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Jordanes
Jordanes
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Jordanes (/ɔːrˈdnz/; Greek: Ιορδάνης), also written as Jordanis or Jornandes,[a] was a 6th-century Eastern Roman bureaucrat,[b] of Gothic descent, who became a historian later in life.

Key Information

He wrote two works, one on Roman history (Romana) and the other on the Goths (Getica). The latter, along with Isidore of Seville's Historia Gothorum, is one of only two extant ancient works dealing with the early history of the Goths. Other writers, such as Procopius, wrote works on the later history of the Goths. Getica has been the object of much critical review. Jordanes wrote in Late Latin rather than the classical Ciceronian Latin. According to his own introduction, he had only three days to review what Cassiodorus had written and so he must also have relied on his own knowledge.

Life

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The Mediterranean area c. 550 AD as Jordanes wrote his Getica. The Eastern Roman Empire, whose capital was Constantinople, is shown in pink. Conquests of Justinian I shown in green.

Jordanes writes about himself:

The Sciri, moreover, and the Sadagarii and certain of the Alani with their leader, Candac by name, received Scythia Minor and Lower Moesia. Paria, the father of my father Alanoviiamuth (that is to say, my grandfather), was secretary to this Candac as long as he lived. To his sister's son Gunthigis, also called Baza, the Master of the Soldiery, who was the son of Andag the son of Andela, who was descended from the stock of the Amali, I also, Jordanes, although an unlearned man before my conversion, was secretary.[1][2]

Paria was Jordanes's paternal grandfather. Jordanes writes that he was secretary to Candac, dux Alanorum, an otherwise unknown leader of the Alans.

Jordanes was asked by a friend to write Getica as a summary of a multi-volume history of the Goths by the statesman Cassiodorus that existed then but has since been lost. Jordanes was selected for his known interest in history and because of his own Gothic background. He had been a high-level notarius, or secretary, of a small client state on the Roman frontier in Scythia Minor, modern southeastern Romania and northeastern Bulgaria.[3]

Jordanes was notarius, or secretary to Gunthigis Baza, a nephew of Candac and a magister militum of the leading Ostrogoth clan of the Amali.

That was ante conversionem meam ("before my conversion"). The nature and the details of the conversion remain obscure. The Goths had been converted with the assistance of Ulfilas (a Goth), made bishop on that account. However, the Goths had adopted Arianism. Jordanes's conversion may have been a conversion to the trinitarian Nicene Creed, which may be expressed in anti-Arianism in certain passages in Getica.[4] In the letter to Vigilius he mentions that he was awakened vestris interrogationibus – "by your questioning".

Alternatively, Jordanes's conversio may mean that he had become a monk, a religiosus or a member of the clergy. Some manuscripts say that he was a bishop, and some even say bishop of Ravenna, but the name Jordanes is not known in the lists of bishops of Ravenna.

Works

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The deeds of Dacians and Getae (here from Trajan's Column) were wrongly attributed to Goths by Jordanes

Jordanes wrote Romana, about the history of Rome, but his best-known work is his Getica, which was written in Constantinople[c] about 551 AD.[d] Jordanes wrote his Romana at the behest of a certain Vigilius. Although some scholars have identified this person with Pope Vigilius, there is nothing else to support the identification besides the name. The form of address that Jordanes uses and his admonition that Vigilius "turn to God" would seem to rule out this identification.[5][6]

In the preface to his Getica, Jordanes writes that he is interrupting his work on the Romana at the behest of a brother Castalius, who apparently knew that Jordanes possessed the twelve volumes of the History of the Goths by Cassiodorus. Castalius wanted a short book about the subject, and Jordanes obliged with an excerpt based on memory, possibly supplemented with other material to which he had access. The Getica sets off with a geography/ethnography of the North, especially of Scandza (16–24).[7]

He lets the history of the Goths commence with the emigration of Berig with three ships from Scandza to Gothiscandza (25, 94), in a distant past. In the pen of Jordanes, Herodotus's Getian demigod Zalmoxis becomes a king of the Goths (39). Jordanes tells how the Goths sacked "Troy and Ilium" just after they had recovered somewhat from the war with Agamemnon (108). They are also said to have encountered the Egyptian pharaoh Vesosis (47). The less fictional part of Jordanes's work begins when the Goths encounter Roman military forces in the third century AD. The work concludes with the defeat of the Goths by the Byzantine general Belisarius. Jordanes concludes the work by stating that he writes to honour those who were victorious over the Goths after a history spanning 2,030 years.

