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Heather Booth
Heather Booth
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Heather Booth (born December 15, 1945) is an American civil rights activist, feminist, and political strategist who has been involved in activism for progressive causes. During her student years, she was active in both the civil rights movement and feminist causes. Since then she has had a career involving feminism, community organization, and progressive politics.

Key Information

Early life and family

[edit]

Booth was born in a military hospital in Brookhaven, Mississippi, on December 15, 1945, during a period in which her father was serving as an Army doctor.[1]: 104 [2] Soon after her birth, her family moved to Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, where she received her elementary education in P.S. 200 in the Bath Beach neighborhood. Later, she attended high school in Long Island's North Shore after her family had moved to that upscale area.[3] She has two brothers, David and Jonathan.[1]: 105  Booth said that she grew up in a warm, loving, and supportive family, and that her parents taught her the importance of recognizing injustice and acting to correct it.[2] From her Jewish upbringing, Booth learned to take on responsibility for building a society that reflected these goals.[4]

After her family had moved to Long Island, Booth's mother, using Betty Friedan's 1963 book The Feminine Mystique, made her aware of the growing discontent of prosperous suburban housewives with the conventionally narrow lives they led.[5] In high school, she joined a sorority and the cheerleading team but left both of them when she came to believe that their members were discriminating against students who did not lead their privileged lives.[5] She began leafleting against the death penalty. In 1960, she joined the Congress of Racial Equality in a protest against the segregationist policies of the Woolworth's chain.[6]

Upon graduating from high school in 1963, Booth spent the summer traveling in Israel and that fall enrolled as a freshman at the University of Chicago.[3] She chose that school in part because it had no sororities and deemphasized sports.[7] In college, she quickly immersed herself in political activism,[8] In 1967, she received a Bachelor of Arts degree in social sciences, then in 1970, a Master of Arts degree in educational psychology, both from the University of Chicago.[2]

She and Paul Booth married in July 1967, shortly after she graduated from college.[7] They had met at a sit-in protesting the University of Chicago's cooperation with the policies of the U.S. Selective Service System whose local boards were then drafting men to serve in the Vietnam War.[9] Later that year, she was arrested during a protest at the U.S. Army induction center in Chicago.[10] The couple had two sons, Eugene Victor Booth (born in 1968) and Daniel Garrison Booth (born in 1969).[note 1]

One of the founders of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Paul Booth was national secretary of the organization when they met.[11] He helped organize the 1965 March on Washington for Peace in Vietnam,[12] subsequently became president of the Citizen Action Program in Chicago (a group formed in 1969 by members of Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation), and was later a director of the Midwest Academy.[13] Beginning in the 1980s, he held a series of positions within the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees union.[14] In 2017, by then executive assistant to the union's president, he retired, continuing his political engagement by supporting Heather Booth in her work.[15] He died January 17, 2018, from complications of chronic lymphocytic leukemia.[14][note 2]

Career

[edit]

Civil rights

[edit]

Booth's opposition to racial discrimination began when she was still in elementary school. She defended an African-American fellow student who was being attacked for allegedly stealing another student's lunch money. It was soon discovered that the girl who made the accusation had put the money in her shoe and forgotten it. In a 1985 interview, Booth said "I remember having the feeling that you don't do this to people."[16] While in high school, she joined the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) to help protest Woolworth's lunch counter discrimination in the South. In 1963, soon after enrolling in college, she became head of a group, called Friends of SNCC, that was organized on campus to support the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.[9] She also became student liaison to the Chicago Council of Community Organizations (CCCO), which was then protesting school segregation in the city.[17] As CCCO liaison, she helped coordinate Freedom Schools in the Chicago's South Side.[2]

In 1964, Booth joined the Freedom Summer project in which volunteers from Northern and Western colleges and universities worked to register black voters and set up freedom schools and libraries in Mississippi.[11] She was arrested for the first time while she was carrying a sign saying "Freedom Now!" during a peaceful demonstration in Shaw, Mississippi.[18] In an interview conducted in 1989, she said that the experience reinforced her commitment to the civil rights movement. Confronted by the violent resistance of white Mississippians, she feared for her own life, but also realized that she could leave whenever she wished and was awed by the extraordinary heroism of the black residents with whom she worked. "They had a quiet heroism," she said, "not just by standing up to bullets, but by day to day being willing to go and talk to their neighbors, have meetings in their churches, take people into their homes." She said the work was full of tiring and frustrating tasks but recognized that it is the mundane everyday work that brings meaningful change.[2]

In 1965, Booth was arrested while demonstrating at banks that were providing financial support for the apartheid regime in South Africa.[9] Shortly afterward, she helped form a number of local groups that sought to learn about urban problems and find ways to overcome them.[7] She left SNCC in 1967 when its leaders no longer welcomed Whites as members.[19] She then devoted more of her time to issues related to feminism and the anti-war movement.[9]

Feminism

[edit]

In 1965, she began to set up consciousness raising groups that focused on inequality between the sexes.[20] These small groups of women met regularly to speak about incidents, both minor and more serious, that seemed to be unique but often proved to be shared by other women as well. In a pamphlet published in April 1968, Booth and two co-writers noted a tendency for women to "see their problems as personal ones and thus blame themselves."[20][note 3] In discovering how many ostensibly unique concerns were actually common ones, members gained a sense of the collective influence they might exert toward changing the unfair practices and dismissive attitudes they had previously accepted as cultural norms.[21]

Booth also helped to organize a course on women's studies, began to coach women who were uneasy about speaking up in class, and conducted a study on the disparity of treatment between male and female students in the classroom.[22] Noticing a similar unequal treatment among student activists, she founded a campus group, the Women's Radical Action Program, to document and counter the ways in which women were relegated to subordinate roles in national organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society and SNCC.[7][note 4]  In 1967, Booth joined with other activists to form the Chicago West Side Group, which was reported to have been "the first women's liberation group in the country, with the primary goal of raising the consciousness of its members."[23]

In 1965, a fellow student asked whether Booth could help his sister who was so greatly distraught about an unwanted pregnancy as to consider killing herself.[24] By contacting the medical arm of the civil rights movement, she was able to refer the woman to a reputable doctor who was willing to perform an abortion.[25][note 5] As word quietly spread throughout the university community she was asked to make more referrals to the same doctor. In complying, she made sure that he would not only treat them, but also make sure the patients made a successful recovery.[24] The Jane Collective, or simply Jane, emerged from this early start. Booth formed it by involving like-minded students in a clandestine organization for evaluating doctors, counseling women who contacted them, performing referrals, and conducting follow-up discussions by phone.[7] By 1969 this group, calling itself the Abortion Counseling Service of Women's Liberation, began to advertise in student and underground newspapers, advising pregnant women who needed help to "Call Jane."[24][note 6] The Jane Collective disbanded following the Roe v. Wade decision of the U.S. Supreme Court on January 22, 1973, which effectively legalized abortion throughout the country.[1]: 105 

In 1969, recognizing the need to counter a strong tendency among feminists to see all organizational structures as oppressive, Booth joined with five other women to found the Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU).[28][note 7] They believed that organization was essential for the movement be able to reach out to women who were not already radicalized and for it to develop strategies for winning reforms that would demonstrably improve women's lives. They said a structured approach was needed, including careful planning, the setting of specific goals, and developing strategies achieve these goals. Overall, they were committed to helping women to gain a sense of their collective power.[30] The CWLU organized local chapters, published newspapers, engaged in direct action, and ran a liberation school founded by CWLU's first staff member, Vivian Rothstein.[28][31] In 1969, Booth became a member of a feminist group called the Women's International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell (WITCH).[32][note 8]

