... originally meant the cultivation of the soul or mind, acquires most of its later modern meaning in the writings of the 18th-century German thinkers, who were on various levels developing Rousseau's criticism of "modern liberalism and Enlightenment". Thus a contrast between "culture" and "civilization" is usually implied in these authors, even when not expressed as such.

In the words of anthropologist E. B. Tylor, it is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society".[20] Alternatively, in a contemporary variant, "Culture is defined as a social domain that emphasizes the practices, discourses and material expressions, which, over time, express the continuities and discontinuities of social meaning of a life held in common.[21]

The Cambridge English Dictionary states that culture is "the way of life, especially the general customs and beliefs, of a particular group of people at a particular time."[22] Terror management theory posits that culture is a series of activities and worldviews that provide humans with the basis for perceiving themselves as "person[s] of worth within the world of meaning"—raising themselves above the merely physical aspects of existence, in order to deny the animal insignificance and death that Homo sapiens became aware of when they acquired a larger brain.[23][24]

The word is used in a general sense as the evolved ability to categorize and represent experiences with symbols and to act imaginatively and creatively.[25] This ability arose with the evolution of behavioral modernity in humans around 50,000 years ago and is often thought to be unique to humans.[26] However, some other species have demonstrated similar, though less complicated, abilities for social learning.[27] It is also used to denote the complex networks of practices and accumulated knowledge and ideas that are transmitted through social interaction and exist in specific human groups, or cultures, using the plural form.[28]

Change

[edit]
The Beatles exemplified changing cultural dynamics, not only in music, but fashion and lifestyle. Six decades after their emergence, they continue to have a worldwide cultural impact.

Raimon Panikkar identified 29 ways in which cultural change can be brought about, including growth, development, evolution, involution, renovation, reconception, reform, innovation, revivalism, revolution, mutation, progress, diffusion, osmosis, borrowing, eclecticism, syncretism, modernization, indigenization, and transformation.[29] In this context, modernization could be viewed as adopting Enlightenment-era beliefs and practices, such as science, rationalism, industry, commerce, democracy, and the notion of progress. Rein Raud, building on the work of Umberto Eco, Pierre Bourdieu and Jeffrey C. Alexander, has proposed a model of cultural change based on claims and bids, which are judged by their cognitive adequacy and endorsed or not endorsed by the symbolic authority of the cultural community in question.[30]

19th-century engraving shows Indigenous Australians opposing the arrival of James Cook in 1770

Cultural invention has come to mean any innovation that is new and found to be useful to a group of people and expressed in their behavior, but which does not exist as a physical object. Humanity is in a global "accelerating culture change period," driven by the expansion of international commerce, the mass media, and above all, the human population explosion, among other factors. Culture repositioning means the reconstruction of the cultural concept of a society.[31]

Cultures are internally affected by both forces encouraging change and forces resisting change. These forces are related to both social structures and natural events and are involved in perpetuating cultural ideas and practices within current structures, which themselves are subject to change.[32]

Social conflict and the development of technologies can produce changes within a society by altering social dynamics and promoting new cultural models and spurring or enabling generative action. These social shifts may accompany ideological shifts and other types of cultural change. For example, the feminist movement involved new practices that produced a shift in gender relations, altering both gender and economic structures. Environmental conditions may also enter as factors. For example, after tropical forests returned at the end of the last ice age, plants suitable for domestication were available, leading to the invention of agriculture, which in turn brought about many cultural innovations and shifts in social dynamics.[33]

Full-length profile portrait of a woman, standing on a carpet at the entrance to a yurt, dressed in traditional clothing and jewelry
Turkmen woman, on a carpet at the entrance to a yurt, in traditional clothing. Sense of time is dependent on culture. A 1913 photo, but can be difficult to date for a viewer, due to the absence of cultural cues.

Cultures are externally affected via contact between societies, which may also produce—or inhibit—social shifts and changes in cultural practices. War or competition over resources may impact technological development or social dynamics. Additionally, cultural ideas may transfer from one society to another, through diffusion or acculturation. In diffusion, the form of something (though not necessarily its meaning) moves from one culture to another. For example, Western restaurant chains and culinary brands sparked curiosity and fascination to the Chinese as China opened its economy to international trade in the late 20th-century.[34] "Stimulus diffusion" (the sharing of ideas) refers to an element of one culture leading to an invention or propagation in another. "Direct borrowing", on the other hand, tends to refer to technological or tangible diffusion from one culture to another. Diffusion of innovations theory presents a research-based model of why and when individuals and cultures adopt new ideas, practices, and products.[35]

Acculturation has different meanings. Still, in this context, it refers to the replacement of traits of one culture with another, such as what happened to certain Native American tribes and many indigenous peoples across the globe during colonization. Related processes on an individual level include assimilation and transculturation. The transnational flow of culture has played a major role in merging different cultures and sharing thoughts, ideas, and beliefs.

Early modern discourses

[edit]

German Romanticism

[edit]
Johann Herder called attention to national cultures.

Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) formulated an individualist definition of "enlightenment" similar to the concept of bildung: "Enlightenment is man's emergence from his self-incurred immaturity."[36] He argued that this immaturity comes not from a lack of understanding, but from a lack of courage to think independently. Against this intellectual cowardice, Kant urged: "Sapere Aude" ("Dare to be wise!"). In reaction to Kant, German scholars such as Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803) argued that human creativity, which necessarily takes unpredictable and highly diverse forms, is as important as human rationality. Moreover, Herder proposed a collective form of Bildung: "For Herder, Bildung was the totality of experiences that provide a coherent identity, and sense of common destiny, to a people."[37]

Adolf Bastian developed a universal model of culture.

In 1795, the Prussian linguist and philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767–1835) called for an anthropology that would synthesize Kant's and Herder's interests. During the Romantic era, scholars in Germany, especially those concerned with nationalist movements—such as the nationalist struggle to create a "Germany" out of diverse principalities, and the nationalist struggles by ethnic minorities against the Austro-Hungarian Empire—developed a more inclusive notion of culture as "worldview" (Weltanschauung).[38] According to this school of thought, each ethnic group has a distinct worldview that is incommensurable with the worldviews of other groups. Although more inclusive than earlier views, this approach to culture still allowed for distinctions between "civilized" and "primitive" or "tribal" cultures.

In 1860, Adolf Bastian (1826–1905) argued for "the psychic unity of mankind".[39] He proposed that a scientific comparison of all human societies would reveal that distinct worldviews consisted of the same basic elements. According to Bastian, all human societies share a set of "elementary ideas" (Elementargedanken); different cultures, or different "folk ideas" (Völkergedanken), are local modifications of the elementary ideas.[40] This view paved the way for the modern understanding of culture. Franz Boas (1858–1942) was trained in this tradition, and he brought it with him when he left Germany for the United States.[41]

English Romanticism

[edit]
British poet and critic Matthew Arnold viewed "culture" as the cultivation of the humanist ideal.

In the 19th century, humanists such as English poet and essayist Matthew Arnold (1822–1888) used the word "culture" to refer to an ideal of individual human refinement, of "the best that has been thought and said in the world".[42] This concept of culture is also comparable to the German concept of bildung: "...culture being a pursuit of our total perfection by means of getting to know, on all the matters which most concern us, the best which has been thought and said in the world".[42]

In practice, culture referred to an elite ideal and was associated with such activities as art, classical music, and haute cuisine.[43] As these forms were associated with urban life, "culture" was identified with "civilization" (from Latin: civitas, lit.'city'). Another facet of the Romantic movement was an interest in folklore, which led to identifying a "culture" among non-elites. This distinction is often characterized as that between high culture, namely that of the ruling class, and low culture. In other words, the idea of "culture" that developed in Europe during the 18th and early 19th centuries reflected inequalities within European societies.[44]

British anthropologist Edward Tylor was one of the first English-speaking scholars to use the term culture in an inclusive and universal sense.