Controversy

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Jordanes wrongly equated the Getae with the Goths. Many historical records which originally related to Dacians and Getae were thus wrongly attributed to Goths.[8][9][10][11]

Arne Søby Christensen[5] and Michael Kulikowski[12] argue that in his Getica Jordanes also supplemented his Gothic history with many fictional events such as a Gothic war against Egypt.[5]

Caracalla in 213 received the titles "Geticus Maximus" and "Quasi Gothicus" after battles with Getae and Goths.[citation needed]

See also

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Notes

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Citations

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  1. ^ Getica, 266.
  2. ^ Getica (Latin) 266.
  3. ^ Croke 1987.
  4. ^ Getica 132, 133, 138, noted by Croke 1987:125
  5. ^ a b c Christensen 2002.
  6. ^ O'Donnell 1982.
  7. ^ Thunberg 2012, pp. 44–46.
  8. ^ Walter Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History, Princeton 1988, p. 70.
  9. ^ Pârvan, Vasile (1928). Dacia: An Outline of the Early Civilization of the Carpatho-Danubian Countries. The University Press
  10. ^ Oțetea, Andrei (1970). The History of the Romanian people. Scientific Pub. Hoose.
  11. ^ Ioan Bolovan, Florin Constantiniu, Paul E. Michelson, Ioan Aurel Pop, Christian Popa, Marcel Popa, Kurt Treptow, A History of Romania, Intl Specialized Book Service Inc. 1997
  12. ^ Kulikowski 2007, p. 130.

Sources

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  • Bradley, Dennis R. (1993). ""In Altum Laxare Vela Compulsus": The 'Getica' of Jordanes". Hermes. 121 (2): 211–236. JSTOR 4476955.
  • Brodersen, Kai (2013). "Könige im Karpatenbogen" [Kings in the Carpathian Mountains]. Zeitschrift für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde (in German) (36). Heidelberg: 129–146. ISSN 0344-3418.
  • Christensen, Arne Søby (2002). Cassiodorus, Jordanes and the History of the Goths: Studies in a Migration Myth. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-8-772-89710-3.
  • Croke, Brian (1987). "Cassiodorus and the Getica of Jordanes". Classical Philology. 82 (2): 117–134. doi:10.1086/367034. S2CID 162232630.
  • Croke, Brian (2005). "Jordanes and the Immediate Past". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 54 (4): 473–494. JSTOR 4436790.
  • Doležal, Stanislav (2014). "Who was Jordanes?". Byzantion. 84: 145–164. JSTOR 44173397.
  • Goffart, Walter (April 2005). "Jordanes's "Getica" and the Disputed Authenticity of Gothic Origins from Scandinavia". Speculum. 80 (2): 379–398. doi:10.1017/S0038713400000038. JSTOR 20463271. S2CID 163064058.
  • Grillone, Antonino (December 2004). "Altri apporti della terza famiglia ai "Getica" di Giordanes". Museum Helveticum [de] (in Italian). 61 (4): 208–221. JSTOR 24825243.
  • Heather, Peter (1989). "Cassiodorus and the Rise of the Amals: Genealogy and the Goths under Hun Domination". The Journal of Roman Studies. 79: 103–128. doi:10.2307/301183. JSTOR 301183. S2CID 162977685.
  • Jordanes. Vanderspoel, J (ed.). Getica: The Origin and Deeds of the Goths. Translated by Charles C. Mierow. 266.
  • Jordanes. De origine actibusque Getarum L (in Latin). Archived from the original on 13 February 2008.
  • Kulikowski, Michael (2007). Rome's Gothic Wars: From the Third Century to Alaric. Key Conflicts of Classical Antiquity (1st ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-052184633-2.
  • Mierow, Charles Christopher (1966). The Gothic History of Jordanes: In English with an Introduction and a Commentary. Speculum Historiale.
  • O'Donnell, James J. (1982). "The Aims of Jordanes". Historia. 31: 223–240. Archived from the original on 9 November 2007.
  • Thunberg, Carl L. (2012). Att tolka Svitjod [To interpret Svitjod]. University of Gothenburg/CLTS. pp. 44–46. ISBN 978-91-981859-4-2.
  • Van Hoof, Lieve; Van Nuffelen, Peter (2017). "The Historiography of Crisis". The Journal of Roman Studies. 107: 275–300. doi:10.1017/S0075435817000284. JSTOR 26576052. S2CID 232343702.

Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Jordanes (also known as Iordanes or Jordanis) was a 6th-century Eastern Roman and bureaucrat of or Alan descent, renowned for his Latin works (On the Origin and Deeds of the ) and (On the Origin and Deeds of ), completed in 551 AD in . Born into a family of —his grandfather Paria and father (possibly named Alanoviiamuth or Uuamuth) both served in such roles—Jordanes likely originated from the regions of or , areas associated with settlements in the late . He pursued a secular career as a , working for prominent figures including Gunthigis (or Baza, son of Andag), Candac, and possibly Godigisclus, during a period of intense Roman- interactions under Emperor . By the mid-6th century, Jordanes converted from possible Arian Christian beliefs to Nicene orthodoxy and embraced a religious life, potentially becoming the of Crotona in around 551 AD. His Getica, the more influential of his two surviving works, is a concise abridgment of a lost 12-volume Gothic history by the Roman statesman Cassiodorus, supplemented by other sources such as Ablavius, Priscus, and Orosius; it traces the Goths' mythical origins from Scandinavia, their migrations across Europe, and key events like the Battle of the Catalaunian Plains in 451 AD against Attila's forces, blending historical narrative with legendary elements such as references to the Amazons. Composed as a summary after a three-day review of Cassiodorus' work from memory, the Getica aimed to edify Christian readers by portraying the Goths as a divinely favored people integrated into Roman imperial history, though scholars note its reliance on secondary materials and occasional inaccuracies. The Romana, dedicated to the future Pope Vigilius, offers a parallel epitome of Roman history from its founding to the mid-6th century, drawing on authors like Eusebius, Jerome, Florus, and Marcellinus Comes, and serves to contextualize Gothic achievements within the broader Roman tradition. Despite criticisms of his stylistic simplicity and heavy dependence on predecessors—leading some to question his originality—Jordanes' writings remain vital primary sources for late antique Gothic history, providing unique details on migrations and Roman- relations that are absent from other extant . His works reflect the cultural synthesis of the Justinianic era, where Gothic identity was reframed to align with Christian Roman amid the reconquest of former Western provinces.

Life and Background

Origins and Family

Jordanes identified himself as being of Gothic descent, emphasizing his ties to the Gothic people in his historical writings. He traced his origins to a family with deep roots in the barbarian world of , blending Gothic and Alan elements that reflected the multicultural dynamics of the eastern Roman frontier. This heritage positioned him as a non-Roman figure immersed in the traditions of Germanic and groups, distinct from the imperial elite. His paternal grandfather, Paria, served as a secretary (notarius) to Candac, the leader of a including the , , and Sadagarii, who had settled in and Lower . Paria's role in Candac's household underscored the family's early involvement in administrative service among barbarian leaders, linking them to Alan nobility in the region corresponding to modern-day and . Jordanes' father, Alanoviiamuth, was the son of Paria, further embedding the family in this Alan-influenced milieu while maintaining Gothic identity. Jordanes' family also connected to Gothic through his service as to Gunthigis Baza, a associated with the Amali clan, who was the nephew of Candac via his sister. This position highlighted the intertwined Alan-Gothic networks in , where Jordanes spent his amid the remnants of barbarian migrations and Roman provincial administration. His upbringing in this environment reinforced his self-perception as part of a "glorious race" of barbarians, proud of their non-Roman origins and ancestral deeds.

