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Kent Conrad
Kent Conrad
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Gaylord Kent Conrad[1] (born March 12, 1948) is a former American politician who was a United States senator from North Dakota. He is a member of the Democratic Party. First elected to the Senate in 1986, he served as chairman or ranking member of the Senate Budget Committee for 12 years.

Key Information

On January 18, 2011, Conrad announced that he was retiring from politics and would not run for reelection in 2012.[2] He said in a statement that it was more important that "I spend my time and energy trying to focus on solving the nation's budget woes than be distracted by another campaign."[2] Fellow Democrat Heidi Heitkamp was elected to replace him.

Conrad currently co-chairs the Bipartisan Policy Center's Commission on Retirement Security and Personal Savings.[3] He is also a member of the ReFormers Caucus of Issue One.[4] In addition, he serves on the board of directors of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.[5]

Early life

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Conrad was born in Bismarck, North Dakota, the son of Abigail and Gaylord E. Conrad.[6] He was orphaned at a young age and subsequently raised by his grandparents in Bismarck.[7] He attended Roosevelt Elementary, Hughes Junior High, and Wheelus Air Base high school in Tripoli, Libya,[8] before eventually graduating from Phillips Exeter Academy. He then went to college at Stanford, and received an M.B.A. from The George Washington University.

Personal life

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Conrad has been married twice. His first wife, Pam, is the sister of former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture and former North Dakota Governor Ed Schafer;[9][10] they have a daughter, Jessamyn. Jessamyn Conrad is the author of What You Should Know About Politics ... But Don't, subtitled a Nonpartisan Guide, which was praised by Barack Obama and Bob Dole.[11]

On February 14, 1987, Conrad married Lucy Calautti, his 1986 Senate campaign manager, who is now a lobbyist for Major League Baseball.[12]

Early political career

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After graduating from college, Conrad became a civil servant, working as an assistant to the North Dakota State Tax Commissioner, Byron Dorgan, who later became his colleague in the Senate. Conrad made his first entry into politics when he ran unsuccessfully for the North Dakota Auditor's office in 1976. In 1980 Conrad succeeded Dorgan as Tax Commissioner. Conrad was state tax commissioner until 1986, when he ran for the Senate.

U.S. Senate career

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Committee assignments

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Political positions

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Conrad with President Barack Obama

In April 2006 Time named Conrad one of "America's 10 Best Senators". That same year The American commended him for his knowledge of economic issues. Conrad endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 Democratic presidential primary.

Conrad was a leading member of the "Gang of 10", a conservative group that pushed for much greater offshore drilling in sensitive environmental areas. He was well known for using charts as visual aids when speaking in the Senate, which earned him the nickname "Godfather of Charts."[13]

Health care

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In the 2009 negotiations over reforming America's healthcare system, Conrad strongly opposed a "public option." The AFL-CIO announced it would fund a primary challenge to Conrad in 2012 if he continued to oppose a public option.[citation needed]

On September 29, 2009, Conrad voted with Senate Finance Committee Republicans against an amendment to a health care bill that would have provided for a public option. He was supportive of the Stupak-Pitts Amendment, which places limits on taxpayer-funded abortions in the context of the November 2009 Affordable Health Care for America Act.[14]

Social policies

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Conrad is more politically conservative than most Democrats. He voted consistently in favor of banning the partial-birth abortion medical procedure. He also opposes public funding of abortion, but voted in favor of lifting the ban on abortions on military bases.[15] Conrad has a mixed record on gay rights. While he personally opposes gay marriage, he voted against a proposed constitutional ban on it and has supported bills that prevent discrimination based on sexual orientation. On January 31, 2006, Conrad was one of four Democrats to vote in favor of confirming Judge Samuel Alito to the Supreme Court.[16][17]

Fiscal policies

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On April 17, 2012, Conrad, a strong supporter of the Simpson-Bowles plan, announced his plan to offer a version of it that he, as a member of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, helped to develop. Lawmakers on the Senate Budget Committee could be forced to vote or modify the plan.[18][19]

Conrad was known for his deep understanding of monetary policies and budget issues. He identifies as a "deficit hawk", supporting a balanced federal budget,[20] but continues to support farm subsidies. He voted against Republican proposals to repeal the estate and alternative minimum taxes. He supported lower middle-class taxes, but increased taxes for people making more than $1 million per year. In 2010 he supported extending the expiring Bush tax cuts "at least until the economy is clearly recovering."[21]

Conrad was very vocal in his opposition to the spending policies of the George W. Bush administration. He contended that Bush worsened the national debt. Conrad also opposed most free-trade measures and strongly supported subsidies to family farmers.