Matthew Arnold contrasted "culture" with anarchy; other Europeans, following philosophers Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, contrasted "culture" with "the state of nature". According to Hobbes and Rousseau, the Native Americans who were being conquered by Europeans from the 16th centuries on were living in a state of nature; this opposition was expressed through the contrast between "civilized" and "uncivilized".[45] According to this way of thinking, one could classify some countries and nations as more civilized than others and some people as more cultured than others. This contrast led to Herbert Spencer's theory of Social Darwinism and Lewis Henry Morgan's theory of cultural evolution. Just as some critics have argued that the distinction between high and low cultures expresses the conflict between European elites and non-elites, other critics have argued that the distinction between civilized and uncivilized people is an expression of the conflict between European colonial powers and their colonial subjects.

Other 19th-century critics, following Rousseau, have accepted this differentiation between higher and lower culture, but have seen the refinement and sophistication of high culture as corrupting and unnatural developments that obscure and distort people's essential nature. These critics considered folk music (as produced by "the folk," i.e., rural, illiterate, peasants) to honestly express a natural way of life, while classical music seemed superficial and decadent. Equally, this view often portrayed indigenous peoples as "noble savages" living authentic and unblemished lives, uncomplicated and uncorrupted by the highly stratified capitalist systems of Western culture.

In 1870 the anthropologist Edward Tylor (1832–1917) applied these ideas of higher versus lower culture to propose a theory of the evolution of religion. According to this theory, religion evolves from more polytheistic to more monotheistic forms.[46] In the process, he redefined culture as a diverse set of activities characteristic of all human societies. This view paved the way for the modern understanding of religion.

Anthropology

[edit]
Petroglyphs in modern-day Gobustan, Azerbaijan, dating to 10,000 BCE and indicating a thriving culture

Although anthropologists worldwide refer to Tylor's definition of culture,[47] in the 20th century "culture" emerged as the central and unifying concept of American anthropology, where it most commonly refers to the universal human capacity to classify and encode human experiences symbolically, and to communicate symbolically encoded experiences socially.[48] American anthropology is organized into four fields, each of which plays an important role in research on culture: biological anthropology, linguistic anthropology, cultural anthropology, and in the United States and Canada, archaeology.[49][50][51][52] The term Kulturbrille, or 'culture glasses', coined by German American anthropologist Franz Boas, refers to the "lenses" through which a person sees their own culture. Martin Lindstrom asserts that Kulturbrille, which allow a person to make sense of the culture they inhabit, "can blind us to things outsiders pick up immediately".[53]

Sociology

[edit]
An example of folkloric dancing in Colombia

The sociology of culture concerns culture as manifested in society. For sociologist Georg Simmel (1858–1918), culture referred to "the cultivation of individuals through the agency of external forms which have been objectified in the course of history".[54] As such, culture in the sociological field can be defined as the ways of thinking, the ways of acting, and the material objects that together shape a people's way of life. Culture can be either of two types, non-material culture or material culture.[4] Non-material culture refers to the non-physical ideas that individuals have about their culture, including values, belief systems, rules, norms, morals, language, organizations, and institutions, while material culture is the physical evidence of a culture in the objects and architecture they make or have made. The term tends to be relevant only in archeological and anthropological studies, but it specifically means all material evidence which can be attributed to culture, past or present.

Cultural sociology first emerged in Weimar Germany (1918–1933), where sociologists such as Alfred Weber used the term Kultursoziologie ('cultural sociology'). Cultural sociology was then reinvented in the English-speaking world as a product of the cultural turn of the 1960s, which ushered in structuralist and postmodern approaches to social science. This type of cultural sociology may be loosely regarded as an approach incorporating cultural analysis and critical theory. Cultural sociologists tend to reject scientific methods, instead hermeneutically focusing on words, artifacts and symbols. Culture has since become an important concept across many branches of sociology, including resolutely scientific fields like social stratification and social network analysis. As a result, there has been a recent influx of quantitative sociologists to the field. Thus, there is now a growing group of sociologists of culture who are, confusingly, not cultural sociologists. These scholars reject the abstracted postmodern aspects of cultural sociology, and instead, look for a theoretical backing in the more scientific vein of social psychology and cognitive science.[55]

Nowruz is a good sample of popular and folklore culture that is celebrated by people in more than 22 countries with different nations and religions, at the 1st day of spring. It has been celebrated by diverse communities for over 7,000 years.

Early researchers and development of cultural sociology

[edit]

The sociology of culture grew from the intersection between sociology (as shaped by early theorists like Marx,[56] Durkheim, and Weber) with the growing discipline of anthropology, wherein researchers pioneered ethnographic strategies for describing and analyzing a variety of cultures around the world. Part of the legacy of the early development of the field lingers in the methods (much of cultural, sociological research is qualitative), in the theories (a variety of critical approaches to sociology are central to current research communities), and in the substantive focus of the field. For instance, relationships between popular culture, political control, and social class were early and lasting concerns in the field.

Cultural studies

[edit]

In the United Kingdom, sociologists and other scholars influenced by Marxism such as Stuart Hall (1932–2014) and Raymond Williams (1921–88) developed cultural studies. Following nineteenth-century Romantics, they identified culture with consumption goods and leisure activities (such as art, music, film, food, sports, and clothing). They saw patterns of consumption and leisure as determined by relations of production, which led them to focus on class relations and the organization of production.[57][58]

In the UK, cultural studies focuses largely on the study of popular culture; that is, on the social meanings of mass-produced consumer and leisure goods. Richard Hoggart coined the term in 1964 when he founded the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies or CCCS.[59] Cultural studies in this sense, then, can be viewed as a limited concentration scoped on the intricacies of consumerism, which belongs to a wider culture sometimes referred to as Western civilization or globalism.

The Metropolitan Museum of Art in Manhattan. Visual art can be one expression of high culture.

From the 1970s onward, Stuart Hall's pioneering work, along with that of his colleagues Paul Willis, Dick Hebdige, Tony Jefferson, and Angela McRobbie, created an international intellectual movement. As the field developed, it began to combine political economy, communication, sociology, social theory, literary theory, media theory, film/video studies, cultural anthropology, philosophy, museum studies, and art history to study cultural phenomena or cultural texts. In this field researchers often concentrate on how particular phenomena relate to matters of ideology, nationality, ethnicity, social class, or gender.[60]

Cultural studies is concerned with the meaning and practices of everyday life. These practices comprise the ways people do particular things (such as watching television or eating out) in a given culture. It also studies the meanings and uses people attribute to various objects and practices. Specifically, culture involves those meanings and practices held independently of reason. Watching television to view a public perspective on a historical event should not be thought of as culture unless referring to the medium of television itself, which may have been selected culturally; however, schoolchildren watching television after school with their friends to "fit in" certainly qualifies since there is no grounded reason for one's participation in this practice.

In the context of cultural studies, a text includes not only written language, but also films, photographs, fashion, or hairstyles: the texts of cultural studies comprise all the meaningful artifacts of culture.[61] Similarly, the discipline widens the concept of culture. Culture, for a cultural-studies researcher, not only includes traditional high culture (the culture of the ruling social groups)[62] and popular culture, but also everyday meanings and practices. The last two, in fact, have become the main focus of cultural studies. A further and recent approach is comparative cultural studies, based on the disciplines of comparative literature and cultural studies.[63]

Scholars in the UK and the US developed different versions of cultural studies after the 1970s. The British version of cultural studies had originated in the 1950s and 60s, mainly under the influence of Richard Hoggart, E. P. Thompson, and Raymond Williams, and later that of Stuart Hall and others at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. This included overtly political, left-wing views, and criticisms of popular culture as "capitalist" mass culture; it absorbed some of the ideas of the Frankfurt School critique of the "culture industry" i.e. mass culture. This emerges in the writings of early British cultural-studies scholars and their influences: see the work of Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall, Paul Willis, and Paul Gilroy.

In the United States, Lindlof and Taylor write, "cultural studies [were] grounded in a pragmatic, liberal-pluralist tradition."[64] The American version of cultural studies initially concerned itself more with understanding the subjective and appropriative side of audience reactions to, and uses of, mass culture; for example, American cultural-studies advocates wrote about the liberatory aspects of fandom.[65][66]

Some researchers, especially in early British cultural studies, apply a Marxist model to the field. This strain of thinking has some influence from the Frankfurt School, but especially from the structuralist Marxism of Louis Althusser and others. The main focus of an orthodox Marxist approach concentrates on the production of meaning. This model assumes a mass production of culture and identifies power as residing with those producing cultural artifacts.