Professional Career

Jordanes began his professional career as a notarius, a secretary responsible for administrative and clerical duties within the Eastern Roman Empire's bureaucracy during the mid-6th century. In this role, he handled official correspondence, record-keeping, and documentation, which were essential to the empire's governance under Emperor . His service likely took place in or near , the imperial capital, where the centralized administration managed military and diplomatic affairs amid ongoing conflicts like the . A key aspect of Jordanes' early career involved direct service under Gothic military figures integrated into the Roman system. He acted as notarius to Gunthigis Baza (also known as Baza), a prominent Ostrogothic leader and who was a nephew of the general Candac and descended from the Amali clan. This position placed Jordanes at the intersection of Roman imperial administration and Gothic military hierarchies, reflecting the empire's efforts to incorporate barbarian elites during Justinian's reconquests. By around 551 AD, Jordanes had transitioned toward scholarly pursuits while still embedded in Constantinople's intellectual and bureaucratic circles. He was prompted by a figure named Castalius, possibly a fellow official or patron, to undertake historical writing as a condensation of existing sources, marking his shift from administrative duties to authorship. This circumstance aligned with the post-Gothic War environment in the capital, where Roman officials sought to document and legitimize the empire's recent victories and cultural integrations.

Religious Conversion and Later Years

In the mid-sixth century, Jordanes underwent a significant religious conversion, marking a pivotal shift from his earlier secular career to a life oriented toward Christian devotion. This transformation is referenced in his own words in the Getica, where he alludes to events "before my conversion" (ante conversionem meam), suggesting a personal turning point that influenced his historical writings with an overt Christian framework. Scholars interpret this conversion variably, but it appears to have involved an embrace of Nicene orthodoxy, evidenced by his strong anti-Arian sentiments throughout his works, which align with the trinitarian Nicene Creed prevailing in the Byzantine Empire under Justinian I. Following his conversion, Jordanes adopted a monastic , possibly withdrawing to a , though the exact location remains unknown and debated among historians. This monastic commitment reflected the broader sixth-century trend among Gothic intellectuals toward and service, allowing him to pursue scholarly endeavors in a contemplative environment. Some traditions further suggest he may have held an position, such as of Croton (Crotona) in Bruttium, , or possibly , as his name appears in records associated with during the latter's stay in in 551 AD; however, these identifications lack conclusive evidence and are contested, with no episcopal lists confirming his tenure in either see. Jordanes' later years, in the 550s AD, were marked by intense literary activity under the constraints of monastic discipline, culminating in the rapid composition of his major works, the Romana and Getica, both completed in 551 AD while he resided in or near Constantinople. This period aligned with the height of Justinian's reign (527–565 AD), during which Jordanes, as a former notarius with Gothic roots, contributed to Byzantine historiography amid the empire's efforts to integrate and redeem Gothic heritage through orthodox Christian narratives. His monastic setting likely imposed brevity and focus, evident in the condensed style of his summaries, though little is known of his activities or death beyond these writings.

Written Works

The Romana

The Romana, formally titled De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum, is a concise historical authored by Jordanes in 551 CE while in . Commissioned by Vigilius, addressed as a "nobilissime frater" and likely a local or rather than , the work responds to his prompting for a brief overview of to inspire reflection on amid worldly turmoil. The text adopts a chronological structure, beginning with a universal history from the biblical creation through Adam's lineage to the era of and the Hellenistic kingdoms, spanning roughly from antiquity to the late BCE. This introductory section, comprising chapters 1–14 in modern editions, draws on sources like Jerome's to frame Rome's origins within a broader temporal . The core of the work then shifts to Roman proper, covering the from in 753 BCE through the republic's consuls and , the imperial era's expansions and crises, and culminating in the Byzantine period up to the 24th year of Justinian I's reign (circa 550 CE). Key events include campaigns, imperial successions, and territorial shifts, presented in an annalistic style with episodic detail on emperors like Constantine and Theodosius. Intended as a companion to Jordanes' , the Romana provides a Roman-centric perspective on shared history, focusing on interactions between Romans and —such as alliances, conflicts, and federate roles—without incorporating Gothic origin myths or narratives reserved for the latter work. This pairing underscores Jordanes' aim to balance imperial continuity with barbarian integration under Justinian's reconquests, portraying Rome's enduring legacy despite recent upheavals like the Gothic War. The epitome's brevity, condensing vast periods into accessible prose, reflects Jordanes' stated intent to distill complex annals for moral and educational edification.