Foreign policy and national security

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In 1991 Conrad voted against approving the use of military force in Iraq. He was one of only 23 senators to vote against the war resolution of 2002. While he initially voted in favor of the USA PATRIOT Act, he has opposed warrantless wiretapping and government's continued use of the Guantanamo Bay detention facility.

Countrywide Financial loan scandal

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In June 2008 it was reported that Conrad had received mortgages on favorable terms for a second home and an apartment building due to his association with Countrywide Financial CEO Angelo R. Mozilo.[22] Conrad acknowledged that he had spoken with Mozilo by phone.[23] In an April 23, 2004, email about one of Conrad's loans, Mozilo encouraged an employee to "make an exception due to the fact that the borrower is a senator."[22] Conrad denied any prior knowledge of such treatment and gave the mortgage discount to charity.[23][24] Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) called on the Senate Ethics Committee to investigate Conrad. In August 2009, after a yearlong inquiry, the Ethics Committee exonerated Conrad of any unethical behavior in his dealings with Countrywide.[25]

Electoral history

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Overview

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In the 1986 election, Conrad defeated the Republican incumbent, Mark Andrews, by 2,120 votes. Andrews had represented North Dakota at the federal level since 1963 (he had previously served in the House before moving to the Senate in 1981).

During the campaign, Conrad pledged that he would not run for reelection if the federal budget deficit had not fallen substantially by the end of his term. By 1992 it became obvious that this would not be the case, and although polls showed that the electorate would have welcomed his reneging on that pledge, Conrad considered his promise binding and did not run for reelection. Byron Dorgan won the Democratic primary election.

Conrad received an opportunity to remain in the Senate when North Dakota's other senator, long-serving Dem-NPLer Quentin Burdick, died on September 8, 1992. Burdick's widow, Jocelyn Birch Burdick, was appointed to the seat temporarily, but a special election was needed to fill the rest of the term. Viewing this opportunity as different from running for reelection, Conrad ran for and won the Democratic-NPL's nomination. He went on to win the special election, and was sworn in on December 14, 1992, resigning his original Senate seat the same day. (Conrad's original Senate seat was then filled by Dorgan, via appointment by the governor on December 15, 1992, to fill the seat for the brief period until he would have been sworn in under normal circumstances.)

Despite North Dakota's Republican leanings, Conrad was comfortably reelected in 1994—a year when Republicans won most of the Congressional seats that were not in heavily Democratic-leaning states.

1986

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1992

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1994

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2000

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2006

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  • Kent Conrad (D-NPL) (inc.) 69%
  • Dwight Grotburg (R) 30%
  • Roland Riemers (I) 1%
  • James Germalic (I) 0.6%

References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Gaylord Kent Conrad (born March 12, 1948) is an American politician who served as a Senator from from 1987 to 2013. A member of the Democratic Party, he represented a predominantly rural and conservative state while advocating for fiscal restraint and agricultural interests. Conrad chaired the Senate Budget Committee from 2007 to 2011, during which he prioritized deficit reduction and co-chaired bipartisan efforts like the Gang of Six to reform federal spending and entitlements. He played a key role in authoring the and farm bills, providing drought and disaster relief for farmers, and advancing policies that expanded access without a public option, reflecting his centrist approach amid partisan divides. Known for self-imposed term limits, Conrad retired in 2013 after 26 years in the Senate, earning a reputation for and integrity despite criticisms over compromises on spending and tax policies.

Early Life and Education

Upbringing and Family Background

Kent Conrad was born Gaylord Kent Conrad on March 12, 1948, in , to Gaylord E. Conrad and Abigail Conrad. As a fifth-generation North Dakotan, his family roots traced back to early homesteaders in the state. He grew up in Bismarck alongside siblings, including brothers Dean and Roan, in a modest household shaped by the rural and agricultural influences of the region. At the age of five, Conrad's life was profoundly altered when his parents were killed in a car accident caused by a drunk driver; Conrad and his brothers survived the crash. Orphaned, he was subsequently raised by his grandparents in Bismarck, who provided stability amid the tragedy. This upbringing instilled in him early lessons on personal responsibility and fiscal prudence, influenced by his grandparents' emphasis on avoiding and .

