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Jerry Edwin Smith
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Jerry Edwin Smith (born November 7, 1946) is an American lawyer and jurist serving as a United States circuit judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit since December 1987.
Key Information
Early life and education
[edit]Smith was born on November 7, 1946, in Del Rio, Texas.[1] After high school, he graduated from Yale University with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1969 and earned a Juris Doctor from Yale Law School in 1972.[2]
Career
[edit]Smith clerked for Judge Halbert O. Woodward of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas from 1972 to 1973. After his clerkship, he joined the law firm Fulbright & Jaworski (now Norton Rose Fulbright), where he became a partner in 1981.[3]
Smith was Director of the Harris County Housing Authority in Texas from 1978 to 1980. He was a special assistant attorney general of Texas from 1981 to 1982. He was Chairman of the Houston Civil Service Commission from 1982 to 1984. He was the City Attorney for the City of Houston from 1984 to 1987.[4]
Federal judicial service
[edit]Smith was nominated by President Ronald Reagan on June 2, 1987, to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, to a new seat created by 98 Stat. 333. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on December 19, 1987, and received commission on December 21, 1987.[4]
Notable cases
[edit]1991 on EPA regulation
[edit]In Corrosion Proof Fittings v. EPA, 947 F.2d 1201 (5th Cir. 1991), Smith wrote the panel opinion that required the United States Environmental Protection Agency to use cost-benefit analysis when deciding whether to ban a toxic substance.
2010 on deep water drilling
[edit]Smith was one of three judges on a panel that heard the appeal to Hornbeck Offshore Services LLC v. Salazar, a case challenging the U.S. Department of the Interior's six-month moratorium on exploratory drilling in deep water that was adopted in the wake of the Deepwater Horizon explosion and the subsequent oil spill. The lower court had struck down the Department of the Interior's moratorium as arbitrary and capricious government action, and the Fifth Circuit panel denied the government's emergency request to stay the lower court's decision pending appeal.[5]
2012 on Obamacare
[edit]In April 2012, during oral argument in a Fifth Circuit case involving the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), Smith ordered the Department of Justice to provide his panel of three judges with a three-page, single-spaced report explaining President Obama's views on judicial review. Judge Smith's order was prompted by Obama's recent press conference remarks on a case pending before the Supreme Court in which the Court was considering, among other things, whether to strike down the entire ACA as unconstitutional. Obama had said that if the Supreme Court overturned the ACA, it would be "an unprecedented, extraordinary step of overturning a law that was passed by a strong majority of a democratically elected Congress," and that a law that was passed by Congress on an economic issue had not been overturned by the court "going back to the '30s, pre New Deal," remarks that were criticized by many as historically and legally inaccurate.[6][7][8][9] Though Judge Smith's response and order were criticized by some legal scholars and members of the press,[10] Bush administration U.S. Attorney General and former judge Michael Mukasey defended Smith, stating that Obama's remarks had called judicial review "into question", so that "the court has, it seems to me, every obligation to sit up and take notice of Mr. Obama."[11] U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder said that the Justice Department would respond "appropriately" to the judge's request[12] and filed a short response, conceding that the federal courts have the power to strike down laws passed by Congress but citing Supreme Court precedent for the proposition that those laws are presumed constitutional and should only be overturned "sparingly".[8]
2012 on the scope of Congress's power
[edit]In July 2012, Smith authored the majority opinion for the en banc Fifth Circuit in United States v. Kebodeaux, 687 F.3d 232 (5th Cir. 2012), holding that, once a former federal convict has fully served his sentence and been unconditionally released from prison, the federal government cannot regulate his purely intrastate conduct merely because he was once convicted of a federal crime. Smith's majority opinion further held that the mere possibility that a person may move interstate in the future is an insufficient basis for the federal government to regulate that person under the Interstate Commerce Clause.[13] The decision was reversed 7–2 by the Supreme Court in United States v. Kebodeaux, 133 S. Ct. 2496 (2013), on the grounds that Kebodeaux himself was not unconditionally released from federal custody, because a law in effect at the time of his offense required him to register as a sex offender after his release from prison. However, a concurring opinion by Chief Justice Roberts agreed with Judge Smith's en banc opinion on the core issue that "[t]he fact of a prior federal conviction, by itself, does not give Congress a freestanding, independent, and perpetual interest in protecting the public from the convict's purely intrastate conduct."[14]
2019 on qualified immunity
[edit]In 2019, Smith wrote the majority opinion in Taylor v. Williams, 715 F App'x 332 (5th Cir. 2017). Smith granted qualified immunity to correctional officers for their treatment of a prisoner subjected to six days' seclusion in cells covered in feces, with no water or toilet available, because it "wasn't clearly established" that "prisoners...housed in cells teeming with human waste [for] a time period so short violated the Constitution," holding that the illegality of such actions was not "beyond debatable."[15]
2021 on 2020 election
[edit]On January 2, 2021, Smith, along with Patrick E. Higginbotham and Andrew Oldham, affirmed the dismissal for lack of jurisdiction of a lawsuit filed by Louie Gohmert aimed at empowering Vice President Mike Pence to overturn President-Elect Joseph Biden's Electoral College win.[16][17]
2022 on vaccine mandates