After her marriage and the birth of her sons, Booth began to experience family-related issues that most feminist activists had considered to have little or no importance.[7] Finding no local child care centers in the Hyde Park community where she lived, she joined with two friends in an effort to set one up.[note 9] The bureaucratic obstruction that they encountered led the three to set up a new citywide organization in Chicago called the Action Committee for Decent Childcare (ACDC).[33] Based on the rationale given for setting up the CWLU, to which it was related, ACDC created an organizational structure having specific and achievable goals. A position paper written anonymously in 1972 stated these goals as building a power base of women who work together to accomplish specific reforms in childcare policy, with the expectation that each victory will provide an opportunity to expand the power base and bring further goals within reach. The committee did not set up childcare services but worked to overcome legal barriers to the substantial expansion of these services throughout the city. Within a few years it had forced the liberalization of licensing procedures and won a million dollar city investment in childcare centers.[7]

In 1972, "Socialist Feminism: A Strategy for the Women's Movement", which is believed to be the first publication to use the term "socialist feminism", was published by the Hyde Park Chapter of the CWLU which included Booth, Day Creamer, Susan Davis, Deb Dobbin, Robin Kaufman, and Tobey Klass.

Midwest Academy and community organizing

[edit]

After earning her master's degree in 1970, Booth took on part-time editorial work to help support her family.[11] Outraged at her employer's treatment of its clerical staff, she encouraged them to organize. When they confronted him, the boss agreed to meet their demands but insisted on firing Booth.[note 10] She sued and in 1972 won her case before the National Labor Relations Board. The next year, using money she was awarded in the suit, she founded the Midwest Academy, a training organization that taught grassroots community organizing methods[34] based on earlier work done by Saul Alinsky.[11]

Booth and the other leaders of the academy created a highly regarded tool for the use of the community organizers who came to them for training. Using the tool, academy instructors taught the importance of establishing organizations to set specific goals for using pressure-group tactics in a formally-structured campaign.[34] This tool, the "Midwest Academy Strategy Chart," instructed students in the actions that must be taken following the articulation of a problem and the methods that must be used for determining the success of the resulting campaign. The steps include setting concrete near- and long-term objectives, identifying individuals or groups that are either committed to solving the problem or likely to become supportive allies, and they include measuring the strength and likely tactics of those who will oppose the change. The chart directs attention to targets—the specific individuals who hold decision-making power and are able to affect the campaign—and it asks how these people can be influenced. It focuses on the resources that the campaign can call upon: its budget, its staff, and facilities available to it. And it asks how the campaign can be used to strengthen the coordinating group, what experience its leaders will gain as they conduct it, and whether it offers a good chance to expand into new constituencies and raise additional money.[35]

In May 2023 in Washington, Senator Bernie Sanders keynoted a 50th-anniversary celebration of the Midwest Academy, which included alumni from its training programs.[36]

In 1978, Booth proposed and helped to found an alliance of citizen-activist and labor organizations called the Citizen Labor Energy Coalition, often referred to as CLEC. The group chose her as its executive director at its first meeting and began work toward overcoming the mutual distaste that was seen to exist between the major elements of the New Left and the leadership of the AFL–CIO. In the words of labor historian Andrew Battista, CLEC addressed "a crucial issue of American public life: the relationship between the decline of organized labor and the decay of liberal and progressive politics." CLEC's lasting contribution is seen to be the establishment of new citizen-labor activist groups at the state level.[37]

The experience she gained as president of the Midwest Academy and the many contacts she made with people who attended its training programs enabled her to set up Citizen Action, a nationwide coalition of local activist groups.[38] Set up in 1980, Citizen Action gradually absorbed the statewide groups set up by CLEC and, eventually, CLEC itself.[37] By 1989 the new coalition had a membership of two million people with 24 state affiliates.[16] The issues it took on included plant closings, affordable health care, high energy costs, toxic waste sites, and similar problems, most of them having a degree of bipartisan support.[39] Largely influenced by the negative fallout following the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan, Citizen Action began to move away from the nonpartisan activism of the other organizations that Booth had founded. Departing from her previous practice, she began to take first steps toward entering mainstream politics by helping to defeat Republican candidates for office.[40]

Progressive politics

[edit]

In 1981, Booth was arrested while supporting miners during the Pittston Coal strike in Pennsylvania. A news report said she brought about 50 people to support the strike, about 20 of whom were arrested for blocking a courthouse entrance.[41] She was an adviser to Harold Washington's 1983 and 1987 mayoral campaigns in Chicago,[42] and subsequently served as field director for Carol Moseley-Braun's successful campaign for the U.S. Senate in 1992, both of whom were African Americans.[43]

Because the headquarters of Citizen Action was in Washington, D.C., Booth's position as president of the organization caused her to make frequent trips there from her home in Chicago.[2] In Washington she was able to make a growing number of connections with the national leadership of the AFL–CIO and the Democratic Party. In 1993, she became an outreach coordinator for the Democratic National Committee (DNC) for women, labor, and related concerns, and subsequently was named coordinator of the committee's National Health Care Campaign.[44] The DNC made her its training director in 1996.

Four years later, Julian Bond asked Booth to lead the newly-established National Voter Fund of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. As a non-profit organization, the fund aimed, in its words, "to engage in issue advocacy, educate voters on candidates' stands on civil rights, and increase voter turnout in the African-American community through voter education and non-partisan registration and get-out-the-vote efforts."[45] Its work helped to produce the unusually large African-American turnout in the presidential election of 2000.[3]

Late in 1999, Booth helped found a federation of progressive community organizing groups called USAction.[46][47] USAction absorbed some of the member organizations of Citizen Action and, like Citizen Action, it was a progressive advocacy organization intended to stimulate and coordinate community pressure groups.[46]

In 2003, Booth was lead consultant to the Campaign for Comprehensive Immigration Reform and subsequently to the Voter Participation Center.[48][49] She was also the senior advisor to the One Nation Working Together rally held in October 2010[5] and consultant to the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare a year later.[50] Since 2011, she has been a member of an organization of political consultants called Democracy Partners.[51]

They said, 'Elizabeth, if you really want to push for this consumer agency, you've got to get organized.' And I said, 'Great! How?' They said, 'I've got two words for you: Heather Booth.'

Elizabeth Warren, appearing in the documentary film, Heather Booth: Changing the World.[52]

In 2004, Booth was Get-Out-the-Vote (GOTV) coordinator for the New Mexico Kerry/Edwards presidential campaign.[53] In 2008, she was director of the AFL–CIO Health Care Campaign.[54] In 2009, she directed the campaign to promote congressional passage of President Obama's first budget.[48]

Booth worked to achieve financial reform and establish the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. In 2010, she was hired to direct Americans for Financial Reform (AFR),[55] a coalition of about 200 consumer, labor, and special interest groups established during the 2008 financial crisis and the Great Recession.[47] AFR played a key role in achieving passage of the Dodd-Frank Act later that year.