Academic and Early Professional Experience

Conrad attended public schools in , during his early years, followed by high school at Wheelus Air Force Base in , where he lived with family friends for two years, and later at . He briefly enrolled at the in Columbia in 1967 before transferring to , from which he graduated in 1971 with a degree in . In 1975, Conrad earned a from . Following his undergraduate studies, he entered public service as an assistant to State Tax Commissioner , serving in that role from 1974 to 1980 in Bismarck. This position provided foundational experience in state fiscal administration, bridging his academic background in government and business to practical policy work.

State-Level Political Career

Appointment and Role as Tax Commissioner

Kent Conrad, a Democrat, was elected as North Dakota's State Tax Commissioner in the 1980 general election, succeeding , who had resigned to pursue a congressional seat. He assumed office on January 6, 1981, and was reelected in 1984 by a large margin. Conrad served in the role until resigning on December 2, 1986, to campaign for the U.S. , after which was appointed to complete his term. The position of North Dakota Tax Commissioner is an elected office with a four-year term, filled during midterm elections, and carries responsibility for the administration and enforcement of the state's tax laws. Under Conrad's leadership, the Office of State Tax Commissioner oversaw the collection and fair application of revenues from sources including individual and corporate income taxes, sales and gross receipts taxes, motor fuel and vehicle registration fees, and other levies, ensuring compliance while supporting state fiscal operations. The office operated through specialized divisions handling tasks such as tax processing, auditing, and licensing, with Conrad directing overall policy and enforcement to promote effective amid 's resource-dependent economy.

Key Initiatives and Reforms in State Tax Policy

As North Dakota's Tax Commissioner from January 1981 to December 1986, Kent Conrad oversaw the implementation of a major overhaul of the state's system enacted in 1981 via Senate Bill No. 2323. This restructuring established four distinct property classifications—agricultural, residential, commercial, and centrally assessed—for taxation purposes, shifting from prior uniform approaches to better reflect varying economic uses and values. All properties were required to be valued at true and full , with specifically assessed using a productivity-based formula to account for soil capability and yield potential rather than market fluctuations alone. The reform set uniform assessment ratios across classes: 9% for residential, 10% for agricultural and most commercial properties, and 14% initially for centrally assessed properties (phasing down to 10% by 1985). A special legislative session in further adjusted taxable valuation to 50% of true and full value to address concerns arising from the higher valuations. Additional measures included mandating full consideration statements on property transfer documents to enhance transparency in valuations and providing transitional levy protections, capping increases at prior-year dollars plus 7% for and 1982 to mitigate immediate fiscal shocks for taxing districts. Conrad's office supplied critical data on assessment-to-market-value ratios during the preceding 1979-81 interim study, including figures showing at 5.6% and residential at 9%, which informed the reform's design and ensured equitable application. These changes aimed to promote fairness, accuracy, and stability in ation, aligning state practices more closely with constitutional requirements for uniform valuation while accommodating North Dakota's agrarian . Under Conrad's administration, the Commissioner's office focused on executing these provisions through updated assessment guidelines and oversight, contributing to more reliable revenue streams for local governments without major subsequent overhauls during his term. No further comprehensive property tax reforms were enacted between 1982 and 1986, reflecting a period of stabilization following the 1981 restructuring.

U.S. Senate Tenure

Entry and Electoral Path to the Senate

Kent Conrad entered the after serving as North Dakota's state tax commissioner from 1981 to 1986. On November 4, 1986, he defeated incumbent Republican Senator Mark Andrews in a contest influenced by Midwestern farm unrest, securing the Class 1 seat for a six-year term beginning January 3, 1987. In April 1992, Conrad announced he would not seek re-election to his Class 1 seat, honoring a campaign pledge to retire if the federal budget deficit had not decreased by $30 billion annually or to no more than 3 percent of by that year; the deficit had instead risen substantially during the period. Following the death of longtime Senator N. Burdick on September 8, 1992, North Dakota Governor Edward Schafer appointed Conrad's wife, Lucille Conrad, to the vacant Class 3 seat on October 20, 1992. Conrad subsequently entered the special election for the remainder of Burdick's term, defeating Republican State leader Jack on December 4, 1992, and returning to the Senate on December 7, 1992, for the term ending January 3, 1995. Conrad won re-election to the full Class 3 term in 1994 against Republican , capturing 58.2 percent of the vote. He secured further victories in 2000 against Republican Duane with 63.2 percent and in 2006 against Republican Dwight Grotberg with 68.9 percent, reflecting strong personal popularity in the Republican-leaning state despite national Democratic challenges. Conrad did not seek re-election in 2012, retiring after 25 non-consecutive years in the .

