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Szymon Hołownia's Poland 2050 (Polish: Polska 2050 Szymona Hołowni, PL2050) is a centre-right political party in Poland.

Key Information

It was founded as a social movement in 2020, shortly after that year's presidential election, and was officially registered as a political party in April 2021. In the years prior to the 2023 Polish parliamentary election, eight MPs defected to Poland 2050 in the Sejm. After its first national electoral test, the party finished in third place. Poland 2050 joined a ruling coalition, with its leader Szymon Hołownia being chosen as Marshal of the Sejm. It is ideologically Christian democratic, liberal-conservative and socially conservative.

History

[edit]

Founding

[edit]
Party logo before 2023

The first indication that Szymon Hołownia planned to establish a social movement appeared in February 2020, when he led a campaign for the 2020 presidential election.[6][7] Hołownia officially announced the formation of a new movement on 30 June 2020, two days after the first round of elections, in which he was placed 3rd with a result of less than 14% of votes.[8][9] The organisation was registered on 24 August 2020, and five days later it was officially introduced.[10] According to Szymon Hołownia, 20,000 people joined the movement.[11]

On 29 September 2020, Szymon Hołownia announced the creation of a political party associated with the movement, led by Michał Kobosko, whose registration (under the name "Poland 2050 by Szymon Hołownia") was filed with the District Court in Warsaw on 3 November 2020.[12]

In November 2020, the party gained its first MP in the Sejm: Hanna Gill-Piątek from the Spring party.[13] By the end of the year, the party got between 10 and 20 percent in opinion polls, which made it the third most popular party in Poland. By the end of the year, Gill-Piątek and Jacek Kozlowski became the party's Deputy Chair.[14]

On 8 January 2021, the party gained another representative in the Sejm (Joanna Mucha) and its first Senator (Jacek Bury). Both these members initially were members of Civic Platform, which was the main party of the Civic Coalition.[15] On the same day, members of the Elk City Council and the Elk Poviat Council, including its chair Andrzej Wiszowaty, who were members of the local party Dobro Wspólne created the Poland 2020 Local Councillors club.[16]

In February 2021, yet another member of the Civic Coalition (Paulina Hennig-Kloska of the Modern party) joined ranks of Poland 2050 in the Sejm.[17] This allowed the movement to create its own Sejm circle. In March, another MP joined the party, the Independent politician and famous journalist Tomasz Zimoch.[18]

On 7 April 2021, Szymon Hołownia's Poland 2050 officially registered as a political party.[19] Thirteen days later another member of Modern, Mirosław Suchoń, joined Poland 2050.[20] On 20 May 2021, a former member of the government and Agreement, Wojciech Maksymowicz, joined the party and its group in Sejm, after he was attacked by the government media of performing medical research using aborted fetuses.[21] On 28 October 2021 Paweł Zalewski, an MP expelled from Civic Platform due to his conservative stances joined PL2050.[22]

Poland 2050, through MEP Róża Thun, officially joined the Renew Europe group in the European Parliament on 10 November 2021.[23]

First elections (2023–2025)

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Opinion polling of Poland 2050 and the Third Way in Polish parliamentary elections.
Vertical lines left to right: performance of party in 2020, 2023, 2024 (local), 2024 (European Parliament), 2025.

Poland 2050 contested the 2023 parliamentary election on 15 October 2023 with the Polish People's Party and other small parties (Agreement, Centre for Poland, Union of European Democrats) in the Third Way (Polish: Trzecia Droga, TD) alliance, where the alliance overperformed polls, earning 14.4% of the vote, 7.2% of which for PL2050. PL2050, as well as PSL, joined a coalition with the Civic Coalition and New Left, creating the Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk, with Hołownia elected as Marshal of the Sejm. The alliance then performed in the April 2024 local elections, earning 14.3% of the vote, but only increasing its vote share by 2.2 pp relative to the 2018 local elections, where the PSL already gained 12.1% by itself. In June, the alliance suffered a defeat in the 2024 European Parliament election, gaining only 6.9% of the vote, well below polling predictions and only about half the result of the Confederation, despite polls having shown the two in close competition.

After the election in late 2023, the Third Way alliance consistently gained around 15% in opinion polls. However, its polling numbers began declining, with them only getting around 10% in 2024 and by 2025, in some polls it even failed to cross the 8% election threshold for coalitions. Hołownia was declared the TD's candidate for the 2025 presidential election, announcing his candidacy on 13 November 2024,[24] and getting endorsed by the Polish People's Party on 14 December.[25] A small party in the alliance, the Union of European Democrats, would endorse Rafał Trzaskowski of the Civic Coalition over Hołownia.[26]

Crisis in the party (2025–2026)

[edit]

Last months of Hołownia

[edit]

In the run-up to the presidential election, the Polish People's Party began distancing itself from PL2050.[27] Ultimately, the party was severely weakened after Hołownia gained only 4.99% of the vote, greatly underperforming expectations.[28] The Third Way alliance broke apart two weeks later on 17 June.[29]