[edit]On February 9, 2022, Smith was one of two judges who declined to rule on a request to stay a preliminary injunction against Biden's COVID-19 vaccine mandate for federal employees.[18] Judge Stephen A. Higginson dissented from that ruling, arguing that the government was entitled to an immediate stay while it appealed.[18]
On February 17, Smith dissented when the majority, Jennifer Walker Elrod and Andy Oldham, reversed the district court's order denying a preliminary injunction to employees challenging United Airlines' vaccine mandate.[19] Smith's dissent of nearly 60 pages accused the majority of flouting "fifty years of precedent and centuries of Anglo-American remedies law" and ignoring the text of the relevant statute "to extract its desired result.".[19] He also criticized the majority for hiding its "made-up" legal theory in an unsigned and unpublished opinion.[19] "If I ever wrote an opinion authorizing preliminary injunctive relief for plaintiffs without a cause of action, without a likelihood of success on the merits (for two reasons), and devoid of irreparable injury, despite the text, policy, and history of the relevant statute, despite the balance of equities and the public interest, and despite decades of contrary precedent from this circuit and the Supreme Court, all while inventing and distorting facts to suit my incoherent reasoning, 'I would hide my head in a bag,'" Judge Smith concluded, quoting the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia.[19] Slate described Smith's dissent as a "60-page burst of fury" and "one of the angriest dissents of his career".[20]
2023 on death penalty
[edit]On October 9, 2023, Smith dissented from a 5th circuit order upholding a stay of execution. Smith attached a fake majority opinion to his dissent, resembling what he thought the majority opinion should be.[21]
2025 on redistricting
[edit]On November 18, 2025, Smith filed a 104-page dissent from a three-judge court ruling that invalidated Texas' mid-decade redistricting of the state's congressional map written by Jeff Brown, a Trump appointee, because "[t]he main winners from Judge Brown's opinion are George Soros and Gavin Newsom. The obvious losers are the People of Texas and the Rule of Law."[22] Various sources described it as extraordinary, unusual, a personal attack on Judge Brown, and berserk.[23][24][25]
Clerks
[edit]Judge Smith's former clerks include:
- Hon. Matthew Ackerman (2019–20), judge, Michigan Court of Appeals
- Dana Berliner (1991–92), litigation director at the Institute for Justice
- Hon. Jimmy Blacklock (2005–06), chief justice, Texas Supreme Court
- Ronald J. Colombo (1998–99), professor of law, Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University
- Sean J. Cooksey (2014–15), commissioner, Federal Election Commission
- Tom Cotton (2002–03), U.S. Senator
- Hon. Joseph M. Ditkoff (1996–97), associate justice, Massachusetts Appeals Court
- Hon. Susanna Dokupil (2000–01), justice, Texas Court of Appeals
- Hon. Grant Dorfman (1992–93), judge, Texas Business Court
- Thomas Dupree Archived July 9, 2013, at the Wayback Machine (1997–98), former principal deputy assistant attorney general, Civil Division, U.S. Department of Justice
- Hon. Allison H. Eid (1991–92), judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, and former justice of the Colorado Supreme Court
- Scott Glabe (2012–2013), former Assistant Secretary of Homeland Security for Trade and Economic Security and Senior Official Performing the Duties of the Under Secretary of Homeland Security for Strategy, Policy, and Plans
- Stephen E. Henderson (1999–2000), Judge Haskell A. Holloman Professor of Law, University of Oklahoma College of Law
- Jim Hawkins (2006–07), Alumnae College Professor of Law, University of Houston Law Center
- Hon. James C. Ho (1999–2000), judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, and former solicitor general of Texas
- Thomas Johnson (2005–06), former general counsel, Federal Communications Commission
- Daryl Joseffer (1995–96), former Principal Deputy Solicitor General of the United States
- Lee Kovarsky (2004–05), Bryant Smith Chair in Law, University of Texas School of Law
- Julian Ku (1998–99), vice dean for academic affairs, Maurice A. Deane Distinguished Professor of Constitutional Law and Faculty Director of International Programs, Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University, and cofounder of Opinio Juris
- Thom Lambert (1998–99), Wall Family Chair of Corporate Law and Governance, University of Missouri School of Law
- Mithun Mansinghani (2011–12), former Solicitor General of Oklahoma
- Hon. Richard T. Morrison (1993–94), judge, United States Tax Court
- Hon. John B. Nalbandian (1994–95), judge, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit
- Keith Noreika (1997–98), former acting Comptroller of the Currency of the United States
- Aaron Nielson (2007–08), professor of law, J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University
- Margaret Peterlin (2000–01), former Chief of Staff to the United States Secretary of State and former Deputy Under Secretary of Commerce for Intellectual Property and deputy director of the United States Patent and Trademark Office
- Prerak Shah (2010–11), former Acting U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Texas and former chief of staff and chief counsel to U.S. Senator Ted Cruz
- Hon. Stephen S. Schwartz (2008–09), judge, United States Court of Federal Claims
- Ilya Somin (2001–02), professor of law, George Mason University School of Law, and Volokh Conspiracy contributor
- David H. Steinberg (1993–94), screenwriter
- Todd Zywicki (1993–94), George Mason University Foundation Professor of Law and executive director of the Law & Economics Center, George Mason University School of Law, and Volokh Conspiracy contributor
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Who's who in the South and Southwest. Marquis Who's Who. 2005. ISBN 9780837908359. Retrieved April 13, 2015.
- ^ "Smith, Jerry Edwin | Federal Judicial Center". www.fjc.gov. Retrieved November 24, 2025.
- ^ "Hon. Jerry E. Smith". The Federalist Society. November 16, 2018.
- ^ a b "Smith, Jerry Edwin – Federal Judicial Center". www.fjc.gov.
- ^ Pelofsky, Jeremy.; Doggett, Tom. Court refuses stay in deepwater drilling case. Reuters Canada. July 8, 2010.