As Elizabeth Warren later explained:

AFR managed to scrape together some money, and they used it to hire a handful of employees, including Heather Booth as executive director and Lisa Donner as her deputy. Creating a small team to organize the overall campaign for reform was a brilliant move. Instead of each nonprofit putting a little time into fighting for this or that provision, AFR coordinated the efforts of dozens of groups, magnifying the work of each one by helping them speak with a single voice. Heather and Lisa and the rest of their crew put out press releases, coordinated briefings on Capitol Hill, and organized groups of volunteers. The staffers and lobbyist and lawyers for the megabanks outnumbered them by a zillion to one, but the AFR people were there—day in and day out—hammering on the need for financial reform. They worked their hearts out.[56]

Regarding passage of the Dodd–Frank Act, Booth was jubilant but did not see the achievement as an end in itself. She wrote:

The big lesson is that if we organize, we can win. The progress we made was because people raised our voices, took the message to the public, to the streets, and to the Halls of Congress, where we were joined in our efforts by some committed elected representatives. ... [T]he legislation headed to the President's desk is a better start than almost anyone predicted was possible in the face of the powerful opposition and entrenched power of the status quo. We won. Now let's get back to work.[57]

Calling her "one of the nation's most influential organizers for progressive causes,"[4] a profile published in 2017 by journalist David Wood said:

Inside almost every liberal drive over the past five decades—for fair pay, equal justice, abortion rights, workers' rights, voter rights, civil rights, immigration rights, child care—you will find Booth. But you may have to look hard. Because she's not always at the head of the protest march. More often, she's at a let's-get-organized meeting in a suburban church basement or a late-night strategy session in a crumbling neighborhood's community center. She's helping people already roused to action figure out practical ways to move their cause forward. And always she's advancing the credo she learned as a child: that you must not only treat people with dignity and respect, but you must shoulder your own responsibility to help build a society that reflects those values.[4]

In 2018, Booth was arrested at a Capitol Hill protest in support of the DACA program.[12] In 2019, she was arrested again, during a "Fire Drill Fridays" climate change rally, also on Capitol Hill.[58]

During the Biden/Harris presidential campaign of 2020, Booth served as director of senior and progressive engagement and on December 15 of that year was quoted as saying "President-elect Joe Biden's team has always focused on older voters and their concerns will be top-of-mind in his upcoming term."[59][60]

Booth was appointed Progressive Outreach Director for the 2024 Biden presidential election campaign.[61]

Political opponents and critics

[edit]

As an activist on the national scene, Booth has drawn considerable criticism from political opponents. In 1978, Congressman Larry McDonald (R. Ga.) claimed that Booth and the Midwest Academy were associated with the Communist Party USA.[62] A year later, he quoted an article claiming that: "The founder of the Midwest Academy, Heather Tobis Booth, and her husband, Paul Booth, were top leaders of Students for a Democratic Society in the mid-1960s who decided like many other S.D.S. activists that the way to create a socialist system in the United States was to organize a 'hate the rich' campaign under cover of a 'populist' movement for those who have incomes near or below the poverty line."[8] In a book published in 2010, conservative author Stanley Kurtz called Booth "arguably the queen of socialist politics in Chicago,"[63]: 228  also saying she was determined "to drag modern American socialism, kicking and screaming, into the heart of America's mainstream institutions."[63]: 150 

In 2013, Paul Sperry said she was a leading figure among the "socialist activists and their front groups [who] played a shockingly outsized role shaping and passing the monumental financial reform legislation that authorized the creation of President Obama's powerful consumer credit watchdog agency."[64] Sperry is a conservative journalist and author of anti-Muslim books, who has served as bureau chief in Washington, D.C. for the conspiratorial website WorldNetDaily and written opinion pieces for the New York Post.[65]

Honors and awards

[edit]
  • On May 9, 1987, Booth received the Thomas-Debs Award at a dinner in her honor held by the Democratic Socialists of America.[66][note 11]
  • On June 16, 2009, the Washington, D.C., office of AVODAH held a "Partner in Justice Event" honoring Booth.[67]
  • On July 6, 2013, during the national conference of the National Organization for Women, Booth accepted the Victoria J. Mastrobuono Women's Health Award on behalf of the Jane Collective.[68]
  • On September 23, 2015, the Chicago Abortion Fund honored Booth and the Jane Collective at its 25th anniversary celebration.[69]
  • On October 19, 2016, United Vision for Idaho gave a reception honoring Booth in conjunction with a showing of Heather Booth: Changing the World.[70] This was one of quite a few receptions of similar nature that were held in conjunction with the showing of the documentary film.
  • On October 21, 2020, Jane Fonda presented Booth with Personal PAC's Irving Harris Award at a virtual luncheon that was also attended by Hillary Clinton.[71] Personal PAC is an Illinois-based political action committee that is dedicated to electing pro-choice candidates to state and local office.[72]
  • In March 2022, Booth received the Raphael Lemkin Human Rights Award from T'ruah, the Rabbinic Call for Human Rights. The T'ruah announcement says, in part, "Heather Booth has committed her life to bringing a Jewish lens to work for social justice."[73]

Documentary films, television appearances, and podcasts

[edit]
  • In 1989, as coordinator of Mobilization for Women's Lives, Booth appeared in television coverage of the 20th Anniversary Celebration & Conference of the National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League.[74]
  • In June 1990, as president of Citizen Action, she participated in a televised panel discussion concerning post Cold War strategies hosted by the Institute for Policy Studies. The topic was "Informing our Activism After the Cold War."[75]
  • In October 1990, as director of the Coalition for Democratic Values, she led a televised panel discussion hosted by the coalition on its formation and its goal of pressing the Democratic Party to retain progressive values.[76]
  • She was interviewed in the 1994 film Freedom on My Mind, directed by Connie Field and Marilyn Mulford, written by Michael Chandler.[77]
  • She was interviewed in the 1995 film Jane: An Abortion Service, directed by Kate Kirtz and Nell Lundy (Chicago, Juicy Productions, 1995).[78]
  • In April 1996, as training director of the Democratic National Committee, she gave a televised address to the National Association of Social Workers on "Women and the 1996 Elections."[79]
  • In November 2000, as Executive Director of the NAACP National Voter Fund, she participated in a televised discussion held by the fund concerning "African-American Voter Turnout" in that year's elections.[80]
  • In 2007, as director of the AFL–CIO health care campaign, she participated in a televised discussion on "Health Care Reform" hosted by the AFL–CIO.[81]
  • She appeared in the 2008 film The Coat Hanger Project, written, directed and filmed by Angie Young and featuring Loretta Ross, Heather Booth, Mildred Hanson, Vicki Saporta, and Jeannie Ludlow ([Washington, D.C.], Coat Hanger Project, 2008).
  • She appeared in the 2013 film Feminist: Stories from Women's Liberation, directed, edited, and narrated by Jennifer Lee, and featuring Robin Morgan, Betty Friedan, Gloria Steinem, Eleanor Holmes Norton, Aileen Hernandez, Ruth Rosen, Vivian Rothstein, Kathie Sarachild, Heather Booth, Frances M. Beal, Himilce Novas, Eleanor Smeal, Sheila Tobias, Sonia Pressman Fuentes, Ti-Grace Atkinson, Jacqui Ceballos, Mary King, Richard Graham, Karen DeCrow, Eve Norman, Ivy Bottini, Chude Allen, Alix Kates Shulman, Byllye Avery, and Betita Martinez (New York, Women Make Movies, 2013).[82]
  • She was featured in the 2014 feminist history film She's Beautiful When She's Angry, a film by Mary Dore, Nancy C Kennedy, and Mark Degli Antoni of the International Film Circuit (New York, She's Beautiful Film Project, Cinema Guild, 2014).[83]
  • She appeared in the film This Little Light of Mine: The Legacy of Fannie Lou Hamer, by Robin N. Hamilton with Leslie Burl McLemore, Dorie Ladner, Heather Booth, and Rev. Ed King (New York, Filmmakers Library, Imprint of Alexander Street Press, [2015]).
  • She was the subject of the documentary Heather Booth: Changing the World, directed, written, and produced by Lilly Rivlin (New York, Just Luck Productions, Women Make Movies (Firm), [2016]).[52]
  • On February 6, 2017, she was interviewed on the Ben Joravsky Show on radio station WCPT in Chicago, available as a podcast from SoundCloud.[84]
  • She is interviewed for the inaugural episode of This Way Forward, a podcast by Wylie Chang, a student at Bowdoin College, (Bowdoin Commons, Bowdoin, Maine).[85]
  • She is the subject of a podcast by Anna Greenberg, "Heather Booth" (That's What She Said, May 13, 2017).[86]
  • In a review of the film Call Jane, Variety author, Peter Debruge says that the character "Virginia" (played by Sigourney Weaver) is "loosely based" on Booth's life.[87]
  • A recollection Booth made in this documentary was quoted in the Washington Post in January 2022. Booth said, "A friend of mine was raped at knifepoint, in her bed in off-campus housing. I went with her to student health. She was given a lecture on promiscuity."[88]
  • Booth appeared in a video program on this documentary produced by Democracy Now! on January 24, 2022. The program summary quoted her as saying, "You have to stand up to illegitimate authority."[89]
  • In January 2022, Booth was interviewed by Jennifer 8. Lee on the Chicago educational radio station, WBEZ in a program whose transcript has been published by the station.[90]