In a Marxist view, the mode and relations of production form the economic base of society, which constantly interacts and influences superstructures, such as culture.[67] Other approaches to cultural studies, such as feminist cultural studies and later American developments of the field, distance themselves from this view. They criticize the Marxist assumption of a single, dominant meaning, shared by all, for any cultural product. The non-Marxist approaches suggest that different ways of consuming cultural artifacts affect the meaning of the product.

This view comes through in the book Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman (by Paul du Gay et al.),[68] which seeks to challenge the notion that those who produce commodities control the meanings that people attribute to them. Feminist cultural analyst, theorist, and art historian Griselda Pollock contributed to cultural studies from viewpoints of art history and psychoanalysis. The writer Julia Kristeva is among influential voices at the turn of the century, contributing to cultural studies from the field of art and psychoanalytical French feminism.[69]

Petrakis and Kostis (2013) divide cultural background variables into two main groups:[70]

  1. The first group covers the variables that represent the "efficiency orientation" of the societies: performance orientation, future orientation, assertiveness, power distance, and uncertainty avoidance.
  2. The second covers the variables that represent the "social orientation" of societies, i.e., the attitudes and lifestyles of their members. These variables include gender egalitarianism, institutional collectivism, in-group collectivism, and human orientation.

In 2016, a new approach to culture was suggested by Rein Raud,[30] who defines culture as the sum of resources available to human beings for making sense of their world and proposes a two-tiered approach, combining the study of texts (all reified meanings in circulation) and cultural practices (all repeatable actions that involve the production, dissemination or transmission of purposes), thus making it possible to re-link anthropological and sociological study of culture with the tradition of textual theory.

Super culture

[edit]

A super culture is a collection of cultures and subcultures, that interact with one another, share similar characteristics and collectively have a degree of sense of unity.[citation needed] In other words, Super-culture is a culture encompassing several subcultures with common elements.[71] Examples include: List of Super-cultures:

  • Rave - In modern society, rave is described as a culture closely defined as a super culture.[72][73]
  • Steampunk - it is fast becoming a super-culture rather than a mere subculture.[74]
  • Foodtruck collectives & Pop-up Restaurants + Shops.

Some ancient cultures that are also considered (termed) "Super-culture":

Psychology

[edit]
The NYC Pride March is the world's largest LGBT event. Regional variation exists with respect to tolerance in different parts of the world.
Cognitive tools suggest a way for people from certain culture to deal with real-life problems, like Suanpan for mathematical calculation.

Starting in the 1990s,[75]: 31  psychological research on culture influence began to grow and challenge the universality assumed in general psychology.[76]: 158–168 [77] Culture psychologists began to try to explore the relationship between emotions and culture, and answer whether the human mind is independent from culture. For example, people from collectivistic cultures, such as the Japanese, suppress their positive emotions more than their American counterparts.[78] Culture may affect the way that people experience and express emotions. On the other hand, some researchers try to look for differences between people's personalities across cultures.[79][80] As different cultures dictate distinctive norms, culture shock is also studied to understand how people react when they are confronted with other cultures. LGBT culture is displayed with significantly different levels of tolerance within different cultures and nations. Cognitive tools may not be accessible or they may function differently cross culture.[75]: 19  For example, people who are raised in a culture with an abacus are trained with distinctive reasoning style.[81] Cultural lenses may also make people view the same outcome of events differently. Westerners are more motivated by their successes than their failures, while East Asians are better motivated by the avoidance of failure.[82]

Culture is important for psychologists to consider when understanding the human mental operation. The notion of the anxious, unstable, and rebellious adolescent has been criticized by experts, such as Robert Epstein, who state that an undeveloped brain is not the main cause of teenagers' turmoils.[83][84] Some have criticized this understanding of adolescence, classifying it as a relatively recent phenomenon in human history created by modern society,[85][86][87][88] and have been highly critical of what they view as the infantilization of young adults in American society.[89] According to Robert Epstein and Jennifer, "American-style teen turmoil is absent in more than 100 cultures around the world, suggesting that such mayhem is not biologically inevitable. Second, the brain itself changes in response to experiences, raising the question of whether adolescent brain characteristics are the cause of teen tumult or rather the result of lifestyle and experiences."[90] David Moshman has also stated in regards to adolescence that brain research "is crucial for a full picture, but it does not provide an ultimate explanation".[91]

Protection of culture

[edit]
Restoration of an ancient Egyptian monument

There are a number of international agreements and national laws relating to the protection of cultural heritage and cultural diversity. UNESCO and its partner organizations such as Blue Shield International coordinate international protection and local implementation.[92][93] The Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict and the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions deal with the protection of culture. Article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights deals with cultural heritage in two ways: it gives people the right to participate in cultural life on the one hand and the right to the protection of their contributions to cultural life on the other.[94]

Anarchist poster reading "No Culture, No Future!", 5 December 2024

In the 21st century, the protection of culture has been the focus of increasing activity by national and international organizations. The United Nations and UNESCO promote cultural preservation and cultural diversity through declarations and legally-binding conventions or treaties. The aim is not to protect a person's property, but rather to preserve the cultural heritage of humanity, especially in the event of war and armed conflict. According to Karl von Habsburg, President of Blue Shield International, the destruction of cultural assets is also part of psychological warfare. The target of the attack is the identity of the opponent, which is why symbolic cultural assets become a main target. It is also intended to affect the particularly sensitive cultural memory, the growing cultural diversity and the economic basis (such as tourism) of a state, region or municipality.[95][96][97]

Tourism is having an increasing impact on the various forms of culture. On the one hand, this can be physical impact on individual objects or the destruction caused by increasing environmental pollution and, on the other hand, socio-cultural effects on society.[98][99][100]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, arts, morals, law, customs, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by humans as members of society. This definition, formulated by anthropologist Edward Burnett Tylor in 1871, emphasizes culture's distinction from innate biological traits, positioning it as a system of learned behaviors and symbols transmitted socially rather than genetically. Empirical studies highlight culture's core characteristics: it is shared among group members, enabling coordination and cooperation; learned through observation, imitation, and instruction across generations; symbolic, relying on language and artifacts to encode meaning; and adaptive, evolving in response to environmental pressures and innovations. These traits have facilitated humanity's expansion from small hunter-gatherer bands to complex civilizations, as seen in archaeological evidence of cumulative cultural evolution, such as advancing tool technologies and symbolic art from the Upper Paleolithic onward. While cultural relativism has dominated academic discourse, often downplaying cross-cultural differences in outcomes due to institutional biases toward egalitarian narratives, causal analyses reveal that cultural practices causally influence economic prosperity, social stability, and individual behaviors, with empirical variances tied to specific transmission mechanisms rather than universal equivalence.

Definition and Etymology

Origins and Linguistic Roots

The term derives from the Latin noun cultura, which referred to the act of tilling, cultivating, or improving the in , stemming from the colere meaning "to tend, guard, cultivate, or worship." This root emphasized deliberate human intervention to foster growth, initially applied to farming practices in Roman texts from the 1st century BCE onward. Cicero adapted the metaphor in his Tusculanae Disputationes, composed around 45 BCE, introducing cultura animi—the cultivation of the or mind—to signify the systematic refinement of intellectual and moral faculties through and , paralleling the care given to fields for optimal yield. By this usage, Cicero shifted cultura from literal agrarian labor to an abstract process of human self-improvement, influencing subsequent Roman and early Christian writings on personal and societal development. In medieval Europe, where agrarian economies structured social hierarchies and land management defined prosperity, cultura retained its ties to cultivation in Latin and legal documents, gradually extending in tongues to imply the nurturing of communal order and elite refinement amid feudal obligations. This linkage persisted into the , as humanists revived classical texts to frame cultura as the disciplined formation of character and civility, bridging agricultural origins with emerging notions of enlightened society. The term's abstraction intensified in the , exemplified by Matthew Arnold's (1869), which defined culture as familiarity with "the best that has been thought and said in the world," positioning it as a harmonizing force against industrial discord through pursuit of intellectual and ethical perfection. Arnold's formulation, drawing on earlier humanistic traditions, crystallized the word's from soil-tending to a benchmark for civilized thought.