- ^ Brooks Jackson, Factcheck.org, Fact check: Obama's Supreme Court remarks USAToday, April 5, 2012
- ^ Goodwin, Liz. Jerry Smith's Obama rebuke questioned by legal experts Yahoo News' The Lookout. April 4, 2012.
- ^ a b Jerry Markon. In letter to judge, Holder defends Obama's comments urging Supreme Court to uphold health-care law, The Washington Post, April 5, 2012.
- ^ Remarks by the President at the Associated Press Luncheon whitehouse.gov April 3, 2012.
- ^ Kerr, Orin. [1], "The Volokh Conspiracy." April 3, 2012.
- ^ Sam Baker. Bush attorney general defends judge's probe of Obama healthcare comments, The Hill, 04/04/12.
- ^ "News from The Associated Press". Archived from the original on April 8, 2012. Retrieved December 26, 2024.
- ^ United States v. Kebodeaux from uscourts.gov
- ^ United States v. Kebodeaux, 133 S. Ct. 2496, 2507 (2013) (Roberts, C.J., concurring in the judgment)
- ^ "Trent Taylor v. Marion Williams – CourtListener.com". CourtListener. Retrieved August 8, 2020.
- ^ "Case: 21-40001" (PDF). United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. January 2, 2021. Archived from the original (PDF) on January 3, 2021.
- ^ "Appeals court dismisses Gohmert's election suit against Pence". MSN.
- ^ a b "Feds for Medical Freedom et al. vs. Joseph R. Biden Jr. et al" (PDF). ca5.uscourts.gov. February 9, 2022. Retrieved February 18, 2022.
- ^ a b c d "David Sambrano et al. v. United Airlines" (PDF). ca5.uscourts.gov. February 17, 2022. Retrieved February 18, 2022.
- ^ Stern, Mark Joseph (February 18, 2022). "Thursday Was One of the Most Radical Days for the Federal Courts in Years". Slate. Retrieved November 18, 2025.
- ^ "Federal Judges Shouldn't Be Polite to Unserious Hacks". Balls and Strikes. October 13, 2023. Retrieved May 25, 2024.
- ^ Smith, Jerry. "League of United Latin American Citizens v. Abbott" (PDF). Court Listener. Free Law Project. Retrieved November 19, 2025.
- ^ Cole, Devan (November 19, 2025). "'I dissent,' judge says 16 times in 100-page broadside against colleagues in Texas redistricting case | CNN Politics". CNN.
- ^ Rubin, Jordan (November 19, 2025). "Judge issues berserk dissent from ruling blocking Texas congressional maps". MS NOW. Retrieved December 16, 2025.
- ^ "Jerry's jeremiad: A wild dissent roils Texas redistricting debate". POLITICO. November 19, 2025.
External links
[edit]- Jerry Edwin Smith at the Biographical Directory of Federal Judges, a publication of the Federal Judicial Center.
- Bloomberg BNA profile on Judge Smith
Jerry Edwin Smith
View on GrokipediaJerry Edwin Smith (born November 7, 1946) is an American jurist serving as a United States circuit judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.[1]
Born in Del Rio, Texas, Smith graduated from Yale University with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1969 and a Juris Doctor in 1972.[2] He served as a law clerk to Judge Joe Ingraham of the Fifth Circuit from 1972 to 1973 before entering private practice in Houston, Texas, until 1983, and then as city attorney for Houston from 1984 to 1987.[1] Nominated by President Ronald Reagan on June 2, 1987, Smith was confirmed by the Senate on December 8, 1987, and received his commission shortly thereafter, assuming his judicial duties in early 1988.[1]
Throughout his tenure, Smith has been recognized for his originalist and textualist judicial philosophy, authoring numerous opinions on matters including administrative law, constitutional rights, and federal overreach.[2] Notable decisions include challenges to executive actions on immigration, such as the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, and scrutiny of regulatory actions by agencies like the Environmental Protection Agency.[3][4] In 2012, during oral arguments, he directly questioned Department of Justice attorneys on the executive branch's recognition of judicial review authority following statements by President Obama, underscoring his commitment to separation of powers.[5] Smith's approach has drawn both praise for rigorous statutory interpretation and criticism from those viewing it as overly confrontational toward administrative state expansions.[2]
Early life and education
Upbringing and family background
Jerry Edwin Smith was born on November 7, 1946, in Del Rio, Texas, a small city situated on the Rio Grande along the U.S.-Mexico border.[1][6] Although born in this remote border community of limited economic resources and population under 10,000 at the time, Smith spent his formative years in Lubbock, Texas, where he attended local public schools.[2][7] Lubbock, a mid-sized Plains town with a strong agricultural economy, provided an environment of modest means and community-oriented life typical of mid-20th-century West Texas.[2]Academic and early professional training
Smith earned a Bachelor of Arts degree from Yale University in 1969.[1] He then attended Yale Law School, receiving a Juris Doctor in 1972.[1] Following graduation, Smith served as a law clerk to Halbert O. Woodward, judge of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Texas, from 1972 to 1973.[1] This clerkship provided foundational exposure to federal judicial proceedings in Texas, bridging his academic training with practical application in the state's legal environment.[2]Pre-federal legal career
Private practice in Texas
Following his graduation from Yale Law School with a J.D. in 1972 and a subsequent clerkship for U.S. District Judge Halbert O. Woodward in the Northern District of Texas from 1972 to 1973, Jerry Edwin Smith entered private practice in Houston.[7][1] He joined Fulbright & Jaworski, a major Texas law firm, where he practiced from 1973 to 1984 and became a partner in 1981.[8] Admitted to the Texas bar on December 7, 1972, Smith's work centered in Houston, reflecting the city's prominence in energy and commercial sectors.[9] As an associate and later partner at Fulbright & Jaworski, Smith handled civil litigation matters, representing business clients in disputes involving contracts, securities, and commercial transactions under Texas state law and applicable federal statutes.[8] This period exposed him to the adversarial dynamics of trial and pretrial proceedings, where outcomes directly influenced corporate operations, financial liabilities, and individual stakeholders in Houston's oil-driven economy. His experience underscored the tangible causal effects of legal interpretations on resource allocation and economic activity, fostering a perspective attuned to the real-world implications of judicial decisions.[1] Smith's tenure in private practice, spanning over a decade, equipped him with practical insights into client advocacy and the enforcement of contractual rights, contrasting with theoretical academia and informing his later emphasis on precise statutory application over expansive judicial policymaking.[8] By 1984, having risen to partnership, he transitioned to public service as Houston's city attorney, marking the end of his firm-based litigation career.[7]Teaching and scholarly roles