The Getica

The , formally known as De origine actibusque Getarum, is Jordanes' principal historical work on the , completed in 551 CE as an epitome of the now-lost twelve-book Gothic History composed by Senator around 526–533 CE for King Theoderic the Great. In its preface, Jordanes states that he produced this summary after borrowing Cassiodorus' work for only three days, during which he memorized and condensed its essence while incorporating additional material from other sources such as Ablabius and of Panium. The resulting text, spanning 60 chapters, blends legendary origins, migrations, and military exploits to trace the Gothic people's trajectory from northern obscurity to imperial prominence and eventual subjugation, emphasizing their valor and divine favor while underscoring themes of transience and Christian humility. The narrative begins with the ' mythical origins on the island of , portrayed as the "womb of nations" in the far north, from which they emerged like a swarm of bees under the leadership of King Berig, who sailed south in three ships to establish on the continental mainland. This migration marks the start of their expansion across , , and , where they divided into the and , engaging in a series of conquests that propelled them into contact with classical civilizations. Key early figures include the priest-king Dicineus, who imparted wisdom and laws, and the eponymous Ostrogotha, linking the tribe's genealogy to heroic lineages. The arc progresses through generations of kings, highlighting the ' relentless drive southward and their role in reshaping the Roman world, culminating in the in under Theoderic. Mythical elements enrich the historical framework, forging connections between the and ancient legends to elevate their status. Jordanes asserts a Trojan ancestry through , son of , claiming the as descendants who sacked alongside the , thus paralleling Roman origins in Virgil's . He further incorporates Getian lore by depicting (drawn from ) not as a but as a mortal Gothic king and sage who taught , immortality, and governance, fostering a sense of intellectual and spiritual depth among the early . These myths serve to legitimize Gothic identity, intertwining it with Greco-Roman and traditions while portraying their wars—such as the legendary conflict against the Egyptian Vesosis led by Tanausis—as tests of divine election and martial prowess. The work's military narrative dominates its later sections, chronicling Gothic-Roman interactions from early clashes, like Dorpaneus' resistance to Emperor in the first century CE, to pivotal events such as Alaric I's sack of Rome in 410 CE and the defeat of Emperor by Cniva at the in 251 CE. It details the Hunnic invasions under , the in 451 CE where allied with Romans against the , and the rise of the Ostrogothic realm in . The chronicle concludes somberly with Justinian I's reconquests, focusing on ' victories over in 533 CE and the Ostrogoths by 540 CE, including the capture of King Witigis, signaling the end of independent Gothic power after over two millennia of history. This arc underscores themes of rise and inevitable decline, with Jordanes framing Gothic achievements as fleeting glories under God's providence. Jordanes enriches the Getica with detailed geographical descriptions of Scandza, depicting it as a vast, juniper-leaf-shaped island in the northern Ocean, opposite the Vistula River, with a great eastern lake, immense western seas, and surrounding isles like the German Sea; its harsh climate lacks bees, symbolizing its raw, untamed nature as the cradle of hardy peoples. Ethnographic notes portray the Gothic tribes and their northern kin as diverse yet interconnected, including the Adogit who endure 40 days of continuous sunlight and darkness, the Screrefennae as expert hunters, the horse-breeding Suehans, and the warlike Dani; Jordanes lists at least seven major groups per Ptolemy's reckoning, with many more, emphasizing their migratory vigor and cultural adaptations that foreshadow the Goths' own exploits. These vignettes not only provide context for the migrations but also highlight the Goths' Scythian affinities and tribal subdivisions, such as the Amali and Balti clans, integral to their identity.