Committee Assignments and Leadership Roles

During his Senate tenure from 1987 to 2013, Kent Conrad served on the , where he contributed to farm bills and disaster relief legislation tailored to North Dakota's agricultural economy. He also held assignments on the , addressing tax policy and related fiscal matters. Additionally, Conrad was a member of the Committee on Indian Affairs and the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Conrad's most prominent role was on the Committee on the Budget, to which he was assigned early in his career and on which he served continuously. He chaired the committee during portions of the 107th Congress (January 3–20, 2001; June 6, 2001–January 3, 2003), focusing on federal spending resolutions amid partisan shifts. Following Republican control, he served as ranking minority member in the 108th and 109th Congresses (2003–2007). With Democratic majorities, Conrad returned as chairman for the 110th through 112th Congresses (January 3, 2007–January 3, 2013), overseeing budget resolutions, deficit reduction efforts, and reconciliation processes during economic recovery and fiscal debates. In this capacity, he influenced annual budget blueprints, including those addressing the and subsequent stimulus measures.

Fiscal Policy Positions and Budget Committee Influence

Kent Conrad positioned himself as a fiscal conservative within the Democratic Party, frequently described as a "" who prioritized reducing federal deficits and debt over expansive spending. As a senator, he advocated for balanced and criticized policies that exacerbated fiscal imbalances, including aspects of President Barack Obama's early for insufficient spending restraint. In 1990, as a senator, Conrad contributed to a bipartisan agreement that raised taxes on high earners and implemented spending cuts, aiming to curb long-term deficits amid economic concerns. Conrad's commitment to deficit reduction extended to his involvement in high-profile bipartisan efforts, such as the Gang of Six in 2010, where he collaborated with senators from both parties to propose comprehensive reforms including spending caps, entitlement adjustments, and revenue increases to stabilize the debt trajectory. He consistently pushed budget resolutions projecting declining deficits; for instance, in the fiscal year 2009 Senate budget plan under his leadership, deficits were forecasted to decrease over three years from projected highs. Despite this stance, critics noted inconsistencies, such as his support for North Dakota-specific earmarks and the 2008 financial bailout, which added to short-term deficits, though Conrad defended these as necessary responses to crises while maintaining long-term fiscal discipline. Serving as chairman of the Senate Budget Committee from 2001 to 2003 and again from 2007 to 2011, Conrad wielded significant influence over federal , shaping instructions and prioritizing debt reduction in committee outputs. He leveraged the chairmanship to impact major , such as incorporating budget constraints into the 2002 and 2008 farm bills, ensuring alignment with overall fiscal targets. In 2011, Conrad proposed a "last-chance" framework blending Republican spending cuts with Democratic revenue measures, aiming to halve the deficit within a decade, though it faced partisan gridlock. His tenure also saw the development of the "Conrad Rule," a procedural safeguard requiring bills to be debt-neutral, preventing their use to increase deficits—a mechanism invoked in later debates to enforce fiscal accountability. Through these roles, Conrad often bridged partisan divides on matters, defending resolutions that included trims to presidential requests and exploring to bypass filibusters while adhering to deficit goals. However, his influence waned amid rising deficits exceeding $1.5 trillion by , highlighting the limits of authority in a polarized unable to enact his proposed surpluses within five years.

Healthcare and Social Policy Stances

Kent Conrad emphasized fiscal restraint in healthcare policy, prioritizing deficit reduction amid reform efforts. As a member of the Senate Finance Committee, he advocated for health insurance cooperatives to expand coverage without establishing a government-run public option, which he viewed as an unsustainable expansion of federal spending. In 2009, Conrad stated that Democrats lacked sufficient votes for a public option-inclusive bill, citing its potential to drive up long-term costs and harm rural providers like North Dakota hospitals. During debates over the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), Conrad supported using budget reconciliation procedures to advance the legislation if bipartisan consensus failed, reflecting his willingness to facilitate passage while insisting on cost controls. His involvement in the bipartisan "Gang of Six" highlighted ongoing concerns about healthcare's contribution to federal deficits, pushing for trims in Medicare spending and other entitlements to offset reform expenses. On social policies, Conrad backed welfare reforms favoring state flexibility, including support for block grants to replace certain federal mandates, aligning with 1990s efforts to devolve authority and reduce dependency. Regarding Social Security and Medicare, he consistently opposed raiding trust fund surpluses for non-dedicated purposes, proposing amendments to safeguard these funds exclusively for program solvency. Conrad warned that extending cuts without corresponding reforms jeopardized Social Security's long-term viability, advocating structural changes to address projected insolvency rather than benefit cuts or increased payroll taxes alone. In 2001 testimony, he urged protecting every dollar of Social Security and Medicare trust funds from diversion, underscoring their role as earned benefits rather than general revenue sources.