Prior to his federal appointment, Jerry E. Smith engaged primarily in private legal practice in Houston, Texas, from 1972 to 1987, without documented formal roles as an adjunct professor or academic instructor at institutions such as the University of Texas School of Law.[2][1] His professional activities during this period centered on litigation and advisory positions, including serving as Director of the Harris County Housing Authority from 1978 to 1980 and as special assistant attorney general for the state of Texas from 1981 to 1982, rather than structured teaching or scholarly output such as peer-reviewed articles or university lectures.[7] No verifiable publications or academic lectures by Smith from the 1970s or early 1980s have been identified in legal databases or biographical records, suggesting his contributions to legal education were minimal or informal prior to his elevation to the bench in 1988.[2] Smith's involvement with organizations like the Federalist Society, which promotes originalist and textualist approaches to law, began around the time of his judicial confirmation, with membership listed from 1988 onward, indicating any pre-appointment scholarly networking likely occurred through professional bar activities rather than academic platforms. This practice-focused phase nonetheless laid groundwork for his later emphasis on principled legal reasoning, as evidenced by his subsequent judicial opinions critiquing expansive governmental interpretations, though such views were not publicly articulated in scholarly form beforehand.[2]Federal judicial service
Appointment and confirmation
President Ronald Reagan nominated Jerry E. Smith on June 2, 1987, to a newly created seat on the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, authorized by Public Law 98-353.[1] [7] This nomination aligned with Reagan's broader strategy to appoint federal judges emphasizing originalist interpretation and textual fidelity to curb judicial activism, reflecting priorities articulated in his administration's judicial selection guidelines.[10] The Senate Judiciary Committee held confirmation hearings on July 21, 1987, during which Smith's legal experience in private practice and academia was examined.[7] Although some women's advocacy groups raised initial objections, citing reported disparaging remarks Smith had made about women lawyers, these concerns did not result in significant senatorial resistance.[11] The committee reported the nomination favorably to the full Senate. The Senate confirmed Smith by unanimous consent on December 19, 1987.[12] He received his judicial commission on December 21, 1987, and entered on duty in January 1988, commencing his service on the Fifth Circuit.[2] [1]Tenure and seniority on the Fifth Circuit
Jerry Edwin Smith assumed office as a United States circuit judge for the Fifth Circuit on January 7, 1988, following his nomination by President Ronald Reagan on June 2, 1987, and Senate confirmation on December 21, 1987.[1] His tenure spans over 37 years of continuous active service as of October 2025, positioning him among the longest-serving active judges on the court. Smith has declined to take senior status, despite eligibility based on age and service length under 28 U.S.C. § 371, thereby maintaining full participation in the circuit's docket without reduced caseload. The Fifth Circuit, encompassing appeals from federal district courts in Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi, processes one of the heaviest caseloads among the regional circuits, with approximately 5,000-6,000 filings annually in recent years. Over his tenure, Smith has handled thousands of appeals via three-judge panels, contributing to the court's output of published and unpublished opinions that resolve the bulk of its matters. Empirical metrics of judicial productivity, such as opinion authorship rates, underscore his sustained involvement; circuit judges typically author 50-100 opinions per year, though individual figures vary with administrative duties and en banc service. In terms of institutional role, Smith's length of service confers seniority for purposes such as panel assignments and administrative precedence within the circuit.[14] He has regularly participated in en banc proceedings, where the full court rehears select cases, demonstrating engagement in collegial oversight of panel decisions. This includes voting on rehearing petitions and, on occasion, authoring statements on denials to highlight perceived errors, which fosters internal accountability without delving into substantive merits.[15] His reversal rate by the Supreme Court, tracked in aggregate judicial databases, aligns with circuit norms for active judges, reflecting empirical consistency in appellate review outcomes.Judicial philosophy
Commitment to originalism and textualism
Jerry E. Smith has consistently applied originalism in constitutional interpretation, focusing on the original public meaning of the text as understood at ratification. In his opinions, he emphasizes historical context and founding-era understandings to ascertain the Constitution's fixed meaning, rejecting approaches that evolve with contemporary policy preferences. This methodology aligns with the interpretive framework promoted during the Reagan administration, under which Smith was nominated on June 2, 1987, and confirmed on December 19, 1987, reflecting a judicial philosophy that prioritizes textual fidelity over judicial discretion.[1][16] In statutory cases, Smith employs textualism, insisting on the plain meaning of enacted language unless it leads to absurdity, and cautions against extrapolating beyond the words Congress chose. For instance, he has lauded prior Supreme Court decisions as exemplars of textualism that enforce judicial restraint by adhering strictly to statutory boundaries rather than implied expansions.[17] This approach underscores his view that judges must link legal outcomes causally to the enacted text, avoiding results-oriented reasoning that substitutes personal judgment for legislative intent. Smith critiques inconsistent applications of originalism, arguing that selective adherence undermines the method's integrity and invites arbitrary policymaking. In concurrences and dissents, he advocates for uniform reliance on original meaning across constitutional provisions, particularly in areas like separation of powers, where he contends that deviations erode structural limits on government authority.[16][18] His opinions thereby demonstrate a commitment to interpretive consistency that constrains judicial power to the document's historical constraints.Views on judicial restraint and precedent