Core Definitions Across Disciplines

In philosophy, culture has been defined as the organic expression of a people's collective spirit (Volksgeist), encompassing the cultivation of arts, knowledge, morals, and traditions rooted in their unique historical and linguistic context, as articulated by Johann Gottfried Herder in his Ideas for the Philosophy of the History of Humanity (1784–1791). Herder emphasized culture's causal role in fostering communal identity and excellence through endogenous development tied to the Volk, rejecting universalist impositions that ignore group-specific adaptations. This view prioritizes internal coherence and vitality over abstract relativism, with mechanisms like language and custom serving as vehicles for intergenerational continuity and moral elevation. In anthropology, provided a foundational definition in Primitive Culture (1871): ", or ... is that complex whole which includes , , , morals, , custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society." This descriptive approach highlights learned, shared behaviors and symbols distinguishing human groups, but it has been critiqued for underemphasizing adaptive functions, such as how cultural traits enhance survival or resource allocation in specific environments, a gap addressed in later . 's framework thus serves as a minimal inventory of cultural content, with causal transmission via and , yet it overlooks selection pressures that prune maladaptive elements. Sociologically, culture comprises patterned norms, values, and institutions that sustain social cooperation and system equilibrium, as modeled in ' (developed in works like The Social System, 1951). In this schema, culture aligns with the "Latency" function (L), supplying motivational patterns and cognitive orientations that integrate actions toward adaptation (A), goal attainment (G), and integration (I), enabling societies to manage tensions like resource scarcity or conflict through normative consensus. The mechanism here is functional interdependence, where cultural elements stabilize behavior by aligning individual motivations with collective needs, testable via outcomes like reduced deviance rates in norm-enforcing societies. From a biological and evolutionary standpoint, culture denotes socially learned information—behaviors, technologies, and beliefs—transmitted non-genetically across generations, influencing reproductive fitness and analogous to genetic but accelerated by , , and selection. This perspective, rooted in dual-inheritance theory, posits culture as an extra-somatic mechanism, where traits vary, compete for adoption, and persist if they confer advantages like tool use or strategies, as evidenced in gene-culture models explaining lactose tolerance in pastoralist populations. Effective definitions across disciplines must incorporate empirical validation, such as correlations between cultural norms and metrics like societal trust indices (e.g., higher in homogeneous groups) or innovation outputs (e.g., densities tied to cumulative transmission).

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Conceptions

In , paideia denoted the systematic cultivation of the intellect, morals, and physical prowess to form virtuous citizens, primarily targeting the aristocratic class for leadership in the polis. , in his (composed around 380 BCE), outlined paideia as an elite education program for guardians, integrating for bodily discipline, for emotional harmony, and dialectical for rational insight, aiming to align the soul's tripartite structure—reason, spirit, and appetite—with justice and the . This hierarchical approach presupposed that only a select few, through rigorous training from youth, could achieve the wholeness () necessary to govern, reflecting a causal link between personal and societal stability rather than universal accessibility. Roman thinkers adapted Greek paideia into cultura animi, emphasizing the deliberate tending of the mind and soul akin to agricultural husbandry for civic and ethical maturity. , in his Tusculan Disputations (45 BCE), coined cultura animi to describe philosophy's role in refining human potential, fostering eloquence, duty, and resilience against fortune's vicissitudes to sustain the . This conception reinforced hierarchy by linking cultural refinement to senatorial and patrician responsibilities, where unlettered masses were seen as unfit for such cultivation, prioritizing ordered over egalitarian diffusion. Early Christian adaptations, as in Augustine's City of God (completed 426 CE), reframed culture around and dual in earthly and heavenly realms, subordinating civic duty to divine order. Augustine argued that true and arise from orienting human associations toward , critiquing pagan Roman virtues as incomplete without Christian humility and charity, while affirming the legitimacy of temporal hierarchies when they deter vice and promote communal welfare. This view maintained an achievement-oriented framework, where cultural formation involved ascetic discipline and scriptural study to elevate the soul above material pursuits, ensuring stability through moral restraint rather than mere ritual conformity. Parallel pre-modern Eastern traditions echoed these themes of structured moral cultivation. In Confucianism, li (ritual propriety), as articulated in the (compiled circa 475–221 BCE), prescribed hierarchical rites and norms to internalize benevolence (ren) and rectify social roles, fostering familial and state harmony through ordered conduct that distinguished superiors from inferiors. Similarly, Islamic adab—encompassing , , and in works from the Abbasid (8th–13th centuries CE)—served as a moral framework for refining character within a divinely ordained , integrating knowledge, decorum, and piety to uphold social cohesion and intellectual hierarchy. These systems prioritized causal mechanisms of emulation and authority to transmit , viewing uncultivated impulses as threats to civilizational endurance.

Enlightenment and Romantic Influences

Enlightenment thinkers reframed culture as a mechanism for rational progress and societal refinement, emphasizing the role of arts, sciences, and reason in elevating humanity from primitive states. , in his 1756 Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations, portrayed the cultivation of arts and letters as drivers of civilizational advancement, arguing that refined manners and intellectual pursuits distinguished advanced societies from barbarous ones. This perspective aligned with broader Enlightenment optimism about universal reason fostering improvement, yet it coexisted with Europe's entrenched monarchies and class structures, where such cultural elevation benefited elites disproportionately. German Romanticism introduced a counterpoint by conceptualizing culture as the organic Volksgeist, or national folk spirit, irreducible to rational universals and rooted in language, traditions, and collective psyche. (1744–1803), active from the 1760s through his later works, championed this in treatises like the 1772 Abhandlung über den Ursprung der Sprache, asserting that each people's culture embodied unique historical and environmental adaptations, thereby inspiring across Europe. emphasis on diversity critiqued Enlightenment homogenization, though it romanticized rural simplicity amid urbanizing realities. In English contexts, Edmund Burke's 1790 Reflections on the Revolution in defended culture as an accumulation of inherited customs and "prejudices" that sustained against radical upheaval. portrayed society as a generational preserving tested traditions over abstract ideals, warning that discarding them invited chaos, as seen in 's revolutionary turmoil. These Romantic influences, blending with Enlightenment progressivism, correlated with Europe's from the 1760s, where technological and economic surges in Britain and occurred within rigid hierarchies of labor and capital, underscoring that cultural ideals did not dissolve empirical inequalities.

19th- and 20th-Century Formulations

In the nineteenth century, Charles Darwin's theory of profoundly influenced conceptualizations of culture, extending evolutionary principles to human societies and portraying cultural traits as adaptations enhancing group survival and fitness. , in his 1873 work The Study of Sociology, formalized this view by integrating into a broader framework of social progress, where complex societies emerged from simpler forms through processes akin to biological selection, emphasizing cultural practices that promoted industrial efficiency and as markers of adaptive superiority. This evolutionary paradigm began institutionalizing as a subject of scientific , with Spencer arguing that cultural variations reflected differential rates among societies, grounded in empirical observations of historical from nomadic to civilized states. Such formulations prioritized causal mechanisms like and over static ideals, influencing early and to treat as a dynamic testable against historical data. Transitioning into the twentieth century, shifted emphasis toward in his 1911 book The Mind of Primitive Man, contending that environmental and historical factors, rather than innate biological differences, shaped cognitive and behavioral patterns across societies. Boas's approach, disseminated through his training of American anthropologists, rejected unilinear evolutionism and promoted , viewing each culture as a unique configuration impervious to universal rankings. Boasian formulations dominated academic , institutionalizing fieldwork-based that downplayed genetic influences in favor of nurture, as evidenced by Boas's craniometric studies purporting to show environmental malleability in physical traits. However, subsequent critiques highlighted this underemphasis on biology, noting that mid-century genetic discoveries and twin studies demonstrated heritable components in traits like and , undermining claims of pure cultural causation. Post-World War II, international organizations like advanced formulations framing culture as a universal human endowment essential for peace, as articulated in its 1945 Constitution and contributions to the 1948 , which posited cultural participation as a fundamental right. These declarations idealized cultural convergence through education and exchange to prevent conflict, yet empirical evidence from assimilation policies—such as indigenous boarding schools in and , where forced cultural suppression yielded persistent identity revivals and social dysfunction—revealed the causal resilience of distinct cultural inheritances against homogenization efforts.