Main article: 2025 Polish presidential election § Election result disputes

Following the election, election denialists, including Prime Minister Donald Tusk[30] attempted to have Szymon Hołownia block or postpone the inauguration of Karol Nawrocki as president of Poland by calling an indefinite break during the National Assembly (the joint session of the Sejm and Senat), during Nawrocki's inauguration, after which the Marshal of the Sejm would serve as acting president.[31] Following Hołownia's refusal of the idea, pro-government outlets like Gazeta Wyborcza accused Hołownia of treason against the Constitution.[32]

Hołownia was further criticized by his coalition partners after a meeting with opposition leaders in Adam Bielan's house on 4 July, being accused of plotting the downfall of the coalition.[33] Polls indicated that 66% of Poles saw the meeting negatively, and 61% believed Hołownia was considering a coalition with Law and Justice,[34] 76% thought Hołownia's party would collapse,[35] and that Hołownia himself reached 80% disapproval, with even 70% of supporters of his own party disapproving of him.[36]

Hołownia's position within the party weakened, with some party members losing confidence in him,[37] and posełs Tomasz Zimoch and Izabela Bodnar,[38][39] as well as regional leader Jacek Bury, left the party.[40] According to RMF FM, several Poland 2050 posełs began procedures to change their party affiliation to PL2050's former partner, the Polish People's Party in October 2025.[41] On 27 September, Hołownia announced his retirement from politics and that he would step down as party leader in January.[42] Since September 2025, the party has increasingly clashed with the governing coalition.

On 30 September, the party endorsed Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz to enter the Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk as a Deputy Prime Minister. This was controversial in the party, with many party members preferring her internal rival, Paulina Hennig-Kloska. Regardless, Pełczyńska Nałęcz narrowly won both the votes in the party's parliamentary club (getting 16 votes to 14 for Hennig-Kloska[a]) and the National Council (22 to 19).[44] The vote solidified the split between factions supportive of cooperation with Tusk (including Hennig-Kloska) and those seeking a confrontation with the Prime Minister (with Pełczyńska-Nałęcz).[45] The recommendation was also not within the coalition agreement signed by PL2050 and its allies, and Hołownia presented it as a condition for his agreed upon stepping down as "Sejm Marshal in rotation" for succession by Włodzimierz Czarzasty of the New Left.[46] In a November 2025 SW Research poll, a plurality (35.5%) of respondents did not want Poland 2050 to have a deputy Prime Minister, whereas 23.6% believed the party should have one in the government.[47]

Hołownia was replaced by Czarzasty as Marshal of the Sejm on 18 November 2025, with Hołownia becoming a deputy Marshal.[48]

Leadership election

[edit]
Main article: 2026 Poland 2050 leadership election

On 27 September 2025, Hołownia announced that he would step down as party leader in January 2026, when the next leadership election would happen,[42] and applied for the role of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.[49] An SW Research poll showed that 45.3% of Poles were against Hołownia's efforts for the UN position, while 17.6% were in favor.[50] According to Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, the party will remove the "Szymon Hołownia's" suffix from the party name after a change in the leadership.[51] After a controversial and polarizing election period, Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz narrowly defeated Paulina Hennig-Kloska for the position, earning 53% of the vote.[52]

On 3 February, Pełczyńska-Nałęcz appointed Ewa Schädler and Adam Rudawski as the party's vice-chairs, Łukasz Osmalak as treasurer and Robert Sitnik as general secretary.[53] Afterwards, Hennig-Kloska, Kasprzyk, Ćwik and Hołownia were elected by the party as the other vice-chairs of the party to sit on the National Board.[54] Pełczyńska-Nałęcz declared that the party would be heading to present itself as a "party of clear centrism" and as a "middle class party".[54] TOK FM speculated that Pełczyńska-Nałęcz could try to shift the party to forge an electoral alliance with the left-wing Razem for the upcoming parliamentary election.[55]

Under Pełczyńska-Nałęcz (2026)

[edit]

Pełczyńska-Nałęcz's assumption of the party leadership did not stop the crisis within the party. On 11 February, 18 of the party's 31 posełs signed onto a demand for structural changes within the parliamentary club.[56] The Polish Press Agency reported several posełs were ready to leave the parliamentary club altogether, listing Paweł Zalewski, Ryszard Petru, Joanna Mucha, Aleksandra Leo and Ewa Szymanowska.[57]

Under her tenure, the first exits also began: MP Żaneta Cwalina-Śliwowska on 14 February,[58] MEP Michał Kobosko on 16 February.[59]

Ideology and position

[edit]

Upon its foundation, the party was described by various sources to be positioned in the centre,[64] or the centre-right,[74] of the political spectrum. Its policies spanned from the centre-left to the centre-right.[75] It was also seen as a catch-all party.[76] However, by 2025, the party is consistently placed in the centre-right.[5] The party also adheres to economic liberalism "in continuity with the reforms of Balcerowicz".[77] Party's founder, Szymon Hołownia, has been described as "rather socially conservative and economically liberal."[78]