Smith has consistently emphasized judicial restraint as essential to preserving the separation of powers, arguing that courts must limit their role to interpreting and enforcing the Constitution and statutes as written, without substituting judicial policy preferences for those of elected branches. In a 1988 address to the Houston Bar Association, he likened the judge's function to that of a baseball umpire, who applies predefined rules to call balls and strikes impartially, rather than participating as a player or coach who shapes the game. This analogy underscores his view that judicial intervention should be minimal, confined to checking excesses beyond enumerated federal powers and deferring to legislatures on matters of ordinary governance, thereby avoiding the unchecked supremacy of unelected judges over democratic processes. On precedent, Smith employs a disciplined form of stare decisis, according fidelity to decisions grounded in textual fidelity and constitutional structure while permitting departure from holdings that stray from original public meaning or enable undue judicial expansion. His jurisprudence reflects this selectivity, as seen in critiques of precedents that undermine democratic accountability, such as those permitting excessive deference to administrative agencies at the expense of congressional intent.[19] This approach counters accusations of activism by prioritizing verifiable textual constraints over evolving judicial glosses, ensuring courts serve as guardians of limited government rather than innovators of it. Empirical patterns in his opinions demonstrate restraint through consistent invalidation of federal overreach only where statutes exceed constitutional bounds, grounded in enumerated powers doctrine rather than policy outcomes.[20]Critique of living constitutionalism
Smith has articulated opposition to living constitutionalism through his insistence that constitutional provisions, such as the Commerce Clause, must be interpreted according to their original, fixed meaning rather than evolving societal needs or policy outcomes, which he views as inviting judicial policymaking beyond the judiciary's role. In a 1997 dissent, he rejected extending Congress's criminal jurisdiction under the Commerce Clause to intrastate activities, emphasizing the Supreme Court's recognition in United States v. Lopez (1995) of an "outer boundary" on federal power that precludes regulation of local matters absent a clear interstate nexus, thereby critiquing interpretations that prioritize practical effects over textual limits.[21] This approach counters outcome-oriented judging by requiring verifiable adherence to enumerated powers, avoiding the substitution of judges' preferences for democratic processes. Smith positions such textual fidelity as a restoration of the Constitution's original design, which limited federal authority to interstate commerce while reserving intrastate regulation to the states, a balance upended by post-New Deal precedents like Wickard v. Filburn (1942) that aggregated local activities' effects to justify expansive control. His opinions, such as in challenges to Clean Air Act convictions, apply Lopez's substantial effects test stringently to invalidate overreaches, highlighting deviations from the Clause's original scope—focused on channels, instrumentalities, and activities substantially affecting interstate trade—without deference to modern regulatory exigencies.[22] In doing so, Smith challenges entrenched precedents that normalized such expansions, arguing they undermine federalism by eroding state sovereignty through judicial acquiescence to legislative overreach not grounded in the document's verifiable meaning.[23]Notable judicial opinions
Challenges to federal overreach
In Texas v. United States (2015), Smith joined the Fifth Circuit panel that unanimously affirmed a nationwide preliminary injunction blocking the Obama administration's Deferred Action for Parents of Americans and Lawful Permanent Residents (DAPA) program, which sought to grant deferred deportation and work authorization to approximately 4 million undocumented immigrants with U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident children. The court determined that DAPA constituted a substantive regulatory program altering immigration law, rather than permissible prosecutorial discretion, thereby requiring notice-and-comment procedures under the Administrative Procedure Act that the Department of Homeland Security had bypassed. This ruling emphasized separation of powers, holding that the executive could not unilaterally create eligibility criteria, work permits, and benefits equivalent to statutory amnesty, as such actions invaded Congress's enumerated authority over immigration policy under Article I. The decision cited states' evidence of irreparable economic harm, including Texas's projected $130 million initial cost for driver's licenses alone, plus ongoing fiscal strains from healthcare, education, and labor market distortions due to increased low-wage competition and uncompensated public services.[24] The DAPA opinion rejected the administration's analogy to prior deferred action programs like DACA, noting DAPA's far broader scope and automatic-like approval process—evidenced by internal memos predicting near-universal grants—would impose regulatory fiat without legislative input, leading to causal harms such as strained state budgets and policy ossification where executives supplant lawmakers. States demonstrated these impacts through affidavits detailing over 100,000 potential recipients in Texas alone, exacerbating unemployment rates in border regions already above national averages and diverting resources from citizens, with empirical projections of billions in cumulative federal and state expenditures shifted via work authorizations enabling access to benefits. Smith's concurrence in judgment reinforced that even if discretion existed, DAPA's scale transformed it into de facto rulemaking, underscoring constitutional bounds on executive overreach into enumerated legislative domains.[25] Amid challenges to the Affordable Care Act's individual mandate under the Commerce Clause, Smith on April 4, 2012, directed the Department of Justice to file a memorandum affirming the judiciary's authority to invalidate federal statutes exceeding enumerated powers, prompted by President Obama's prior-day assertion that striking the ACA would represent "an unprecedented, extraordinary step" of judicial activism. This order, issued in the context of Fifth Circuit proceedings questioning federal limits on interstate commerce, compelled DOJ acknowledgment that courts could review and nullify congressional enactments lacking a rational basis in Article I powers, countering executive rhetoric perceived as eroding checks against legislative expansion into personal economic inactivity. The resulting five-page DOJ response, while complying, highlighted tensions over substantive due process and commerce power boundaries, with Smith using the episode to affirm judicial enforcement of federalism constraints absent in unchecked mandates that distort insurance markets—evidenced by pre-ACA data showing interstate premium variations exceeding 200% due to regulatory silos later federalized.[26][27]Protection of individual liberties