Writings

[edit]

The following are Booth's contributions to books, pamphlets, and blog posts as sole author, joint author, or contributor.

  • Heather Booth, Evie Goldfield, and Sue Munaker, Toward a Radical Movement (Boston, New England Free Press, April 1968).[20]
  • Harry C. Boyte, Heather Booth, and Steve Max, Citizen Action and the New American Populism (Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1986).
  • Heather Booth (ed.) Midwest Academy Records : Heather Booth's Personal Files, 1964 and 1984, (e-book) (Bethesda, Md. : University Publications of America, 2014).[note 12]
  • Heather Booth, Obama Is Right to Fight for Real Financial Reform: Let's Organize to Hold Big Banks Accountable, HuffPost (weblog), March 30, 2010.[91]
  • Heather Booth, Is the Senate Afraid of Ghosts?, HuffPost (weblog), April 7, 2010.[92]
  • Heather Booth, Beware Frank Luntz's Lies and Rein in the Big Banks!, HuffPost (weblog), April 10, 2010.[93]
  • Heather Booth, Bipartisanship Is Not a Substitute for Real Reform, HuffPost (weblog), May 3, 2010.[94]
  • Heather Booth, The Two Rules of Real Financial Reform, HuffPost (weblog), May 12, 2010.[95]
  • Heather Booth, Bankers Swarm Capitol Hill Because They Love You, HuffPost (weblog), May 19, 2010.[96]
  • Heather Booth, It All Comes Down to This, HuffPost (weblog), June 23, 2010.[97]
  • Heather Booth, When the public is watching, the Senate is forced to side with Main Street over Wall Street, HuffPost (weblog), June 29, 2010.[98]
  • Heather Booth, Big Victory in the House, but Big Fight Remains, HuffPost (weblog), June 30, 2010.[99]
  • Heather Booth, V-I-C-T-O-R-Y !!!, HuffPost (weblog), July 15, 2010.[57]
  • Heather Booth, Fasting for Families: When We Act, We Can Change the World, HuffPost (weblog), December 2, 2013.[100]
  • Heather Booth, To My Progressive Friends – About Tim Kaine, HuffPost (weblog), July 25, 2016.[101]

Organizations

[edit]

This is an incomplete chronological list of organizations that Booth has founded, directed, consulted for, and/or participated in.

  • Early in her high school years, she participated in anti-death penalty action via the American Friends Service Committee.[5]
  • In 1960, she joined CORE[9] and participated in picketing Woolworth's because of that retail chain's discrimination against African Americans in the Southern states.[2]
  • In 1963 or 1964, she joined with Chicago Council of Community Organization members who were attacking the segregationist policies of school superintendent Ben Willis. He refused to address overcrowding in black schools and rather than integrate students, he sent black children to mobile classrooms on the playground.[6]
  • Between 1963 and 1965, she became head of the campus Friends of SNCC organization, worked in mental institutions, tutored students in Woodlawn, and helped coordinate South Side freedom schools.[2][6]
  • In 1964, she helped register voters and taught in freedom schools during Freedom Summer in Mississippi.[2]
  • In 1965, she was arrested for the first time. She later said: "My first arrest was at an anti-apartheid effort, in 1965. There was a consortium of 10 U.S. banks that bailed out the South African apartheid regime that would collapse otherwise, so there were demonstrations at those banks."[9]
  • In 1965, she formed Women's Radical Action Program.[5]
  • In 1965 or 1966, she founded the Jane Collective, a clandestine abortion counseling and abortion service that performed 11,000 abortions prior to the Roe v. Wade court decision in 1973.[1]
  • In 1967, she helped to found the Chicago Women's Liberation Union.[5]
  • In 1967, she left SDS, during a disagreement over tactics. She later said she was committed to "old new left" and believed in better strategic planning than the "new new left" was advocating.[2][11]
  • In 1968, she left SNCC when new leadership made it clear that whites were no longer welcome.[9]
  • In 1970, she participated in the Women's Strike for Equality and joined NOW.[9]
  • In 1970–72, she won a suit for unfair labor practice from a business that had hired her as an editorial consultant.[2]
  • In 1973, she used the monetary award from that suit to set up Midwest Academy.[2]
  • In 1980, she founded and became executive director of the Citizen-Labor Energy Coalition.[11][102]
  • In 1980, she organized Citizen Action.[103]
  • In 1983, she was named the deputy field director for the Harold Washington mayoral campaign.[2]
  • In 1984, she helped found Jewish Fund for Justice.[104]
  • In 1987, she received the Eugene Debs Award from the Chicago branch of Democratic Socialists of America.[63]: 186 
  • In 1987, she worked on the re-election campaign of Harold Washington.[63]: 186 
  • In 1989, having moved from Chicago to Washington, D.C., she served as president and head of the national office of Citizen Action.[2]
  • In 1992, she headed the field operation for Carol Moseley Braun's Senatorial campaign.[103]
  • In 1993, she became outreach coordinator for the Democratic National Committee[43] and coordinator of DNC National Health Care Campaign.[105]
  • In 1994, she joined the advisory council of the Women's Information Network.[106]
  • In 1996, she was named training director of the Democratic National Committee.[107]
  • In 1999, she helped found and has variously served as vice chair, board member, executive committee member, and senior advisor to USAction.[47]
  • In 2000, she became director of the NAACP National Voter Fund.[48]
  • In 2003, she was the lead consultant in the founding of the Campaign for Comprehensive Immigration Reform.[48]
  • In 2003 or later, she was consultant to the Voter Participation Center.[48]
  • In 2004, she was get-out-the-vote coordinator for the New Mexico Kerry/Edwards campaign.[53]
  • In 2005, she joined the board of the Center for Community Change.[48]
  • In 2007–2008, she directed the AFL-CIO campaign for universal health care.[1]
  • In 2009, she directed the field campaign for passage of President Obama's first budget.[1]
  • In 2010, she was founding director of Americans for Financial Reform.[1]
  • In 2010, she was senior advisor to the One Nation Working Together rally.[5]
  • In 2011, she became a consultant to the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare.[50]
  • In 2011, she joined the Democracy Partners consultancy.[51]
  • In 2011, and following years, she has been an advisor to the Alliance for Citizenship. She has also served as consultant with NOW, MoveOn.org, the National Committee to Preserve Social Security and Medicare, the National Council of La Raza, People's Action, the Center for Community Change, and other progressive nonprofit groups.[4][48]