Foreign Policy and National Security Views

Conrad opposed the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against , casting a nay vote on , 2002, as one of 23 senators to do so. He later described the invasion as a "huge mistake," arguing that bore no responsibility for the September 11, 2001, attacks and lacked ties to . Despite this stance, Conrad voted to approve $86 billion in supplemental funding for ongoing military operations in and on October 31, 2003, and consistently backed wartime appropriations for troops in the field thereafter. He rejected multiple proposals for rapid troop withdrawals, voting against redeploying non-essential U.S. forces from within nine months in December 2007 and opposing a July 2007 deadline for exit. On Afghanistan, Conrad supported initial and sustained funding for operations but grew critical of prolonged engagement. In June 2011, he joined a bipartisan group of senators urging a troop drawdown, stating that "the costs of prolonging the far outweigh the benefits" and advocating a shift in U.S. . This reflected broader concerns over fiscal , as he linked escalating war costs—totaling hundreds of billions—to mounting national debt that threatened long-term security. As chairman of the Senate Committee, Conrad prioritized deficit reduction, proposing $800 billion in defense spending cuts over a decade in his budget resolution to curb discretionary outlays amid post-recession fiscal pressures. He viewed unchecked military expenditures as unsustainable, warning that on the could soon exceed defense budgets, thereby undermining U.S. strategic readiness. Earlier, however, he endorsed National Missile Defense deployment as soon as practicable in March 1999 and a 4.8% military pay raise in February 1999, while opposing reductions in nuclear weapons below START treaty levels in May 1999. Conrad also opposed additional military base closures in May 1999, citing risks to domestic infrastructure supporting national defense. In legislation post-9/11, Conrad generally favored enhanced tools while imposing checks. He voted to reauthorize the in March 2006 and extend its roving wiretaps in February 2011, but supported preserving for Guantanamo detainees in September 2006 and requiring FISA warrants for certain surveillance in February 2008. Joining the Select Committee on Intelligence in January 2011, he contributed to oversight of intelligence operations during his final years in office. On broader foreign policy, Conrad backed sanctions against proliferators, voting against killing trade penalties for if it sold weapons in September 2000 and designating Iran's Revolutionary Guards as terrorists in September 2007. He opposed the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement in October 2008, reflecting caution on , and supported limits on expansion to , , and the in April 1998 to manage alliance growth. Conrad advocated multi-year U.S. commitments to for food and medicine in April 2001 and opposed capping foreign aid at $12.7 billion in October 1999, emphasizing humanitarian and strategic engagement. His record earned an 80% pro-peace rating from the Security and Arms Control group SANE in 2003.

Major Legislative Contributions

Conrad played a leading role in restoring pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) budget rules upon Democrats' assumption of Senate control in 2007, implementing procedural requirements that new or tax cuts be offset by equivalent savings or revenue increases to curb deficits. These rules, which had been eliminated in 2003, were enforced through the Budget Committee under his chairmanship, influencing subsequent legislation including the Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Act of 2010, which codified similar enforcement mechanisms with automatic sequestration triggers for non-compliance. In agriculture policy, Conrad contributed to the 2002 Farm Bill and was instrumental in negotiating the 2008 Food, Conservation, and Energy Act, a five-year measure authorizing approximately $300 billion in spending that expanded , disaster assistance, and commodity supports while overriding President George W. Bush's on June 18, 2008. The bill included provisions for drought relief, aid, and a $3.8 billion emergency commodity fund, reflecting North Dakota's agricultural priorities, though it increased overall subsidies amid rising food prices. He also advanced targeted disaster relief legislation through the Senate Committee, addressing , , and losses. On healthcare, Conrad proposed nonprofit health insurance cooperatives as a to the public option during deliberations, a provision incorporated into the final law signed on March 23, 2010, aimed at fostering consumer-owned plans in underserved markets. His "Frontier Amendment," adopted in the version, enhanced Medicare provider reimbursements for rural states like , improving access in low-density areas. As a Finance Committee member, he participated in bipartisan working groups shaping early reform efforts, though he opposed certain costlier elements like the public option. Conrad advocated for the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, established by the 2010 budget resolution under his Budget Committee influence, yielding the Simpson-Bowles report's recommendations for $4 trillion in deficit reduction through spending cuts, tax reforms, and entitlement adjustments—proposals that informed later debates despite not becoming law. He also supported the 2008 economic stabilization efforts, including the financial bailout package, to address the housing crisis.