Biological and Evolutionary Foundations

Innate Predispositions and

Human culture arises from evolved cognitive and behavioral predispositions that constrain and shape social practices across societies, rather than emerging solely from environmental inputs. Empirical studies of demonstrate innate mechanisms for acquiring complex systems like , which manifests universally despite vast linguistic diversity. For instance, infants worldwide progress through predictable stages of , , and acquisition without explicit instruction, supporting the existence of an innate language faculty as outlined in analyses of developmental milestones. This counters strict empiricist views by showing that language competence relies on biologically timed critical periods, with fluency declining sharply after in second-language learners. Anthropological surveys identify over 300 human universals, including kinship categorization and reciprocal exchange, which underpin cultural institutions regardless of societal variation. Kinship systems universally distinguish biological relatives through terms reflecting generational and gender differences, facilitating alliance formation and resource allocation as observed in ethnographic data from hundreds of societies. Reciprocity norms, such as mutual aid and retaliation against cheaters, appear in all documented cultures, rooted in evolved aversion to exploitation evidenced by experimental games like the ultimatum game, where participants reject unfair offers at similar rates globally. Twin and adoption studies further reveal genetic influences on culturally variable traits, with heritability estimates for political ranging from 32% to 66% across 19 measures in five democracies, indicating innate predispositions toward conservative or liberal orientations independent of shared environments. These findings, derived from comparing monozygotic and dizygotic twins reared apart or together, suggest that while culture amplifies preferences, it does not erase underlying genetic variances, as meta-analyses confirm persisting over decades and populations. Status-seeking behaviors, such as competition for prestige and dominance, manifest universally in hierarchical structures, from tribal contests to modern electoral systems, channeled by cultural norms but not supplanted by them. Cross-cultural experiments show consistent motivations for social rank attainment, with neural responses to status cues activating reward centers akin to or incentives, underscoring causal primacy of these instincts in driving cultural elaboration rather than post-hoc invention. Thus, culture functions as a modulator of fixed propensities, evident in how reciprocity and adapt to local ecologies without violating core evolutionary imperatives.

Gene-Culture Coevolution and Adaptation

Gene-culture coevolution describes the bidirectional interplay between and cultural transmission, where cultural practices influence genetic selection pressures, and shapes cultural capacities and adoption. This framework, central to , posits that humans possess two parallel systems of inheritance: genes evolving slowly via biological reproduction and culture evolving rapidly through social learning mechanisms like . In this model, cultural traits propagate if they enhance individual or group fitness, creating feedback loops that accelerate beyond genetic evolution alone. Robert Boyd and Peter Richerson formalized these dynamics in their 1985 book Culture and the Evolutionary Process, using mathematical models to demonstrate how culture evolves through decision rules biased toward successful models—such as of high-fitness individuals or to majority practices. These models predict that acts on cultural variants by favoring those that improve survival and reproduction, even if they impose short-term costs, as long as long-term payoffs outweigh them. Empirical support comes from simulations showing culture's role in rapid to novel environments, where genetic changes lag but eventually align with prevailing cultural norms. A classic empirical case is , the genetic ability to digest into adulthood, which emerged in response to the cultural shift toward dairy following animal around 9000 years ago. In and parts of , milk consumption as a reliable nutrient source created strong selective pressure for mutations in the LCT gene, such as the -13910 C/T variant in Europeans, which rose in frequency rapidly between 5000 and 7000 years ago. Independent adaptations occurred in East African pastoralists via distinct LCT variants, with frequencies reaching 30-50% in herding populations but near zero elsewhere, illustrating how the cultural practice of dairying—transmitted socially—directly drove genetic evolution by linking milk access to higher fitness, including reduced mortality in nutrient-scarce conditions. In contemporary settings, East Asian societies exemplify potential ongoing coevolutionary dynamics, where cultural emphases on discipline, perseverance, and intensive education—often traced to Confucian values prioritizing scholarly achievement—correlate with elevated cognitive performance and socioeconomic outcomes. Nations like , , and have topped assessments in and since 2000, with 2018 scores averaging over 550 points compared to the mean of 489, reflecting sustained cultural investments in rigorous study habits and parental expectations. These patterns align with higher average national IQ estimates (around 105 for East Asians versus 100 globally) that predict rates, as higher cognitive capital facilitates and . Genetic studies further indicate positive polygenic correlations with in East Asian cohorts, suggesting that cultural selection pressures may amplify heritable traits conducive to academic success, though causation remains bidirectional and requires longitudinal data to disentangle. Such interactions underscore differential adaptive success, where culturally reinforced behaviors yield measurable fitness advantages in modern environments.

Mechanisms of Cultural Dynamics

Transmission and Social Learning

Cultural transmission primarily occurs through three empirical modes: from parents to , among same-generation peers, and oblique transmission from non-parental members of the parental generation to . These mechanisms, formalized in models by Robert Boyd and Peter Richerson, enable the propagation of behaviors, knowledge, and norms beyond genetic inheritance. Ethnographic studies in indigenous societies validate these modes, revealing that cultural knowledge, such as skills and social rules, spreads predominantly via oblique influences from elders and vertical parental input, with horizontal peer effects amplifying in group settings. For instance, in three groups, transmission networks showed structured flows from older same-sex relatives, confirming oblique and vertical pathways as key to sustaining adaptive practices. Social learning biases enhance transmission fidelity, particularly prestige bias, where individuals disproportionately imitate models demonstrating success or competence, leading to rapid adoption of effective strategies. Experimental evidence demonstrates this through conformity to high-status demonstrators, as participants in controlled tasks aligned behaviors with those of prestigious figures over alternatives, fostering cultural accumulation. Imitation mechanisms, including observational copying and reinforcement, underpin these processes, allowing traits to persist even when individually maladaptive if socially rewarded. Institutional enforcers, such as religious doctrines and legal systems, stabilize transmission by imposing costs on from norms, thereby reducing variance and promoting uniformity. Historical data from pre-1900 illustrate this: homicide rates declined from 20-40 per 100,000 in the to under 2 per 100,000 by the late , partly due to church-enforced moral codes and state laws that curtailed interpersonal through sanctions. In religious societies, these mechanisms curbed behaviors like feuding by aligning individual actions with group standards via and costs.

Stability, Variation, and Change

Cultural stability arises from mechanisms like , where historical contingencies lock in traits through cumulative reinforcement, rendering alternatives inefficient or infeasible due to network effects and sunk costs in social practices. For instance, once a adopts a particular norm or technological standard, deviations become progressively costlier as interdependent elements accrue, as modeled in evolutionary frameworks of cultural systems. Costly signaling further bolsters persistence, particularly in small-scale societies; rituals demanding high personal investment—such as endurance ordeals or resource-intensive ceremonies—function as honest indicators of commitment, deterring defection and preserving group norms over generations. Among hunter-gatherers, mortuary practices tied to signaling have endured for millennia, as evidenced by consistent archaeological patterns in site usage and symbolic artifacts, which reinforced social bonds amid environmental pressures. ![Petroglyphs depicting ancient rituals in Gobustan, Azerbaijan][float-right] Cultural variation emerges prominently through migration and conquest, which introduce exogenous elements but often yield incomplete integration, fostering hybrid forms or resilient local persistence. Migration disperses practices across populations, generating diversity via selective adoption based on local fitness; historical migrations, such as Indo-European expansions around 2000 BCE, left linguistic and ritual variances traceable in genetic and archaeological records. Conquest exemplifies failed assimilation when imposed cultures clash with entrenched substrates; in the Roman Empire's provinces, efforts to Romanize Celtic Britain faltered, with indigenous languages, deities, and kinship systems enduring post-occupation, as post-Roman artifacts and texts reveal continuity in rural hinterlands. Similarly, Germanic tribes in frontier zones retained tribal identities despite military subjugation, contributing to the Empire's fragmentation by the 5th century CE, where cultural inertia outweighed administrative fiat. Exogenous shocks drive cultural change by disrupting equilibria and selecting for adaptive variants, with technology and crises as primary vectors. The , commencing circa 1760 in Britain, catalyzed shifts from extended agrarian families to nuclear urban units, as uprooted communal labor and elevated wage work, correlating with rising illegitimacy rates (from 4% in 1750 to over 10% by 1850 in ) and weakened patriarchal authority. This transition, documented in and records, stemmed causally from demands separating work from home, eroding multigenerational co-residence and amplifying . Experimental studies in corroborate such dynamics: transmission chain experiments demonstrate high-fidelity replication stabilizing norms under stable conditions, but introduced perturbations—like resource scarcity analogs—accelerate variation and selection for novel behaviors, mirroring historical upheavals. Crises, such as pandemics or wars, similarly prune maladaptive traits, with post-event data showing accelerated adoption of rituals after the 1918 influenza, persisting via demonstrated efficacy.