Notes

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References

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Heather Booth (born December 15, 1945) is an American activist and political strategist whose career spans civil rights, anti-war efforts, , and labor organizing, most notably through her creation of the Jane Collective—an underground network that facilitated approximately 11,000 illegal abortions in from 1969 to 1973—and her founding of the Midwest Academy, a training center for organizers focused on progressive campaigns. Booth's activism began in her youth, joining the Congress of Racial Equality while in high school and participating in voter registration drives during the 1964 Freedom Summer in Mississippi, before attending the University of Chicago where she helped establish early women's liberation groups. The Jane Collective originated from Booth's initial referral of a friend's sister to an abortion provider in 1965, evolving into a self-operated service where members, lacking formal medical training at first, learned techniques to perform procedures amid widespread dangers from unsafe back-alley abortions, operating covertly until a 1972 police raid exposed the group just before the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision legalized the practice nationwide. In 1972, using proceeds from a successful labor back-pay lawsuit against her employer for union advocacy, Booth established the Midwest Academy to impart strategic skills like power analysis and coalition-building to activists, training over 50,000 individuals who contributed to campaigns on issues including environmental regulations, healthcare reform, and electoral mobilization for Democratic causes such as Barack Obama's 2009 budget initiative and marriage equality efforts leading to the 2013 Supreme Court ruling. Her work has emphasized volunteer-driven organizing and issue-based electoral strategies, though the Academy's focus on advancing left-leaning policy goals has drawn scrutiny from critics questioning the authenticity of resultant grassroots movements.

Early Life and Education

Family and Upbringing

Heather Booth was born on December 15, 1945, in a in , while her father served as a physician stationed at an base during . Her father, Jerome Sanford Tobis, specialized in and later worked as a medical ethicist, remaining active in his field into later years. Her mother, Hazel Victoria Weisbard Tobis, was a high school who became a teacher and introduced Booth to Betty Friedan's , sharing values centered on equality; she died in 2004 from Alzheimer’s disease. Following the war, the family relocated to New York, where Booth was raised in the Bensonhurst neighborhood of and on in a Jewish household emphasizing decency, family bonds, and building a better world. Jewish heritage profoundly shaped her early values, drawing from traditions like the biblical imperative to "pursue " and the concept of tikkun olam (repairing the world), reinforced through holidays, texts, history, and culture that highlighted ethical action against injustice. Her parents fostered a loving environment that prioritized equality and proactive response to wrongdoing, turning personal insecurities into motivations for learning and engagement. In her teenage years, Booth attended a suburban high school, where she led organizations such as the chorus, history club, and but withdrew from the sorority and squad upon recognizing their exclusionary practices, including rejection of students not considered conventionally attractive and barring Black participants from . These experiences of alienation and early encounters with aligned with her family's instilled commitment to , prompting actions like distributing anti-death penalty fliers in as a teenager.

Initial Exposure to Activism

Heather Booth's initial exposure to activism occurred during her undergraduate years at the University of Chicago, where she enrolled around 1963. Influenced by her Jewish heritage and a cultural emphasis on social justice, she quickly engaged with campus organizations focused on civil rights, becoming head of the campus Friends of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) chapter, as well as active in student government and a progressive campus political party. By the end of her first semester in late 1963 or early 1964, Booth committed to by participating in the Mississippi Freedom Summer Project in 1964, a and freedom school initiative amid widespread racial violence and intimidation against Black communities. During this period, she contributed to efforts registering Black voters and establishing informal education programs, marking her transition from campus involvement to fieldwork in the . This experience solidified her organizing skills and ideological commitment, leading to her first in 1965 during an anti-apartheid targeting U.S. banks supporting South Africa's regime, reflecting an early intersection of domestic civil rights with international concerns.

Civil Rights Activism

Involvement with CORE and SNCC

Heather Booth joined the (CORE) in 1960 while attending high school in , motivated by reports of lynchings in the South and participating in s against Woolworth's lunch counters that refused service to customers. Her early with CORE focused on nonviolent , including support for sit-ins aimed at desegregating public accommodations in the North, reflecting the organization's emphasis on interracial cooperation to challenge . During her college years at the , Booth extended her civil rights involvement to the (SNCC), organizing a campus Friends of SNCC group to support Southern drives and freedom rides. In 1964, she traveled to as part of the project, a SNCC-led initiative to register Black voters and establish amid widespread violence against activists, where she performed music, including playing guitar for figures like to boost morale among volunteers and locals. This involvement exposed her to the intense risks of Southern fieldwork, including threats from white supremacist groups, and underscored SNCC's shift toward Black-led organizing, though Booth's role remained supportive as a white ally facilitating Northern resources. Booth's work with both organizations honed her skills in mobilization and coalition-building, bridging Northern protests with Southern enforcement of civil rights, though she later reflected on the interracial tensions within CORE as it evolved post-1960s. These experiences laid the foundation for her subsequent activism, emphasizing over institutional reform.

Key Events and Personal Risks

In 1960, while a high school student in Chicago, Booth joined the (CORE) to support sit-in protests against Woolworth's lunch counter segregation policies in the . By 1963, as a freshman at the , she became head of the campus Friends of SNCC chapter, organizing support for the (SNCC)'s voter registration drives and direct-action campaigns amid escalating violence against Black activists. These efforts included , teach-ins, and rallies to amplify SNCC's challenges to , reflecting her shift from local protests to national solidarity work. The pivotal event in Booth's civil rights activism occurred during the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer project, where she volunteered as one of over 1,000 mostly white Northern students recruited by SNCC and the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO) to register Black voters and establish in the face of systemic disenfranchisement. Arriving in late June, shortly after the abduction and murders of activists , Andrew Goodman, and by members with local complicity, Booth canvassed rural counties, taught classes, and performed music to build community trust, including playing guitar for figures like . Her work contributed to registering hundreds of voters despite widespread intimidation, though Mississippi's Freedom Democratic Party delegation she helped support was ultimately denied seats at the . Booth remained affiliated with SNCC through approximately 1968, participating in ongoing Northern support networks until the organization's shift toward Black-led excluded white members. Personal risks were acute during , as volunteers confronted routine threats of , beatings, and assassination in a state where local authorities often colluded with white supremacist groups; over 80 Black churches were bombed or burned that summer, and volunteers like Booth navigated checkpoints, anonymous night calls, and armed patrols without federal protection. Booth later recounted a pervasive sense of danger, including during courthouse visits for voter challenges, though she avoided direct in these activities. This exposure to Southern violence, documented in SNCC field reports and volunteer testimonies, underscored the physical and psychological toll, with Booth crediting the experience for honing her organizing skills amid life-threatening opposition.