Criticisms of Fiscal and Policy Record

Conrad faced from fiscal conservatives for supporting earmarks, which he defended as essential for smaller states like to secure federal funding that would otherwise be allocated by executive agencies. In 2010, he highlighted how the $286 billion , containing 6,371 earmarks, delivered $1.5 billion to his state, despite his public stance against rising deficits. Critics, including those at the , argued this exemplified fiscal federalism, where senators prioritize parochial interests over national restraint, undermining efforts to curb pork-barrel spending. His advocacy for agricultural subsidies drew rebukes for perpetuating inefficient federal outlays. Conrad voted against a 2009 proposal to cap farm payments at $250,000 per annually, a measure projected to save $1 billion yearly, and opposed President Obama's plan to trim $9.7 billion from the farm safety net, contending it would harm family farms amid economic downturns. Organizations like criticized such positions as favoring wealthy agribusinesses over taxpayers, noting that subsidies disproportionately benefited large operations while contradicting Conrad's deficit-reduction rhetoric. Conrad's vote in favor of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) in December 2009 elicited charges of fiscal irresponsibility, particularly given his prior warnings about its funding mechanisms. He had labeled House Democrats' financing approach a "Ponzi scheme of the first order," yet supported the Senate version, which the initially scored as deficit-reducing over a decade through accounting assumptions like the —later repealed as unworkable. Conservative analysts at contended these gimmicks masked long-term cost explosions, with actual deficits ballooning due to delayed taxes, Medicare cuts not fully realized, and expanded entitlements adding trillions to unfunded liabilities. Broader critiques portrayed Conrad's record as inconsistent, blending deficit hawkishness—such as chairing the Senate Budget Committee and promoting the Simpson-Bowles plan—with party-line support for spending measures like the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, which contributed $800 billion to deficits. Fiscal watchdogs argued his selective , prioritizing North Dakota-specific benefits while backing tax hikes and entitlements, exemplified why bipartisan commissions failed to yield binding reforms during his tenure.

Countrywide Financial Controversy

In June 2008, Kent Conrad faced scrutiny for receiving preferential mortgage terms from Financial Corporation through its internal VIP lending program, informally known as "Friends of Angelo" after the company's CEO, , who personally approved discounts and policy exceptions for high-profile borrowers. The program provided below-market interest rates, waived fees, and overrides of standard underwriting rules to influential figures, including members of , amid Countrywide's role in the subprime lending crisis. Conrad obtained at least four loans from Countrywide between 1997 and 2004, including a 2004 refinance of a $1.07 million mortgage for a vacation condominium in Bethany Beach, Delaware, where Mozilo authorized a one-point discount off the standard rate of 4.875%, saving Conrad approximately $10,700 in upfront costs. He also refinanced an eight-unit apartment building in Bismarck, North Dakota, in 2004 with a $96,000 loan at 5.75% interest for a 30-year fixed term, despite Countrywide's policy capping such multifamily loans at four units; Mozilo personally intervened to grant an exception citing Conrad's status as a senator and Budget Committee chairman. Three of the loans were reportedly at prevailing market rates, but the VIP handling raised questions about undisclosed benefits potentially worth tens of thousands in total savings. Conrad denied seeking or receiving any "sweetheart deals," asserting that the terms reflected his strong credit profile and competitive shopping, and that he had no of VIP status or Mozilo's involvement. However, VIP account executive Robert Feinberg testified in 2009 that Conrad, along with Senator , was explicitly informed from the outset of receiving discounted VIP treatment, contradicting their claims of . A 2009 Oversight and report portrayed the program as a systematic effort to curry favor with lawmakers overseeing housing , noting Conrad's and roles positioned him to influence regulations favorable to and government-sponsored enterprises like and , though no direct was proven. In response to the revelations, Conrad donated $10,500 to North Dakota charities—matching estimated improper discounts—and refinanced the loans with a different lender once the scandal emerged. The Senate Select Committee on Ethics reviewed the matter and determined in August 2009 that Conrad had not violated Senate rules on gifts or improper loans, citing insufficient evidence of intent to accept prohibited benefits, though the episode fueled perceptions of conflicts in an era of lax oversight on mortgage practices. Critics, including the House report, argued the VIP arrangements created an appearance of impropriety and may have contributed to congressional inaction on predatory lending reforms prior to the .