Disciplinary Analyses

Anthropological Perspectives

Anthropology has contributed to the understanding of culture through ethnographic fieldwork, emphasizing participant observation to document social practices and institutions in non-Western societies. Bronisław Malinowski pioneered intensive, long-term immersion in his 1915–1918 studies of the Trobriand Islanders off New Guinea, detailed in Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), where he described the kula ring—a ceremonial exchange system of shell valuables—as fulfilling biological imperatives like nutrition, reproduction, and safety via social integration and economic reciprocity. His functionalist framework posited culture as a mechanism to satisfy universal human needs, shifting from armchair speculation to empirical data collection, though it underemphasized conflict and historical contingency in favor of synchronic analysis. Subsequent ethnographic claims revealed methodological vulnerabilities. 's (1928) portrayed adolescence as free of turmoil, attributing gender and sexual fluidity to cultural environment rather than innate drives, based on eight months of fieldwork relying heavily on interviews with adolescent girls. Derek Freeman's re-examination in the 1940s and 1960s, culminating in Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth (1983), documented strict premarital chastity norms enforced by flogging, high rates of adolescent and , and evidence that Mead's key informants admitted to hoaxing her with exaggerated tales of , underscoring flaws like , inadequate , and overgeneralization from a non-representative urban sample. These critiques exposed how ideological preferences for could distort field data, eroding confidence in uncorroborated narratives. Evolutionary anthropology has advanced more robust empirical approaches by integrating biological principles with quantitative field measures. Napoleon Chagnon's decades-long studies of the Yanomamö in and from the 1960s onward quantified violence, finding that approximately 30% of adult male deaths resulted from warfare or , with "unokai" (men who had killed) achieving 2.5 times more wives and three times more children than non-killers, indicating selection pressures favoring . This data challenged romanticized "" preconceptions of primitive harmony, aligning instead with causal mechanisms of resource competition and , yet provoked backlash from peers who prioritized egalitarian ideals over replicable findings, as seen in orchestrated professional sanctions against Chagnon in the 1990s and 2000s. Such resistance highlights institutional incentives in to favor nurture-centric interpretations, often sidelining genetic and adaptive realities evident in cross-cultural violence patterns. Contemporary evolutionary field research continues this trajectory, using metrics like genealogical data and behavioral assays to test hypotheses on and strategies, yielding falsifiable insights less prone to subjective .

Sociological Frameworks

Sociological frameworks conceptualize culture as a system of norms and institutions that exert coercive influence on individual behavior, maintaining and stratification through collective representations external to the actor. , in (1895), defined social facts as ways of acting, thinking, and feeling that are external to the individual and possess coercive power, such as linguistic conventions or moral codes that constrain conduct independently of personal will. These frameworks emphasize culture's role in integrating societies, where deviations from norms lead to dysfunction, evidenced by varying rates of social pathologies across groups with differing institutional cohesion. Durkheim's analysis in (1897) illustrates this through empirical data on suicide rates, which he treated as a influenced by the degree of group integration and rather than purely psychological factors. In European populations of the late , Protestant communities exhibited suicide rates approximately twice those of Catholic ones, attributed to Protestantism's weaker collective bonds and emphasis on individual , which reduced social cohesion compared to Catholicism's hierarchical and rituals. Similarly, unmarried individuals showed higher rates than married ones, reflecting diminished integration into familial institutions, with overall rates correlating inversely with communal solidarity across urban-rural divides and occupational groups. This approach posits culture as an emergent property of institutions that enforces , preventing —normlessness that disrupts order. Max Weber extended this institutional focus in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905), arguing that specific cultural values embedded in religious institutions causally shaped economic behavior and stratification. Weber identified Calvinist doctrines of predestination and asceticism as fostering a "spirit" of rational, methodical work as a sign of divine favor, which propelled capital accumulation in Protestant regions of early modern Europe, contrasting with more traditionalist Catholic economies. Empirical correlations included higher rates of entrepreneurship and literacy in Protestant areas, such as Prussia and the Netherlands, where Protestant populations dominated commercial innovation by the 17th century, supporting the thesis that cultural norms selectively enabled modern capitalism's rise. Critiques of these frameworks highlight an overreliance on , often neglecting genetic confounders that twin and studies from the onward have quantified. Behavioral research demonstrates substantial for traits like and value orientations—key to and social —with twin studies estimating genetic contributions at 40-60% for such dispositions, suggesting innate predispositions interact with cultural transmission rather than culture acting unilaterally. Sociological emphasis on nurture, while institutionally grounded, has been faulted for methodological individualism in reverse, ignoring evidence that shared environments explain little variance compared to , as seen in monozygotic twins reared apart exhibiting similar outcomes in stratification-related behaviors. This oversight persists partly due to disciplinary resistance in to biological integration, prioritizing exogenous norms over endogenous .

Psychological Dimensions

Cultural psychology examines how cultural contexts shape fundamental cognitive processes, including , , and reasoning. Experimental evidence reveals East Asians tend toward holistic , emphasizing contextual relationships and dialectical contradictions, while Westerners favor analytic , prioritizing object attributes and formal logic. These disparities, documented in Nisbett's 2003 analysis of experiments, stem from historical philosophical traditions—Confucian relationalism in the East versus Aristotelian categorization in the West—and persist across diverse tasks like attribution and scene . Subsequent eye-tracking studies validate these patterns: Western participants fixate more on focal objects, whereas East Asians distribute broadly to backgrounds, with effect sizes indicating robust cultural divergence rather than mere developmental variation. A critical limitation in psychological research arises from overreliance on Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic () samples, which represent outliers in global human and motivation. Henrich et al. (2010) analyzed over 100 studies across domains, finding individuals exhibit heightened , impartial fairness, and analytic biases atypical of most populations; for instance, in ultimatum games, proposers offer more equitable splits and responders punish inequity at higher rates than small-scale societies, where self-interest dominates due to different social mechanisms. This skew undermines universal claims in , as non- groups show greater , contextual sensitivity, and kin favoritism, highlighting culture's role in calibrating evolved psychological tendencies to local ecologies. Individual psychological traits interact dynamically with culture through gene-environment mechanisms, where heritable predispositions like —estimated at 40-50% in twin studies—are amplified or suppressed by societal norms. In environments rewarding , such as achievement-oriented cultures, genetic variance in manifests more strongly, as supportive institutions reduce and enable differential outcomes; behavioral genetic models demonstrate this via higher estimates in low-adversity settings. Longitudinal data further illustrate these interactions: traits like predict life outcomes more variably across cultures, with genetic effects on emerging prominently where cultural practices emphasize over immediate communal obligations. Such findings underscore bidirectional —culture selects for and expresses latent psychological potentials, fostering societal stability through aligned individual dispositions.