Abortion Activism and the Jane Collective

Founding and Operations

Heather Booth established an informal referral network in in 1965 while a student at the , initially connecting a friend's sister with a sympathetic doctor willing to perform the procedure despite prohibiting abortions except to save the mother's life. As inquiries from other women mounted through word-of-mouth among civil rights and student activist circles, Booth recruited additional women's liberation activists, formalizing the effort as the Jane Collective—also known as the Abortion Counseling Service of the Chicago Women's Liberation Union—in 1969 to systematically address the demand for illegal abortions. The Collective operated clandestinely via a dedicated phone line advertised with the code phrase "Pregnant? Need some help? ," where operators screened callers for medical suitability, provided counseling on options and , and scheduled appointments, often charging a sliding-scale fee with a charity fund subsidizing low-income clients who comprised the majority. Clients reported to a "front" for intake and vital checks, were blindfolded and transported to a separate procedure site to maintain security, and received post-operative instructions with follow-up support; the group handled roughly 10 procedures per day, four days a week. Initially reliant on referrals to external abortionists, including a non-physician known as "Dr. Nick," Jane members transitioned to performing the abortions themselves after a cooperating gynecologist trained them in techniques such as for first-trimester cases and the super coil method for later ones, using local anesthetics without general sedation or hospital facilities. This self-performed model, executed by a rotating core of about 120–140 members including some with experience but many lacking formal medical training, enabled the provision of approximately 11,000 first- and second-trimester abortions from 1969 until operations ceased in 1973 following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision legalizing the procedure nationwide. A 1972 police raid led to the of seven members on charges, but trials were halted after Roe rendered the acts non-criminal. The Jane Collective's operations from 1969 to 1973 violated law, which criminalized abortions except when necessary to preserve the life of the mother, subjecting participants to potential charges for performing or facilitating the procedure. Members, initially referring women to providers and later conducting procedures themselves without medical licenses, handled an estimated 11,000 cases, charging sliding-scale fees based on ability to pay. This , which Booth helped initiate in 1969 by connecting a friend's to a provider under the "Jane," expanded beyond referrals as members trained in aspiration techniques observed from a cooperating physician before performing independently. On May 3, 1972, police raided a South Side apartment used for procedures, arresting seven members known as the "Jane Seven" and seizing records of clients and operations. Each faced 11 counts of and to commit , with maximum penalties totaling 110 years in prison; no clients were charged, and Booth, who had largely withdrawn from direct involvement by then, avoided arrest. The trial commenced in May 1973, but following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision on January 22, 1973, which invalidated state bans, all charges were dismissed, effectively ending the collective's activities without convictions. Ethically, the collective's unlicensed abortions raised concerns about medical safety and professional standards, as non-physicians conducted invasive procedures with limited formal training, potentially exposing women to risks of , uterine injury, or incomplete abortions despite reported low complication rates and no known fatalities among clients. Proponents argued it provided safer alternatives to hazardous self-induced or criminal abortions prevalent pre-Roe, but critics, including some medical ethicists, highlighted the circumvention of regulatory oversight and protocols as a form of medical that prioritized access over established safeguards. From a pro-life standpoint, the service facilitated the termination of fetal lives, constituting moral complicity in what opponents deem , though such views were not central to the era's legal proceedings.

Feminist and Anti-War Organizing

Chicago Women's Liberation Union

The Chicago Women's Liberation Union (CWLU) was established in October 1969 during a women's conference in , as a multi-issue socialist feminist organization aimed at addressing systemic inequalities through collective action. Heather Booth, then a student with prior experience in civil rights activism, co-founded the group alongside Evie Goldfield, Sue Munaker, and Vivian Rothstein, drawing on earlier writings like the 1968 "Towards a Radical Movement" co-authored by Booth, Goldfield, and Munaker. The CWLU structured itself with local chapters in areas such as Hyde Park, West Side, and Evanston, and specialized subgroups tackling abortion access, childcare, workplace discrimination, , and cultural outreach, reflecting a strategy to integrate personal and political change across class and racial lines, though participant accounts indicate challenges in fully realizing interracial solidarity. Booth actively shaped the CWLU's early operations, founding the Action Committee for Decent Childcare in 1970, which pressured Chicago officials to allocate $1 million for expanded facilities and reform licensing standards to better serve working mothers. She also initiated the Women's Radical Action Program (WRAP) for direct protests, Center City consciousness-raising groups, and contributed to the Liberation School for Women, launched in the early to provide feminist theory, organizing skills, and practical workshops to hundreds of participants. The CWLU incorporated Booth's prior referral network, known as the Jane Collective—operational from and formalized under the union by 1969—which performed an estimated 11,000 procedures by 1973, training non-physicians in safe techniques amid Illinois's restrictive laws until . Booth later co-authored the CWLU's 1972 manifesto "Socialist : A for the Women's Movement," advocating class-based analysis within . Beyond Booth's direct initiatives, the CWLU supported projects like the Chicago Women's Liberation Rock Band for public performances spreading feminist messages, the Women's Graphics Collective producing posters and graphics for awareness campaigns, organizing women's sports leagues that reached 140 participants by 1975, and Direct Action for Rights in Employment (D.A.R.E.) challenging . organizing efforts included on reproductive and occupational health, influencing local curricula and high school outreach programs. The organization dissolved in , attributed by former members to internal ideological debates, resource strains, and activist burnout, though its archives preserve a legacy of feminist infrastructure-building.

Anti-Vietnam War Efforts and Draft Resistance

In May 1966, Booth helped lead a of approximately 450 students at the University of Chicago's Administration Building, protesting the institution's policy of ranking undergraduates by grade-point average to assist local Selective Service boards in prioritizing draft deferments and classifications amid the escalating [Vietnam War](/page/Vietnam War). The action, which shut down the building for several days, marked the first student of an administration building explicitly against university in war-related draft policies nationwide. During the protest, Booth met Paul Booth, then national secretary of , whom she married the following year. Booth's anti-war activities extended to supporting draft resistance, particularly through networks in Chicago's emerging women's liberation groups, where she and associates shifted focus from internal discussions to aiding male allies in evading . This included organizing strategies to help "brothers" resist the draft, reflecting broader efforts to undermine amid rising U.S. troop deployments, which exceeded 385,000 by end of 1966. In 1968, Booth co-authored statements with other activists framing draft resistance as a against what they termed the war's "point of ultimate indignity," emphasizing community-building alternatives to . Her personal stake intensified when Paul Booth faced a potential punitive draft classification due to his prominent anti-war leadership, prompting her to intensify counseling and evasion support within activist circles. These efforts aligned with national draft resistance trends, where over 210,000 men were charged or convicted for violations by war's end, though Booth's role centered on local, coordination rather than high-profile indictments. By the late , her work intertwined anti-war organizing with feminist initiatives, contributing to Chicago's broader opposition to the conflict, which saw peak protests like the demonstrations.

Establishment of Midwest Academy

Origins and Funding

Heather Booth established the Midwest Academy in 1972, drawing on her experiences in civil rights, abortion rights, and labor organizing to create a training center for progressive activists. The academy's inception stemmed from Booth's recognition of disarray in post-1960s social movements, prompting her to develop structured strategies for building citizen organizations and advancing policy changes. Initial operations were modest, beginning in the basement of a church near Clark and Fullerton in , with early retreats held in 1973 alongside collaborator Steve Max to refine tools like the Strategy Chart for and campaign planning. The academy's founding funding came exclusively from a $5,000 back pay settlement Booth won through the (NLRB) after her 1969 firing from an editorial position at a Chicago publishing firm for encouraging secretaries to unionize. This award, secured after nearly three years of litigation, represented personal restitution from her own labor activism efforts rather than institutional grants or donors. Booth, with support from her husband Paul Booth—a labor organizer and former leader—channeled these funds to bootstrap the venture, prioritizing practical skills training in mobilization, , and democratic institution-building over ideological purity. No contemporaneous records indicate additional seed investors, underscoring the self-reliant origins tied directly to Booth's workplace dispute victory.