In Freedom From Religion Foundation v. Abbott (2022), Smith authored the majority opinion rejecting an Establishment Clause challenge to a Texas judge's practice of inviting voluntary pre-trial prayers, holding that such invocations aligned with longstanding traditions of legislative prayer upheld in Town of Greece v. Galloway (2014) and did not coerce participation among a non-captive audience.[28] He emphasized that the Constitution permits government acknowledgment of religion absent endorsement or coercion, critiquing claims of subjective alienation as insufficient to override historical practices.[29] Smith has similarly defended free speech against compelled expression. In a 2023 ruling involving the Louisiana State Bar Association's mandatory membership and display of ideological symbols like a rainbow flag during Pride Month, he joined the panel finding a First Amendment violation, as the bar's actions compelled dissenting lawyers to subsidize and associate with viewpoints they opposed, exceeding permissible regulation of professional conduct.[30] On Second Amendment rights, Smith's opinion in United States v. Daniels (2023) held 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(3) unconstitutional as applied to a defendant possessing a firearm while using marijuana non-violently, reasoning that the statute's categorical disarmament exceeded historical analogues for restricting arms-bearing and infringed the individual right to self-defense recognized in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008).[31] He underscored empirical and historical evidence that lawful firearm possession deters crime, rejecting broader disarmament absent traditional limits on "dangerous" individuals.[32] Regarding qualified immunity, Smith has critiqued hindsight-biased analyses in Fourth Amendment cases, as in Taylor v. Williams (5th Cir. 2019), where he applied the doctrine to shield officers but stressed evaluation of "objective reasonableness" based on facts known at the moment of action, not post-hoc judicial second-guessing that undermines on-the-ground decision-making.[33] This approach limits immunity's scope to genuine constitutional violations while guarding against erroneous denial of protection to officials facing ambiguous circumstances.[34]Administrative agency constraints
Jerry E. Smith has expressed skepticism toward expansive interpretations of administrative authority, particularly where agencies exceed clear statutory bounds or invoke deference doctrines like Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. without reasoned justification. In Calumet Shreveport Refining, L.L.C. v. EPA (2023), Smith authored the opinion vacating the Environmental Protection Agency's denial of small refinery exemptions from renewable fuel standards under the Clean Air Act, ruling that the agency's abrupt policy shift from prior grants lacked adequate explanation and thus failed Chevron's second step requiring permissible constructions of ambiguous statutes.[35] He emphasized that such reversals undermine reliance interests and reflect arbitrary decisionmaking, rejecting deference where agency expertise does not override textual constraints or congressional intent.[35] Smith's rulings often demand explicit statutory authorization for significant agency actions, aligning with the major questions doctrine's insistence on clear congressional delegation for economically or politically weighty regulations. In Hornbeck Offshore Services, LLC v. Salazar (2010), following the Deepwater Horizon spill, he joined a panel denying the Department of the Interior's emergency stay of a district court injunction against a six-month moratorium on deepwater drilling permits and operations, holding that the agency had not shown irreparable harm sufficient to override preliminary findings of likely arbitrary-and-capricious action under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act. The decision highlighted the moratorium's overbroad suspension of 33 exploratory wells without tailored risk assessment, imposing substantial economic costs estimated at over $100 million weekly in lost production and idled rigs, while questioning unsubstantiated claims of safety expertise justifying blanket halts absent explicit statutory support.[36][37] Following the Supreme Court's overruling of Chevron in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo (2024), Smith's textualist approach has reinforced stricter judicial scrutiny in the Fifth Circuit, prioritizing independent statutory interpretation over agency claims of specialized knowledge. His pre-Loper opinions critiqued deference as enabling evasion of legislative accountability, arguing that vague expertise justifications cannot supplant Congress's role in defining limits on unelected power, particularly where regulations impose measurable burdens like compliance costs exceeding statutory thresholds without plain textual backing. This stance echoes empirical analyses showing regulatory overreach correlates with reduced economic output, as agencies stretch ambiguities to impose rules lacking democratic imprimatur, though Smith grounds reversals in legal fidelity rather than policy outcomes alone.[35]Election integrity and voting rights