Economic and Institutional Roles

Douglass North's framework posits that formal and informal institutions, with the latter deeply rooted in cultural norms, constitute the incentive structures driving economic performance by reducing transaction costs and enforcing contracts. Cultural elements, such as prevailing beliefs about trust and cooperation, shape these informal constraints, influencing long-term growth trajectories through path-dependent evolution rather than exogenous shocks alone. Empirical analyses using data from 1981 onward reveal that higher generalized trust levels—measuring interpersonal reliability beyond —positively correlate with subsequent rates across countries, with coefficients indicating 0.5-1% additional annual GDP growth per standard deviation increase in trust, persisting through the after controlling for initial and policies. This relationship holds in panel regressions, suggesting cultural trust causally lowers enforcement costs in markets and . In European regional data, Guido Tabellini's 2010 study demonstrates that cultural traits like trust, for others, and confidence in generalized morals explain up to 20% of income variance from 1600 to 2000, independent of geographic factors or formal institutions, with instrumental variable approaches confirming via historical reversals of cultural transmission. Northern European regions, characterized by higher civic virtues, outperform southern counterparts in and public goods provision, underscoring culture's role in sustaining cooperative equilibria beyond legal transplants. Efforts to import formal institutions into culturally incongruent settings often fail, as evidenced in post-colonial after independence waves in the , where Western-style democracies and bureaucracies faltered amid low-trust, kin-based norms that prioritized tribal loyalties over impersonal , resulting in average GDP growth lags of 2-3% annually relative to cultural matches elsewhere. Pre-colonial institutional centralization weakly predicts post-colonial , but pervasive cultural mismatches—evident in high indices and —undermine transplanted rules, perpetuating extractive equilibria despite aid and reforms.

Cultural Diversity and Comparisons

Empirical Patterns Across Societies

Hofstede's cultural dimensions framework, derived from surveys of over 100,000 employees across more than 70 countries in the 1960s and 1970s, identifies systematic variations in societal values along six axes, including , individualism-collectivism, and . index scores, which gauge acceptance of hierarchical inequality, range from lows of 11 in and 18 in to highs of 100 in , 94 in the , and 93 in , with Latin American and Asian nations generally scoring higher than and Germanic ones. Individualism scores, reflecting preference for personal autonomy over group loyalty, peak at 91 in the United States and 80 in , while collectivism dominates in (6), (14), and (20). , measuring tolerance for ambiguity, scores highest in (112) and (99), characteristic of Mediterranean cultures, and lowest in (8) and (23), aligning with and Nordic patterns. The , spanning waves from 1981 to 2022 across over 100 countries, maps cultural orientations on two primary dimensions: traditional versus secular-rational values and survival versus . Secular-rational societies, emphasizing and self-expression over religion and authority, cluster in Protestant Europe (e.g., and ) and (e.g., ), while traditional societies predominate in , the , and , prioritizing deference to authority and familial ties. On the self-expression axis, favoring tolerance, participation, and quality-of-life priorities, Nordic and English-speaking countries score highest, contrasting with survival-oriented values in , , and parts of , where economic insecurity fosters emphasis on basic needs and national pride. These axes account for over 70% of cross-national variance in value surveys. Genome-wide association studies have produced polygenic scores for traits like and , revealing average differences across populations that align with observed cultural emphases on learning and achievement. For instance, polygenic scores for , derived from large-scale European-ancestry GWAS, show higher population averages in Northeast Asian and Ashkenazi Jewish groups compared to European averages, and lower in sub-Saharan African and some indigenous American populations, correlating with national metrics of schooling years and performance at levels of r ≈ 0.6-0.8 in some analyses. Similar patterns emerge for intelligence-related scores, with geographic gradients mirroring historical cultural investments in and , though cross-population predictions face challenges from variations.

Metrics and Causal Influences on Outcomes

Empirical studies consistently demonstrate that intact two-parent structures correlate with reduced and rates in the United States. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention indicate that the overall illegitimacy rate rose from approximately 5% in 1960 to 40% by 2020, with nonmarital births among black Americans increasing from about 24% in 1965 to over 70% in recent decades. Neighborhoods with high levels of single parenthood exhibit 48% higher total rates and up to 226% higher rates compared to those with low levels, even after controlling for socioeconomic factors. Causal mechanisms include diminished parental supervision, fewer economic resources, and absence of dual role models, which elevate risks of delinquency and economic disadvantage; married two-parent families, regardless of race, maintain low involvement rates. The 1965 Moynihan Report highlighted early signs of family disintegration among black Americans, attributing it partly to welfare policies that disincentivized by providing benefits to single mothers, a trend that intensified post-1960s expansions. Cultural norms emphasizing honor over dignity have been linked to elevated violence in regions like the U.S. South. Richard Nisbett's analysis of 1990s data reveals higher homicide rates in Southern states, particularly in interpersonal disputes involving insults or self-protection, tracing this to a "culture of honor" inherited from Scottish-Irish herders who prioritized defending reputation through violence due to livestock vulnerability. Southern white males endorse aggressive responses to threats more than Northern counterparts, with survey data showing conditional support for violence in honor-related contexts. This persistence across generations suggests transmission via both cultural learning and heritable population-level traits from ancestral groups, as evidenced by correlations between early Scotch-Irish settlement patterns and modern violence metrics, beyond economic explanations. Cultural openness, as measured by metrics like the presence of a "," shows associations with innovation outputs such as patents, though causality remains contested. Richard Florida's framework posits that regions attracting diverse, tolerant populations—proxied by density—experience higher and patenting activity, with regression analyses confirming positive links between creative worker concentration and metropolitan innovation rates. However, critiques highlight , where successful regions draw talent rather than openness causing prosperity; studies adjusting for and endogeneity find attenuated but persistent effects, suggesting cultural tolerance facilitates knowledge spillovers and risk-taking essential for . These patterns underscore how normative attitudes toward novelty and diversity can causally amplify technological advancement by fostering environments conducive to and experimentation.

Controversies and Critiques

Relativism Versus Universal Standards

asserts that moral and cultural practices should be evaluated relative to their specific societal context, rejecting the imposition of external standards. This doctrine emerged prominently through the work of anthropologist in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, who emphasized and argued against evolutionary hierarchies of cultures, influencing American anthropology to prioritize contextual understanding over universal judgments. Empirical evidence challenges strict by documenting widespread —features of behavior, , and social organization present across all known societies without exception. Donald E. Brown, in his 1991 analysis of ethnographic data, compiled a list of over 300 such universals, including prohibitions on (typically between close kin like parents and children), the use of with syntax and semantics, recognition of distinctions, and taboos against murder within the group. These patterns, derived from spanning , , and complex societies, suggest innate constraints on cultural variation rather than infinite . Critics contend that impedes condemnation of harmful practices by framing them as culturally valid, despite objective health and welfare data. For instance, female genital mutilation (FGM), practiced in parts of and the , persists in some communities, yet the documents severe immediate risks including hemorrhage, infection, and shock, alongside long-term consequences such as , urinary tract issues, , and increased maternal and rates (e.g., a 55% higher risk of postpartum hemorrhage in Type III FGM cases). , in his 2002 book , argues that relativist denial of universal excuses such harms, attributing this stance to ideological commitments in academia that prioritize cultural autonomy over evidence-based critique. Relativism also overlooks causal mechanisms where maladaptive cultural elements lead to societal decline through feedback loops of poor outcomes. The Soviet Union's 1917-1991 experiment in constructing a collectivist culture, rejecting traditional norms and incentives, resulted in chronic : by the 1980s, per capita GDP growth averaged under 1% annually amid shortages and inefficiency, culminating in collapse amid failed reforms that exposed systemic flaws like misallocated resources and low productivity. Such historical cases demonstrate that cultures are not insulated from empirical reality; those diverging from functional universals (e.g., individual agency in ) face selection pressures, undermining claims of equivalent validity across all systems.