Training Curriculum and Methods

The Midwest Academy's training curriculum, initially developed by Heather Booth, emphasizes strategic community organizing to achieve progressive social change through power-building and issue campaigns. Central to the curriculum is the Organizing for Social Change manual, first authored by Booth and later expanded in editions that outline fundamentals of direct action organizing, including one-on-one relationship building, leadership identification and development, and grassroots fundraising. Trainings are structured around hands-on skill-building workshops and retreats, starting with the Academy's inaugural session in 1973, designed to equip participants—often from labor, environmental, and civil rights groups—with practical tools for long-term movement-building rather than short-term tactics. A cornerstone method is the Midwest Academy Strategy Chart (MASC), a planning tool Booth created in 1972 to guide campaign development by systematically addressing key elements: organizational goals and resources, identification of constituents and allies, decision-makers and targets, and tactical choices aligned with . The chart requires defining winnable objectives that deliver concrete improvements in people's lives, foster a sense of collective power, and strengthen the organizing group, while evaluating opponents' strengths and potential pressure points. This framework prioritizes issue-based campaigns that center marginalized communities, such as low-income workers and people of color, and incorporates visioning exercises to align actions with broader systemic change. Curriculum delivery includes introductory and advanced courses like "Organizing for ," which focus on winning campaigns and organizational growth, alongside specialized sessions on supervising organizers, , and to sustain long-term . Methods stress through , group analysis, and real-world application, drawing from Booth's civil rights and rights experiences to teach adaptive strategies amid opposition. Advanced programs, such as trainer development initiatives from the 1980s to 2015, extend the model by training facilitators to replicate the curriculum nationwide, emphasizing ethical power dynamics over coercive tactics. The approach has been critiqued for its top-down elements in some left-wing circles but remains influential for its empirical focus on measurable wins and organizational resilience.

Progressive Political Strategy and Campaigns

Electoral and Issue Advocacy

Heather Booth co-founded the Midwest Academy in 1972, which developed training programs for progressive organizers emphasizing for both issue-based and electoral , including the creation of the Strategy Chart in 1973 as a core tool for campaign analysis. Through the academy, she served as training director for the , focusing on grassroots tactics to support Democratic candidates and policy goals. In electoral politics, Booth played a pivotal role in Harold Washington's successful 1983 mayoral campaign in , marking the city's first election of an African American mayor, and contributed to his 1987 re-election effort. She supported Jesse Jackson's presidential bids in 1984 and 1988, as well as Carol Moseley Braun's 1992 U.S. campaign in . As director of the National Voter Fund in 2000, Booth oversaw and mobilization drives that increased African American turnout by nearly 2 million votes nationwide. More recently, she directed progressive and senior outreach for Joe Biden's 2020 presidential campaign, coordinating with groups like and SEIU, and reprised the role for his 2024 re-election effort, organizing relational voter contact via apps and in-person events in battleground states. Booth's issue advocacy often intertwined with electoral strategy, leveraging pressure to advance objectives. She led consulting for the Campaign for Comprehensive Immigration Reform in 2005 and served as strategic advisor for the Alliance for Citizenship on subsequent efforts. In 2008, she directed the AFL-CIO's campaign, contributing to momentum for the . Booth founded Americans for Financial Reform in 2010, aiding passage of the Dodd-Frank Act and establishment of the , and coordinated the Marriage Equality Coalition for the 2013 decisions. As field director for Americans for Tax Fairness, she mobilized opposition to tax cuts benefiting high-income earners. Through Democracy Partners, a progressive consulting firm, Booth has managed campaigns integrating issue advocacy with .

Influence on Democratic and Left-Wing Movements

Heather Booth's establishment of the Midwest Academy in 1972 created a enduring infrastructure for training progressive organizers, influencing tactics in Democratic electoral and issue campaigns by emphasizing , mobilization, and . The academy, funded initially from Booth's $20,000 settlement in a sex discrimination lawsuit against her employer, has conducted sessions for thousands of activists, including labor unions, environmental groups, and civil rights organizations, fostering a network that shaped left-wing advocacy on issues like healthcare reform and economic justice. Through her role as training director for the Democratic National Committee in the 1980s and subsequent advisory positions, Booth disseminated organizing methodologies that prioritized voter contact, coalition-building, and narrative framing, which were applied in multiple presidential cycles. Her curriculum, detailed in the Midwest Academy's manual Citizen Action and the New American Populism, promoted "direct action" techniques adapted from civil rights and anti-war efforts, influencing Democratic operatives in targeting swing districts and amplifying progressive priorities within party platforms. Booth extended her impact via voter mobilization initiatives, serving as founding director of the National Voter Fund in 2000, which registered over 200,000 new African American voters and boosted turnout by approximately 2 million in key states during the . This effort, developed in collaboration with figures like , exemplified her focus on demographic-specific strategies that bolstered Democratic margins in urban and minority-heavy precincts. In , her service on Hillary Clinton's Democratic platform committee integrated progressive demands on labor and inequality, reflecting her role in bridging activist bases with party leadership. Her contributions to federations like USAction, co-founded in 1999, unified community groups for national advocacy, amplifying left-wing influence on policy debates such as campaign finance reform and anti-poverty measures. By the , Booth's trainees and methods informed Biden administration organizing, including get-out-the-vote drives that emphasized relational organizing amid polarized electorates, sustaining her legacy in embedding activist-driven strategies within Democratic .

Personal Life and Relationships

Marriage to Paul Booth

Heather Booth married Paul Booth, a labor organizer, socialist activist, and former national secretary of , in 1967. The couple had met during an antiwar protesting the University of Chicago's ties to the military-industrial complex. Their union lasted more than 50 years, marked by mutual support in progressive causes, including antiwar efforts, labor organizing, and electoral advocacy. Together, they raised two sons, and Dan Booth, while balancing family life with high-profile activism; Paul often credited Heather's organizational acumen as complementary to his own strategic approach in building coalitions. The Booths exemplified a "movement couple" dynamic, collaborating on initiatives like the Midwest Academy and Citizen Action, where their combined expertise in grassroots training influenced Democratic Party strategies. In later years, as Paul managed —diagnosed in 2004 but asymptomatic until 2017—they continued joint involvement in protests, with Paul expressing pride in Heather's participation in actions shortly before his death on January 17, 2018, from related complications.

Family and Later Years

Booth and her husband Paul raised two sons, Eugene Booth and David Booth, while balancing family life with their . The couple had five grandchildren. Paul Booth died on January 17, 2018, at age 74, from complications of . In the years after her husband's death, Booth sustained her commitment to progressive organizing. She was arrested on January 17, 2018, at a protest advocating for the (DACA) program and immigrant rights. In 2019, Booth faced arrest again during a "Fire Drill Fridays" demonstration against . By 2024, Booth remained a key strategist in progressive electoral and issue campaigns, contributing to mobilization efforts for President Joe Biden's reelection bid. Her ongoing work emphasizes training organizers and advancing causes from civil rights to environmental advocacy, as outlined on her professional site.