Historical Methodology and Sources

Approach to History

Jordanes' exemplifies a fusion of classical and Christian traditions, employing an epic style with digressions and vivid battle descriptions reminiscent of earlier Roman historians like , while embedding a providential framework that interprets historical events as manifestations of divine will. This blend is evident in his portrayal of the ' migrations and conquests as part of a larger cosmic guided by , where triumphs and defeats serve as moral lessons leading toward spiritual , akin to Augustinian views of as a progression from earthly transience to eternal redemption. Such integration allowed Jordanes to elevate secular events into a theological , emphasizing Christian edification over mere chronicle-keeping. Central to Jordanes' purpose was the legitimization of Gothic identity within the Roman-Christian empire, presenting the not as barbaric invaders but as noble allies whose valor complemented Roman strengths, thereby justifying their historical role under imperial oversight. In the , he traces the ' origins and achievements to underscore their antiquity and martial prowess, yet concludes with the subjugation of the by Emperor Justinian's forces, framing this outcome as divinely ordained and honoring Justinian's reconquests as a restoration of Christian Roman order. This approach served to reconcile Gothic pride with Byzantine dominance, promoting a harmonious vision of multi-ethnic unity under Christian providence. Jordanes' methodological hallmark was the use of abridgment and , condensing voluminous sources like Cassiodorus' lost Gothic history into succinct narratives that prioritized essential facts and moral insights over exhaustive detail. This technique, reflecting the brevity and accessibility favored in monastic following his conversion to a likely monastic life, made complex histories approachable for clerical and lay readers alike, eschewing elaborate in favor of clear, edifying summaries. By distilling chronicles into portable forms, Jordanes ensured the preservation and dissemination of Gothic lore within a Christian milieu.

Use of Sources

Jordanes' primarily relies on the now-lost Gothic History of , a twelve-volume work that he claims to have abridged after skimming it over three days, forming the core narrative of Gothic origins and deeds. He supplemented this with oral traditions, including Gothic songs recounting heroic figures like Eterpamara and Hanale, as well as his own personal knowledge as a Goth, which added ethnographic details on customs and migrations. These elements were integrated to provide a sense of continuity and authenticity to the Gothic past, though Jordanes occasionally notes gaps in the written record filled by such traditions. For Roman and events, Jordanes drew on classical sources such as ' Historiae adversus paganos, which he cites explicitly in the Getica's geographical introduction and for equating the with the ancient , a Thracian mentioned by earlier historians. Eutropius' Breviarium served as a key reference for Roman imperial , particularly in structuring chronological accounts of interactions between Romans and , while Ablabius, likely a fourth-century historian, provided material on Gothic legends and nomenclature, cited three times in the Getica for origins, royal lineages, and tribal relations—though this may have been mediated through . These sources were woven into the narrative to align Gothic with established Roman chronologies, emphasizing parallels and conflicts. Jordanes also incorporated biblical and ethnographic elements to elevate the Gothic story within a Christian framework, drawing on Orosius' providential view of history influenced by Augustine, which framed the ' migrations as part of divine order. Ethnographically, the equation of with the and —tribes from classical —allowed Jordanes to trace a noble antiquity for his people, linking them to Scythian nomads and biblical-era peoples while justifying their role in late Roman events. This integration, however, introduced potential biases from the sources' Roman-centric perspectives, as Jordanes adapted them to assert Gothic agency without fully resolving chronological discrepancies.

Controversies and Criticisms

Authorship Debates

The authorship of Jordanes' works, particularly the Getica and Romana, has been a subject of extensive scholarly debate, centering on the extent of his independence from earlier sources and the authenticity of his authorial claims. In the preface to the Getica, Jordanes asserts that he composed the work as a summary of Cassiodorus' lost 12-volume History of the Goths, which he claims to have borrowed from a library and read in just three days before returning it, suggesting a rapid abridgment rather than original composition. Scholars such as Arnaldo Momigliano and Walter Goffart have questioned this narrative, proposing that the Getica's prefaces may represent a deliberate fabrication to lend authority to the text, possibly aligned with political agendas at the Byzantine court under Justinian I, and that Jordanes incorporated additional unacknowledged sources like the Chronicle of Marcellinus Comes, indicating greater originality than admitted. A related controversy concerns the Romana, where German historian Wilhelm Ensslin proposed in that the text was not Jordanes' independent epitome of Roman history but largely a reproduction of the lost Roman History by Aurelius Memmius Symmachus ( 485), based on a single quotation Jordanes attributes to Symmachus. This theory, which drew parallels to the purported dependence of the Getica on , has faced significant criticism; modern analyses, including those by Lieve Van Hoof and Peter Van Nuffelen, demonstrate that the Romana relies directly on contemporary sources such as Prosper of and Marcellinus Comes, with verbatim overlaps that preclude Symmachus as the primary basis, affirming Jordanes' role as compiler. Questions about Jordanes' personal identity further complicate authorship attribution, as some manuscripts describe him as a bishop, potentially of Croton (modern Crotone) in Italy, though this identification remains debated among scholars due to his self-described Gothic origins and career as a former military notarius, with many accepting the link based on manuscript evidence and chronological fit. The dedication of the Romana to Pope Vigilius has led to speculation that Jordanes was a monk or cleric in Constantinople around 551 CE, but a minority view, advanced by earlier historians like Ernst Stein, denies any direct link between the author and a historical bishop named Jordanes, suggesting possible pseudepigraphy or scribal additions in later copies. Evidence from the prefaces and textual has fueled suspicions of multiple hands or editorial interventions. The Getica's claim of three-day completion is often interpreted as hyperbolic, with scholars like Andrew Gillett arguing that Jordanes likely had prior access or notes from ' work, given the text's stylistic inconsistencies—such as abrupt shifts in tone and vocabulary—that hint at compilation from diverse materials rather than a seamless abridgment. These linguistic variations, noted in studies of Jordanes' Latin, which blends classical influences with late antique simplifications, have prompted debates over whether anonymous interpolations occurred during transmission, though no conclusive proof of multiple authors exists.