Electoral History

Overall Voting Patterns and Competitiveness

Kent Conrad's U.S. Senate campaigns in , a state with a strong Republican presidential voting history—such as George W. Bush's 60.7% victory in 2000—exhibited patterns of ticket-splitting, where voters supported the Democratic incumbent despite partisan leanings. Conrad's ability to secure crossover support stemmed from his moderate positions and focus on state-specific issues like and , allowing him to outperform Democratic presidential nominees. Conrad's initial 1986 election against incumbent Republican Mark Andrews was highly competitive, reflecting farm-state unrest amid the 1980s agricultural crisis, which enabled the Democratic upset in a midterm wave year. Subsequent races showed diminishing competitiveness, with Conrad achieving comfortable margins that grew over time: approximately 58% in 1994 against Ben Clayburgh, 61.4% in 2000 against Duane Sand (176,470 votes to 111,069), and 68.8% in 2006 against Dwight Grotberg (150,146 votes to 64,417). His 1992 special election victory for the seat vacated by Burdick's death was decisive, garnering an overwhelming share in a low-turnout contest. These patterns underscored North Dakota's tradition of electing centrist Democrats to Senate seats, with Conrad's broad appeal reducing GOP challenges; Republican nominees often underperformed statewide benchmarks, as seen in the 22.7-point margin in 2000 despite Bush's dominance. Voter data indicated strong rural and independent backing, contributing to margins that averaged over 20 points in full-term re-elections after 1986. By 2006, the race was non-competitive, with Conrad's incumbency and bipartisan fiscal credentials deterring strong opposition.

1986 Senate Election

Kent Conrad, the Democratic state tax commissioner since 1981, won the Democratic nomination for the U.S. in North Dakota's June 10, 1986, . He challenged incumbent Republican Senator Mark Andrews, who was seeking a second full term after appointment in 1981 and in 1982. The race occurred amid national Democratic gains, driven partly by midterm backlash against President Ronald Reagan's administration and regional farm sector distress in the Midwest, which eroded support for Andrews among rural voters. Conrad's campaign emphasized fiscal responsibility, including a pledge to oppose any congressional budget that failed to reduce the federal deficit relative to gross national product, positioning him against perceptions of Republican overspending. Despite early polls showing Andrews leading by as much as 30 points, Conrad mounted a comeback through targeted appeals to agricultural communities hit by low commodity prices and debt. A third-party , Anna Belle Bourgois, entered as an independent, drawing minimal support. The general election took place on , 1986. Conrad secured victory in a narrow upset, defeating Andrews by 2,135 votes out of 289,013 cast.
CandidatePartyVotesPercentage
Kent ConradDemocratic143,93249.80%
Mark AndrewsRepublican141,79749.07%
Anna Belle BourgoisIndependent3,2691.13%
This outcome contributed to the Democrats' net gain of eight Senate seats, restoring their majority to 55-45.

Subsequent Re-election Campaigns

In the 1994 United States Senate election held on November 8, Conrad secured re-election against Republican nominee Ben Clayburgh, an orthopedic surgeon from Grand Forks, amid a national Republican midterm wave that yielded significant gains for the party. Conrad received approximately 58% of the vote to Clayburgh's 42%, reflecting his personal popularity in despite the state's conservative leanings and broader anti-incumbent sentiment tied to President Bill Clinton's administration. Conrad's 2000 re-election campaign on November 7 pitted him against Republican Duane , a former state representative and DuPont executive, in a race where Conrad emphasized his bipartisan fiscal record and support for amid farm crises. He won with 61.5% of the vote to Sand's 38.5%, benefiting from North Dakota's patterns, as the state supported for president by a wide margin in the same cycle. By the , 2006, election, Conrad faced minimal opposition from Republican Dwight Grotberg, a retired businessman, and independent Roland Riemers, capturing 68.83% of the vote (150,146 ballots) compared to Grotberg's 29.53% (64,417 votes) and Riemers's 1.01% (2,194 votes). This landslide occurred during a Democratic national resurgence, bolstered by Conrad's long-standing advocacy for rural interests and deficit reduction, which resonated in the low-turnout state.