Criticisms and Political Opposition

Conservative and Right-Wing Critiques

Conservative commentators have criticized Heather Booth's Midwest Academy for adapting Saul Alinsky's methods into training programs that emphasize "stealth " and incremental policy advances disguised as pragmatic reforms, arguing these tactics prioritize ideological power grabs over open democratic debate. Stanley Kurtz, in an interview published by , described the Academy's approach as teaching organizers to downplay divisive cultural issues like —despite Booth's early focus on it—to build broad anti-business coalitions, a strategy he contended was employed by to mask socialist objectives in legislation, including the invention of the "public option" concept originally applied to . Critics from think tanks like have portrayed Booth's involvement in coalitions such as the Citizen/Labor Energy Coalition (CLEC), which she helped lead as Midwest Academy director in the early 1980s, as advancing a "hidden agenda" of radical left-wing economic disruption, drawing on networks of former (SDS) activists to oppose free-market policies under the guise of citizen advocacy. Heritage reports highlighted CLEC's ties to figures, including Booth, as fostering anti-capitalist mobilization that bypassed traditional legislative scrutiny, with funding from labor unions and progressive foundations enabling confrontational tactics against energy deregulation and business interests. Booth's role in shaping the (CFPB) under the Dodd-Frank Act has drawn fire from conservative analysts for injecting socialist principles into , with Paul Sperry writing in that Booth and allied organizers exerted an "outsized role" in for the agency, framing it as a vehicle for government overreach that burdens businesses while empowering unelected bureaucrats. Additionally, the Midwest Academy faced Republican-led congressional investigations in the 2000s for allegedly misusing federal grants to train partisan activists rather than neutral volunteers, a practice critics argued violated grant conditions and subsidized left-wing electoral efforts. Right-wing observers have also faulted Booth's early Abortion Counseling Service () for operating an underground network that performed thousands of illegal abortions between 1969 and 1973, training members via an unlicensed doctor and flouting medical and legal standards, which they view as emblematic of broader disregard for in pursuit of ideological goals. InfluenceWatch, a project tracking left-leaning activism, notes this history alongside Booth's SDS connections through her late husband Paul Booth, portraying her career as a continuum of radical institution-building that influences Democratic strategies to this day.

Internal Left Debates and Failures

Heather Booth's early involvement in (SDS) exposed her to profound internal fractures within the , particularly over ideological purity versus pragmatic organizing. As a key figure in SDS's Economic Research and Action Project (ERAP) during the mid-, Booth participated in efforts to build community-based economic justice initiatives in urban neighborhoods, but these projects largely collapsed by the late 1960s amid escalating racial tensions, the 1967 urban riots, and a devolution into localized, ineffective tactics like "stop-sign organizing" that failed to address structural poverty. SDS itself splintered in 1969 along lines of strategy and ideology, with factions such as Progressive Labor advocating strict anti-imperialist orthodoxy clashing against more eclectic groups, leading to the organization's fragmentation and the rise of violent offshoots like the Weathermen, which Booth distanced herself from by focusing on issue-based women's organizing. These debates persisted into Booth's founding of the Midwest Academy in 1973, an Alinsky-influenced training center emphasizing strategic power-building through electoral and issue campaigns, which drew criticism from radical left organizers for promoting a professionalized, top-down model over ideological transformation. Critics from the movements and later socialists argued that Alinsky-style tactics, adopted by Booth, prioritized short-term wins and Democratic Party alignment at the expense of deeper class struggle, fostering dependency on elite alliances rather than independent worker power, and exhibiting early sexist attitudes in organizer hierarchies. Booth's own initial aversion to electoral politics before 1980 reflected broader left skepticism of co-optation by establishment institutions, yet her pivot toward and coalition-building in groups like Citizen Action highlighted ongoing tensions between radical and institutional reform, often resulting in fragmented efforts unable to forge a sustainable progressive majority. Strategic failures underscored these divides, as progressive coalitions trained via Booth's methods struggled with structural limitations, including nonprofit restrictions on partisan activity and overreliance on canvasses that narrowed focus to winnable but incremental issues like toxic waste rather than systemic overhaul. The 1968 election exemplified such pitfalls: Booth and fellow leftists rejected over escalation, opting for symbolic protest votes that contributed to Richard Nixon's victory and a conservative backlash with enduring impacts, including the erosion of coalitions. Similar disunity has recurred, as seen in 2024 primary challenges to over Gaza policy, where "uncommitted" campaigns by progressives and Arab American voters—echoing purity tests—risk fracturing Democratic support without altering policy outcomes, per Booth's reflections on historical lessons of left division enabling right-wing gains.

Legacy and Recent Developments

Impact on Modern Organizing

Heather Booth's establishment of the Midwest Academy in 1973 has had a lasting effect on progressive organizing techniques, with the institution continuing to train activists in strategic frameworks like , coalition-building, and issue campaigns as of 2023. The academy, which Booth funded initially through a back-pay settlement from sex discrimination litigation, has graduated over 30,000 participants, many of whom apply its methods to contemporary efforts in labor, environmental, and electoral , prioritizing of women and people of color within left-leaning networks. These training models emphasize data-driven voter targeting and narrative framing, influencing organizations such as those affiliated with Democracy Partners, the consultancy Booth co-founded in 2005, which has supported Democratic campaigns emphasizing turnout among underrepresented groups. In 2024, Booth advised on President Joe Biden's reelection strategy, leveraging her experience from prior voter mobilization drives—like directing the National Voter Fund in 2000, which boosted African American turnout by nearly two million—to address modern challenges such as countering right-wing messaging on economic and social issues. Booth's approach, rooted in direct-action precedents from the civil era, promotes scalable structures over top-down hierarchies, a tactic evident in recent progressive pushes for healthcare expansion and immigrant , though critics from conservative perspectives argue it fosters partisan entrenchment rather than broad consensus. Her ongoing consultancy underscores a shift toward integrating digital tools with traditional canvassing, adapting 20th-century methods to platforms like targeted ads for issue-based voter engagement.

Awards, Media, and Ongoing Activities

Heather Booth has received numerous recognitions for her activism, including the Thomas-Debs Award from the in 1987 for her contributions to progressive organizing. In 2013, the honored her for her role in the Jane Collective's provision of underground services during the and . In 2022, T'ruah, a rabbinic organization, presented her with the Human Rights Award, citing her lifelong commitment to justice inspired by a 1964 visit to . In 2024, the International Civil Rights Center & Museum awarded her the Unsung Hero Award for her civil rights work. Booth's media presence includes the 2018 documentary Heather Booth: Changing the World, directed by Lilly Rivlin and aired on , which features interviews with her associates and explores her organizing history through archival footage. She has appeared on Democracy Now!, discussing topics such as and political strategy. Booth has given interviews, including one for the Sixth Floor Museum at on her civil rights involvement starting in 1960. Recent media engagements include a 2023 appearance on Talk of the Hill with focusing on civil rights and strategy, and discussions tied to the documentary The Janes in 2022. As of 2025, Booth continues as a and speaker, maintaining an active website for updates on her work in progressive campaigns. She engages in , including a scheduled appearance at the National Council of Jewish Women Greater Rochester Section's opening event for the 2025-2026 season. Booth remains involved in issue advocacy, as evidenced by her commentary on electoral matters like policy in 2024. Her ongoing efforts emphasize training organizers through entities like the Midwest Academy, which she co-founded in 1973 after receiving a $5,000 legal settlement in 1972.

References

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