Accuracy and Reliability

Jordanes' equation of the with the ancient represents a significant that distorts historical attributions, as he interchangeably refers to his subjects as and to connect them to classical Mediterranean antiquity. This conflation leads to the misattribution of Dacian and Thracian history to the , such as portraying the Getian deity —originally a figure from ' accounts of Thracian-Dacian beliefs—as a Gothic philosopher-king and prophet who instructed the in and immortality before the . Scholars criticize this as an unhistorical fabrication intended to elevate Gothic origins, drawing on earlier Roman confusions but extending them into outright invention for propagandistic purposes. Further inaccuracies arise from Jordanes' inclusion of fictional events and exaggerated narratives, particularly in the early sections of the Getica, where he describes Gothic victories over mythical foes without historical basis. A prominent example is the invented war between the under King Tanausis and the Egyptian Vesosis (likely inspired by Sesostris legends), portrayed as a remote antiquity conflict symbolizing barbarian resistance to eastern empires but lacking any corroboration in Egyptian or other . Similarly, Jordanes exaggerates Gothic migrations and conquests, claiming an unbroken of 1,800 years without defeat, which scholars dismiss as implausible blending with selective ancient sources to construct a heroic . These elements undermine the work's reliability for reconstructing actual Gothic movements, as they prioritize legendary grandeur over verifiable . Jordanes' accounts also exhibit clear biases favoring Emperor Justinian's regime and Nicene Christian orthodoxy, often at the expense of Gothic independence and Arian traditions. Writing in Constantinople during Justinian's Gothic War (535–554), he downplays Ostrogothic achievements under Theodoric while praising Justinian as the divinely ordained conqueror of the Goths, framing their subjugation as a fulfillment of Roman providence. This pro-Byzantine slant, combined with anti-Arian rhetoric—such as condemning Emperor Valens for heresy—reflects Jordanes' conversion to Nicene Christianity and his intent to align Gothic history with imperial ideology, as critiqued by scholars like Christensen for promoting a "migration myth" that subordinates barbarian agency to Roman triumph. Kulikowski further argues that such biases render the Getica a tool of contemporary politics rather than objective historiography, systematically minimizing Gothic autonomy to legitimize Justinian's reconquests.