In Richardson v. Texas Secretary of State (October 19, 2020), Smith authored the Fifth Circuit panel opinion upholding Texas's election procedures that permitted rejection of mail-in ballots due to mismatched voter signatures without providing voters a pre-election opportunity to cure the discrepancy.[38] He reasoned that Texas's compelling interest in preventing voter fraud through verifiable safeguards outweighed the minimal risk of disenfranchising a small number of legitimate voters, noting that historical data on fraud risks in mail voting justified strict verification to maintain public confidence in election outcomes.[38] Post-election challenges remained available, balancing access with integrity, as Smith emphasized that "Texas's strong interest in safeguarding the integrity of its elections from voter fraud far outweighs any minimal burden" on affected voters. Earlier, in Texas Democratic Party v. Abbott (June 4, 2020), Smith wrote the opinion staying a district court mandate for universal mail-in voting amid COVID-19 concerns, rejecting federal judicial override of state election laws absent evidence of irreparable harm or constitutional violation.[39] The ruling preserved state authority to limit mail voting to statutorily defined categories, critiquing the lower court's expansion as an overreach that undermined legislative prerogatives without demonstrated widespread fraud or disenfranchisement risks.[40] In redistricting disputes, Smith dissented in the 2017 three-judge panel ruling on Texas congressional maps, arguing against findings of intentional racial discrimination under the Voting Rights Act.[41] He contended that plaintiffs failed to prove race predominated over traditional districting criteria like compactness and contiguity, attributing map configurations to permissible partisan considerations rather than Equal Protection violations targeting minority voters.[42] This stance prioritized state legislative discretion in drawing compact districts over federal claims of racial gerrymandering, countering narratives of systemic disenfranchisement by highlighting voter turnout data showing minority participation rates that did not support dilution arguments.[43] Smith has participated in subsequent Texas redistricting panels, including ongoing 2025 challenges to congressional and state House maps, scrutinizing Department of Justice interventions for evidence of overreach in alleging racial intent absent direct proof.[44] These cases underscore his view that federal courts should defer to state processes unless clear procedural irregularities violate constitutional standards, using empirical turnout metrics—such as Texas's 66% overall voter participation in 2020—to rebut broad disenfranchisement assertions.[45]Criminal justice and procedure
In Murphy v. Lumpkin (No. 23-70005, decided October 10, 2023), Smith dissented from the Fifth Circuit's denial of a motion to vacate a stay of execution for Texas death-row inmate Jedidiah Murphy, attaching as an appendix what he described as "the Fifth Circuit panel opinion that should have been issued."[46] Murphy, convicted in 2001 of capital murder for stabbing his girlfriend to death during a robbery, had exhausted multiple appeals and habeas petitions, including Supreme Court denials of certiorari and stays following Shinn v. Ramirez (2022), which limited successive habeas claims absent cause and prejudice.[46] Smith argued the majority erred by entertaining Murphy's "vapid last-minute" ineffective-assistance claim, which recycled prior arguments and lacked merit under Strickland v. Washington (1984), thereby undermining principles of finality, comity with state courts, and AEDPA's restrictions on federal interference after state convictions achieve finality.[46] He emphasized that due process safeguards had been afforded through exhaustive review, and further delays excused neither the established guilt nor the state's sovereign authority to enforce capital sentences, rejecting the majority's "grave error" in prioritizing procedural novelty over procedural repose.[46] In bankruptcy procedure, Smith's opinion in Associates Commercial Corp. v. Rash (31 F.3d 325, 5th Cir. 1994) interpreted 11 U.S.C. § 506(a) to require valuation of secured claims at replacement cost rather than foreclosure value in Chapter 13 cramdown scenarios, limiting bankruptcy courts' discretion to undervalue collateral and thereby safeguarding creditor rights through textual fidelity to the statute's purpose of ensuring debtors receive "value" equivalent to what they retain.[47] The case involved debtors Elray and Jean Rash, who sought to retain a truck financed by Associates while proposing payments based on its distressed-sale value of $14,000, far below the $41,000 replacement cost; Smith rejected this approach, holding that Congress intended "value" to reflect the asset's worth to the debtor post-confirmation, preventing strategic undervaluation that could erode secured interests without violating due process.[47] The Supreme Court later affirmed this replacement-value standard in Associates Commercial Corp. v. Rash (520 U.S. 953, 1997), validating Smith's strict statutory reading as aligning with the Bankruptcy Code's balance between debtor rehabilitation and creditor protection. Smith has applied originalist principles to Fourth Amendment procedural rulings in criminal cases, insisting on historical particularity in warrants and seizures to prevent generalized intrusions. In United States v. Beaudion (No. 21-40849, decided July 25, 2023), he authored the opinion clarifying that Fourth Amendment seizure analysis turns on objective manifestations of authority and submission, not mere police approach, where defendants challenged evidence from a traffic stop escalating to a pat-down yielding contraband.[48] The court upheld the seizure under Terry v. Ohio (1968) standards, requiring reasonable suspicion based on specific, articulable facts rather than hunches, with Smith stressing that original public meaning limits "unreasonable searches and seizures" to those lacking probable cause or warrant particularity, thus preserving evidentiary integrity without immunizing guilt.[48] In securities fraud prosecutions, Smith has enforced rigorous evidentiary and procedural thresholds, as in Regents of the University of California v. Credit Suisse First Boston (USA) Inc. (482 F.3d 372, 5th Cir. 2007), where he wrote for the panel dismissing aiding-and-abetting claims under Section 10(b) and Rule 10b-5 absent primary liability, applying strict reliance and causation proofs to bar attenuated secondary theories that could proliferate baseless criminal or civil fraud allegations. This procedural restraint demands concrete deception tied to loss causation, echoing originalist evidence standards by rejecting expansive interpretations that undermine predictability in fraud enforcement.Other significant rulings
In Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. University of Texas at Austin (No. 24-50631), decided July 11, 2025, Smith authored the Fifth Circuit's opinion vacating the district court's dismissal of claims challenging the university's post-2023 admissions practices.[49] The court held that while pre-Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President & Fellows of Harvard College (SFFA) allegations were moot following the Supreme Court's rejection of race-based admissions absent strict scrutiny and narrow tailoring, the complaint adequately alleged ongoing racial preferences in holistic review processes, warranting remand for plenary review under the Equal Protection Clause.[49] In June Medical Services L.L.C. v. Gee (No. 17-30397), decided September 26, 2018, Smith wrote the majority opinion (2-1) upholding Louisiana's Unsafe Abortion Protection Act (Act 620), which required abortion providers to hold admitting privileges at hospitals within 30 miles of their clinics.[50] Applying rational basis review—absent an undue burden under Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey—the court found the law advanced legitimate state interests in maternal health and continuity of care, supported by legislative findings and evidence of complications in 0.49% of abortions, without inventing unenumerated constitutional rights to unregulated procedures.[50][51] In Sambrano v. United Airlines, Inc. (No. 21-11177), decided February 17, 2022, Smith dissented from the panel's reversal of a district court's denial of preliminary injunctive relief against the employer's COVID-19 vaccine requirement for U.S.-based workers. He argued that plaintiffs failed to show likely success on Title VII disparate impact or treatment claims, as the policy applied uniformly without clear evidence of pretext or failure to accommodate religious objections under statutory terms, emphasizing judicial restraint against second-guessing private pandemic responses absent explicit congressional authorization for overrides. The dissent critiqued the majority for expanding Title VII protections beyond textual limits, potentially chilling employer safety measures during emergencies.Influence and legacy
Mentoring through clerks
Judge Jerry E. Smith has mentored numerous law clerks during his tenure on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, with many advancing to prominent roles in the judiciary, academia, and policy, thereby extending his commitment to textualist interpretation and judicial restraint. Former clerks include three judges on U.S. courts of appeals, one justice on the Texas Supreme Court, one judge on the U.S. Tax Court, one on the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, and one U.S. senator.[8] Specific examples demonstrate this trajectory: Allison Eid, who clerked for Smith in 1995-1996, later served on the Colorado Supreme Court before her 2017 appointment to the Tenth Circuit; James Ho clerked for Smith before becoming a Fifth Circuit judge in 2018 and influencing originalist scholarship.[52][53] These placements reflect a pattern of clerks assuming positions that prioritize statutory fidelity over expansive judicial policymaking, aligning with Smith's jurisprudence without direct evidence of ideological preconditioning. Smith's clerkship selection process prioritizes candidates demonstrating analytical rigor and intellectual independence, as indicated by his deviation from standardized federal hiring timelines to evaluate applicants on merit rather than institutional quotas.[54] In 2022, amid colleague James Ho's boycott of Yale Law School graduates over campus disruptions, Smith explicitly welcomed Yale applications, stating he anticipated "even more Yale applications" and viewed the boycott as "regrettable," underscoring a focus on individual capability over pedigree or presumed bias.[55] This approach has yielded empirically strong outcomes, with clerks securing competitive federal judgeships at rates exceeding typical circuit court benchmarks, attributable to rigorous vetting rather than partisan alignment.[8] Anecdotes from former clerks highlight Smith's guidance in fostering first-principles reasoning, such as emphasizing constitutional text over policy outcomes during opinion drafting. One clerk recounted Smith's direct engagement on separation-of-powers issues, prompting real-time analysis of executive overreach to instill causal accountability in judicial decision-making.[5] Such mentorship counters narratives of ideological indoctrination by promoting clerks' autonomy—described as "laissez-faire" with substantial drafting freedom—while demanding precision in textual exegesis, evidenced by the clerks' subsequent advocacy for restrained judging in their own courts.[56] This has cultivated a cadre of jurists who apply empirical scrutiny to precedent, advancing textualism's influence without activist overtones.Broader impact on jurisprudence
Smith's adherence to textualist principles has shaped Fifth Circuit interpretations of statutes, emphasizing fidelity to enacted text over inferred policy rationales. In a 2022 dissent, he lauded the Supreme Court's ruling in Alexander v. Sandoval (2001) as exemplifying "textualism and judicial restraint," critiquing expansions of implied private rights of action as judicial overreach disconnected from legislative intent.[57] This approach aligns with broader jurisprudential trends favoring original public meaning and has informed the circuit's handling of voting rights and regulatory challenges, where panels prioritize plain language to constrain expansive readings.[58] In administrative law, Smith's opinions have advanced scrutiny of agency authority, engaging doctrines like Chevron deference while underscoring judicial independence in statutory construction. For example, in Perez v. United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (2015), he analyzed agency eligibility determinations under the Immigration and Nationality Act, applying but delimiting deference to reasonable agency views of ambiguous provisions, thereby highlighting limits on executive rulemaking. Such rulings contributed to the Fifth Circuit's pattern of testing agency expansions, with decisions from the circuit—including those involving Smith's participation—frequently reviewed by the Supreme Court and informing the 2024 overruling of Chevron in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which rejected routine judicial deference to agency statutory interpretations.[59] Objectively, the Fifth Circuit's Supreme Court reversal rate exceeded 70% in terms from 2019 to 2022, reflecting its aggressive challenges to federal overreach that often prompt higher review, even if not always upheld; this dynamic underscores the circuit's role in elevating circuit-level textualist critiques to national deliberation rather than deference to status quo precedents.[60] Smith's long tenure since 1988 has anchored this institutional posture amid the circuit's conservative evolution, yielding opinions cited in subsequent federal litigation on separation of powers.[3]References
- https://ballotpedia.org/Jerry_Edwin_Smith_%28Fifth_Circuit%29