Post-Senate Activities

Involvement in Bipartisan Policy Efforts

Following his retirement from the U.S. Senate in January 2013, Conrad joined the Campaign to Fix the Debt, a bipartisan initiative co-founded by and Alan Simpson to advocate for fiscal policies reducing the national debt as a percentage of GDP through a balanced approach of spending cuts and revenue measures. The campaign, launched in , sought to build public and congressional support for comprehensive deficit reduction plans similar to the Simpson-Bowles framework Conrad had endorsed during his Senate tenure. Conrad also became a senior fellow at the (BPC), a founded by former Majority Leader , , , and George Mitchell to promote cross-party collaboration on policy challenges. In this capacity, he co-chaired the BPC's Commission on Retirement Security and Personal Savings, established in 2014 to examine demographic shifts, inadequate personal savings rates, and underfunded retirement systems amid an aging population. The commission's 2016 report proposed targeted reforms, including automatic enrollment in workplace savings plans, incentives for lifetime income annuities, and a national Security Clearinghouse to standardize state-level automatic and facilitate plan portability, aiming to increase retirement savings by an estimated $100 billion annually without relying on new mandates. Conrad and co-chair James Lockhart testified on these recommendations before the Senate Special Committee on Aging in September 2016, emphasizing voluntary, market-based solutions to avert a projected to affect 80% of under 55 who are at risk of insufficient funds. Additionally, Conrad participated in the ReFormers Caucus, a bipartisan coalition of over 250 former members of Congress organized by Issue One to advance structural reforms in areas like campaign finance, ethics oversight, and congressional operations, reflecting his ongoing interest in institutional improvements for effective policymaking. In a 2023 op-ed co-authored with former Senator Rob Portman, Conrad reiterated calls for a new bipartisan fiscal commission to address escalating deficits, warning that without action, debt servicing could consume 20% of federal revenues by 2030.

Public Advocacy on National Debt and Fiscal Reform

After retiring from the U.S. Senate in January 2013, Kent Conrad maintained an active role in discussions, emphasizing the need for comprehensive reforms to curb the growing national debt. He became a director at the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB), where he advocated for implementing recommendations from the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, on which he had served and whose final report he endorsed in 2010 for achieving $4 trillion in deficit reduction over a decade through a mix of spending cuts, tax reforms, and entitlement adjustments. Conrad continued to promote these principles post-Senate, arguing that unchecked debt growth threatened , particularly with rising entitlement costs and interest payments projected to exceed defense spending by the mid-2020s. Conrad joined the (BPC), participating in its Debt Reduction Task Force and the Campaign to Fix the Debt, initiatives aimed at mobilizing public and congressional support for binding fiscal targets. Through BPC events, such as a 2013 discussion on the alongside former colleagues, he stressed the urgency of stabilizing debt-to-GDP ratios, warning that failure to act could lead to higher borrowing costs and reduced fiscal flexibility during crises. In public statements, he critiqued short-term political maneuvers, like debt ceiling brinkmanship, as distractions from structural reforms, and called for reinstating the "Conrad Rule"—a procedural safeguard he authored during his tenure to bar budget from increasing deficits beyond baseline projections. In recent years, Conrad has intensified warnings about debt trajectory amid post-pandemic spending surges. During a September 2025 interview with the Concord Coalition, he described the $37 trillion national debt—equivalent to 123% of GDP—as an existential , projecting that without intervention, interest payments could consume over 20% of federal revenues by 2035. He advocated for a new bipartisan fiscal commission modeled on Simpson-Bowles, empowered with fast-track authority to propose enforceable measures like raising the for Social Security, means-testing Medicare, and broadening the tax base while lowering rates. Conrad's testimony before the House Budget Committee in October 2023 reinforced this, drawing on his commission experience to argue that only supermajority-protected packages could overcome partisan and achieve sustainable debt levels below 60% of GDP. His efforts underscore a consistent focus on empirical projections from the , prioritizing long-term solvency over immediate political expediency.

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