Multiculturalism, Assimilation, and Conflicts

In the United States, the assimilation model, often characterized as a "melting pot," demonstrated intergenerational convergence among Ellis Island-era immigrants from 1892 to 1954, with over 12 million arrivals primarily from Europe showing rapid cultural and economic integration. Historical census data from 1880 to 1970 indicate that second- and third-generation immigrants adopted native family structures, English proficiency, and occupational patterns at rates exceeding 80% within two generations, facilitated by selective immigration policies and economic opportunities that encouraged adaptation over retention of distinct ethnic enclaves. Studies of naming practices reveal that immigrants from the early 20th century gave children distinctly American names after 10-20 years in the country, a pattern persisting into modern cohorts and signaling cultural assimilation without substantial earnings penalties upon arrival. European policies favoring multiculturalism, which emphasize preserving immigrant cultural identities through parallel societies rather than mandatory assimilation, have yielded mixed outcomes, often marked by reduced social cohesion. Robert Putnam's 2007 analysis of U.S. data, including Boston-area communities, found that higher ethnic diversity correlates with lower generalized trust, fewer friendships across groups, and diminished civic engagement in the short term, effects persisting even after controlling for socioeconomic factors. In Sweden, official statistics from the 2010s show foreign-born individuals and their descendants overrepresented in crime, comprising 58% of suspects for total crime despite being 19% of the population, with 73% for murders and 70% for robberies, linked to integration failures post-2015 migration surges. Similarly, Germany's 2015-2016 refugee influx of over one million coincided with rises in reported sexual offenses and violent crimes attributed to migrants, including the Cologne New Year's Eve assaults involving hundreds of non-citizens, though overall crime rates fluctuated amid debates over data underreporting. Ethnic fractionalization, as quantified by indices measuring group diversity, exacerbates conflicts and hampers development, with Alesina et al.'s 2003 across 190 countries linking higher fractionalization to 0.5-1% lower annual GDP growth through reduced provision and policy inefficiencies. These measures correlate with elevated risks of , particularly when combined with polarization, as diverse societies struggle with coordination and trust, evidenced by post-colonial African states where fractionalization above 0.7 predicts instability. Empirical patterns underscore that assimilation-oriented policies mitigate such risks by fostering shared norms, whereas multiculturalism's tolerance of amplifies fractionalization's costs without commensurate benefits in integration metrics.

Pathologies of Cultural Decay and Renewal

Cultural decay manifests in measurable erosions of social cohesion, evidenced by declining interpersonal trust and in the United States. Robert Putnam's analysis documents a sharp drop in —networks of reciprocity and trust—beginning in the late , with participation in civic organizations, , and informal socializing falling by roughly 25-50% over subsequent decades, as tracked through longitudinal on membership trends and survey responses. Concurrently, interpersonal trust has plummeted, with the share of Americans affirming that "most people can be trusted" decreasing from 46% in 1972 to 34% by 2018, per analyzed by Pew Research. These trends align with post- institutional shifts, including rising divorce rates and family fragmentation, which empirical studies link to weakened normative structures supporting long-term commitments. Fertility rates provide another quantifiable indicator of decay, reflecting diminished confidence in future-oriented . The U.S. fell from 3.65 children per woman in 1960 to 1.64 in 2023, remaining below the replacement level of 2.1 since 1971, according to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention vital statistics. This sustained decline correlates with broader metrics of social fragmentation, such as increased non-marital births and delayed family formation, which cross-national data associate with lower societal trust and economic productivity. Modern accelerators include digital technologies; Jonathan Haidt's synthesis of epidemiological studies posits smartphones and as causal contributors to deterioration since around 2012, with depression rates among adolescent girls rising 145% and hospitalizations doubling, based on CDC and national health surveys showing temporal alignment and dose-response patterns absent in prior generations. Renewal emerges through grassroots restorations of communal norms, as seen in historical religious revivals that rebuilt cohesion amid prior instabilities. The Second Great Awakening (circa 1790-1840) spurred widespread moral reforms, including temperance movements reducing and abolitionist efforts fostering civic unity, which historians correlate with heightened social stability and institutional trust in antebellum America through expanded voluntary associations and ethical frameworks. These episodes demonstrate causal pathways where renewed emphasis on shared virtues—evident in increased and reform participation—counteracted fragmentation, yielding measurable gains in without top-down imposition. While contemporary narratives of decay risk overstatement akin to moral panics, the empirical patterns underscore that elite-driven norm erosion, such as through identity-based divisions, amplifies decline unless checked by evidence-based communal reinvigoration.

Preservation and Policy

Strategies for Cultural Continuity

One effective strategy for cultural continuity involves immersion education and ritualistic transmission within families and communities, which empirical studies show sustains linguistic and normative elements across generations. The revival of Hebrew as a exemplifies this approach: beginning in the 1880s, schools in Ottoman Palestine adopted Hebrew as the , fostering daily use among children despite initial resistance, which culminated in its status as by after widespread adoption in educational settings. Longitudinal data from similar immersion programs, such as those preserving indigenous languages, indicate retention rates exceeding 70% in communities enforcing consistent exposure from , outperforming sporadic heritage classes by embedding cultural practices causally through repetition and social reinforcement. Immigration selectivity based on cultural compatibility and skills represents another evidence-based method, as systems prioritizing economic and linguistic alignment reduce dilution of host cultural norms. Canada's , implemented in , evaluates applicants on education, , and , resulting in immigrants with higher initial integration metrics—such as 80-90% employment rates within five years—compared to family reunification models in countries like the , where chain migration admits lower-skilled relatives with assimilation rates lagging by 20-30% in and civic participation. This selectivity preserves cultural continuity by favoring inflows likely to adopt prevailing values, as evidenced by Canada's sustained majority-language dominance and lower ethnic enclaving versus high-reunification systems fostering parallel societies. Bottom-up community organizations, emphasizing insularity and internal enforcement, demonstrate superior retention over top-down governmental interventions, with data showing self-sustaining groups achieving continuity through voluntary adherence. The communities in maintain over 85% retention of youth into adulthood via strict separation from external influences, familial rituals, and communal of defectors, yielding rates of 3-4% annually without state subsidies—contrasting with state-led preservation efforts in , where top-down policies yield retention below 50% due to weaker causal ties to individual incentives. Such organic strategies leverage kin-based networks and cultural , empirically correlating with preserved practices like and dress over centuries.

Global Influences and Protection Debates

The 1972 Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage has designated 1,199 properties across 168 countries as of 2023, fostering international cooperation and tourism revenues exceeding $1 trillion annually for listed sites in some nations. However, its efficacy remains mixed, with critiques highlighting insufficient enforcement in developing countries where and conflict exacerbate cultural erosion; for instance, sites in and the have faced looting and degradation despite listing, as seen in the ongoing threats to Timbuktu's manuscripts in amid instability. While the convention has preserved iconic landmarks through funding and awareness, data indicate that over 50 World Heritage sites are at high risk from climate-induced erosion and urbanization in vulnerable regions, underscoring limitations in binding global mechanisms against local pressures. Globalization exerts homogenizing forces on cultures, as articulated in George Ritzer's 1993 McDonaldization thesis, which posits the spread of rationalized, efficiency-driven systems like fast-food chains leading to standardized consumption patterns worldwide; empirical evidence includes the proliferation of over 39,000 outlets in 119 countries by 2023, correlating with local adaptations yet diminishing unique culinary traditions in urban areas of and . Counterexamples of resistance emerge through localization and hybridization, where cultures selectively integrate global elements; South Korea's industry exemplifies this, achieving $10 billion in exports by 2022 via adaptive strategies blending traditional Korean motifs with Western pop structures, enabling artists like to dominate global charts without full assimilation. Such dynamics suggest that while homogenization pressures exist, endogenous adaptations often prevail, fostering resilient cultural exports rather than erasure. Debates over cultural protection versus organic intensify under , with protectionist policies like France's 1994 —mandating French usage in advertising, workplaces, and public communications—drawing criticism for insulating domestic markets at the cost of innovation; studies link stringent language quotas to reduced uptake of English-centric technologies, as evidenced by slower digital platform adoption in under analogous 2022 Bill 96 reforms, where tech firms reported compliance burdens deterring investment. Cross-national analyses further reveal that heightened correlates with diminished support for cultural , as diversified cultural flows via and media promote over isolation, yielding higher living standards without mandated preservation. Proponents of organic argue that top-down interventions, such as UNESCO's frameworks, often fail to counter causal drivers like market incentives, favoring instead decentralized adaptations that empirically sustain cultural vitality amid global integration.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.