Legacy and Influence

Impact on Gothic Historiography

Jordanes' Getica emerged as the primary surviving source for Gothic following the loss of ' original Gothic , providing a foundational narrative of Gothic origins, migrations, and achievements that filled a critical gap in late antique . Composed in 551 CE, the work synthesized earlier accounts, including those from Orosius and Ablavius, to trace the Goths from their supposed Scandinavian homeland through conquests in Scythia and the Roman Empire. This comprehensive framework influenced subsequent medieval chroniclers, most notably Isidore of Seville, whose Historia Gothorum (completed around 624 CE) adapted Jordanes' structure and early Gothic narrative to legitimize Visigothic rule in Hispania. Isidore borrowed directly from the Getica for details on Gothic migrations and victories, such as the defeat of the Vandals, while integrating them into a Christian providential that emphasized Gothic assimilation into Roman and biblical traditions. By preserving and reframing ' lost material, Jordanes ensured that Gothic ethnohistory remained accessible, shaping how later writers viewed the Goths as a people worthy of imperial integration rather than mere destroyers. In the Renaissance, Jordanes' portrayal of Gothic migrations and heroic deeds fueled national origin myths across Northern Europe, propagating legends that linked contemporary kingdoms to ancient barbarian prowess, including tenuous connections to Trojan heritage through Scythian and Getae intermediaries. In Sweden, the ideology of Gothicism (gothicisme), popularized by Johannes Magnus in his Historia de omnibus Gothorum, Sueonumque regibus (1540), drew heavily on the Getica to assert that Swedish monarchs descended from the Goths who originated in Scandinavia (Scandza), thereby elevating Sweden's status as a successor to Gothic imperial glory. This narrative supported Swedish expansionism during the Gustavian era, with Jordanes' text cited in royal propaganda to claim continuity from ancient conquerors. These adaptations transformed Jordanes' historical account into a tool for political legitimacy, embedding Gothic lore in emerging national historiographies up to the early modern period. Jordanes contributed significantly to early theories of barbarian by bridging Gothic identity with , presenting the not as peripheral savages but as successors to renowned peoples like the and , whose exploits echoed Homeric and Herodotian traditions. In the 6th-century context of Justinian's reconquests, this linkage served to elevate barbarian groups within a Roman-centric , suggesting a divine or historical mandate for their role in imperial transformation. By equating the with ancient Thracian —warriors praised by and —Jordanes facilitated a conceptual framework where migrations from the north integrated barbarians into the continuum of civilized history, influencing later medieval views on ethnic formation as a process of cultural synthesis rather than rupture. This approach prefigured broader models, emphasizing shared ancestry and heroic migration over static origins, and underscored the ' contributions to , warfare, and governance as articulated in the .

Modern Scholarship

Modern scholarship has increasingly reassessed Jordanes' Gothic heritage, portraying him as a figure navigating the multicultural dynamics of Justinian's empire, where ethnic identities were fluid and intertwined with Roman imperial structures. argues that Jordanes, likely of descent from the Moesian communities rather than the Italian , crafted his narratives to reflect the perspectives of provincial Goths integrated into the Eastern Roman administration, emphasizing their loyalty to amid the reconquest efforts. Similarly, J. H. W. G. Liebeschuetz contends that Jordanes preserved authentic oral traditions in the , suggesting his work bridged ethnic heritage with Roman historiographical conventions, thereby contributing to a hybrid identity in the diverse imperial context. Recent studies, particularly those from 2020 onward, have highlighted Jordanes' role in crisis historiography during the Gothic Wars, framing his writings as responses to the political upheavals of Justinian's reign. Lieve van Hoof and Peter Van Nuffelen's 2020 edition and translation of the Romana and Getica underscore how Jordanes' abbreviated style and selective sourcing served to legitimize imperial policies in Constantinople, drawing on ecclesiastical histories to contextualize the wars' devastation without direct criticism of Justinian. Their analysis builds on earlier work, such as their 2017 article, which situates Jordanes' production amid the mid-sixth-century propaganda needs, where he balanced Gothic sympathies with Roman orthodoxy to address the empire's existential threats from barbarian incursions. A 2021 entry in the Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon further reappraises Jordanes beyond a mere epitomizer, emphasizing his contributions as a historian with deeper engagement in historical and linguistic traditions. More recently, M. Shane Bjornlie's 2024 chapter explores Jordanes' portrayal of the end of the Roman Empire, examining how his works reflect and shape understandings of imperial decline and transformation in late antiquity. Scholars have identified gaps in prior coverage, notably the underexplored non-elite perspective in Jordanes' accounts, which offer insights into narratives beyond aristocratic viewpoints. Van Hoof and Van Nuffelen emphasize Jordanes' background as a former notarius—a mid-level —providing a rare provincial lens on the migrations, distinct from elite chroniclers like , and influencing modern understandings of subaltern experiences in late antique transformations. This approach has prompted further examination of how his narratives shaped perceptions of Gothic mobility and integration, filling voids in traditional focused on high politics.

References

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