PL2050 was seen to pursue green policies[82] whilst combining elements of Christian democracy, liberalism, and social democracy.[83][84] However, after 2023 the party distanced itself from environmentalist causes and dropped its key green postulates.[85] The party has also been also described as conservative,[86][87][88] moderate-conservative,[89] and neo-Christian democratic.[90] It supports Poland's membership in the European Union.[91]

Environmental policies

[edit]

It believes that by 2050 at the latest, Poland should achieve carbon neutrality.[92] They have also stated support for the European Green Deal.[93] Hołownia announced during the presidential campaign in 2020 that "miners should be protected, and not the mines". He declared that his presidency "will be the green presidency" and that "the natural environment is one of the priorities".[92] In 2021, the party was seen as green conservative.[94]

In March 2021, the "Poland on the Green Trail" program was presented.[95] Its main objectives are to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 45% by 2030, move away from coal by 2040 and achieve carbon neutrality in 2050. It has also proposed that the minister responsible for energy transformation should have the rank of deputy prime minister and head the Committee of the Council of Ministers for decarbonization of the economy. A "green light" procedure would be introduced into the government's legislative process, which would block laws that increase emissions and have a negative impact on the climate.[95]

While described as environmentalist in 2023,[98] the party greatly toned down its rhetoric and proposals once coming to power.[85] The party distanced itself from the European Green Deal, stating that it is unacceptable in its current form.[99] It also dropped its proposal to introduce taxation on combustion cars. Political commentators noted that the pressure created by the 2024 Polish farmers' protests as well as the conservatism of Polish People's Party contributed towards the decision of Poland 2050 to distance itself from environmentalist causes.[85] Clean Energy Wire wrote that "the shift of the Poland 2050 party, which started off with a progressive climate strategy... is particularly remarkable" and that "the rhetoric of the party’s leader Szymon Hołownia is striking in this regard, as it is highly reminiscent of far-right populists".[100]

Domestic policies

[edit]

The party aims for the Senate to become a "self-government chamber" in which, apart from elected senators, representatives of local governments at various levels would be represented: voivodeship marshals, city presidents, village heads and mayors.[101][102] It is also against the centralization of Poland. Hołownia announced that he would act for the independence of judges and the independence of courts and the separation of the functions of the minister of justice and prosecutor general.[103][104] The movement calls for a relief for judges and the creation of "courts of first contact".[105] Hołownia supports the liquidation of the Church Fund.[106] The party supports a return to the 'abortion compromise' from 1993, which criminalizes abortion except for cases of rape, danger to mother's health or serious fetal defects.[107]

Foreign policy

[edit]

It supports the European Union, and strengthening relations with France and Germany.[108] Hołownia stated that "Poland should not look for enemies in foreign policy, but allies".[109] It sees the EU as the guarantor of Poland's economic development, and also supports NATO as necessary to Poland's security.[110]

Structure

[edit]

As of February 2026, the party's National Board is as follows:[111]

Party leaders

[edit]
No. Image Chairman Tenure
1
Michał Kobosko 3 November 2020 – 27 March 2022
2
Szymon Hołownia 27 March 2022 – 31 January 2026
3
Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz 31 January 2026 – Incumbent

Vice-chairs

[edit]

Treasurer

[edit]

General Secretary

[edit]

Chairman of the parliamentary club

[edit]

Notable members

[edit]
Poland 2050 presented a green-themed environmental logo at the party's convention.

Election results

[edit]

Presidential

[edit]
Election year 1st round 2nd round
Candidate # of overall votes % of overall vote Candidate # of overall votes % of overall vote
2025 Szymon Hołownia 978,901 4.99 (#5) Supported Rafał Trzaskowski[112] 10,237,286 49.1 (#2)

Sejm

[edit]
Election Leader Votes % Seats +/– Government
2023 Szymon Hołownia 1,561,542 7.2 (#3)
33 / 460
 New PiS Minority (2023)
KO–PL2050–KP–NL (2023-present)
As part of the Third Way coalition, that won 65 seats in total.

Senate

[edit]
Election Leader Votes % Seats +/– Majority
2023 Szymon Hołownia 622,693 2.9
4 / 100
 New KO–PL2050–KP–NL
As part of the Senate Pact 2023 coalition, that won 66 seats.

European Parliament

[edit]
Election Leader Votes % Seats +/– EP Group
2024 Szymon Hołownia 813,238 6.91 (#4)
1 / 53
 New RE
As part of the Third Way coalition, that won 3 seats in total.

Regional assemblies

[edit]
Election Leader Votes % Seats +/–
2024 Szymon Hołownia 2,054,152 14.3 (#3)
22 / 552
 New
As part of Third Way, which won 80 seats in total.

References

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Poland 2050

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Szymon Hołownia's (Polish: Polska 2050 Szymona Hołowni; abbreviated PL2050) is a centrist in founded in 2020 by television personality and politician Szymon Hołownia as a following his independent run in the 2020 , where he garnered significant support as a moderate alternative. The party emphasizes citizen empowerment, environmental sustainability, anti-polarization efforts, and building a secure, inclusive society oriented toward long-term national development by the year 2050, positioning itself as a "" between the dominant conservative party and liberal opposition forces. In the 2023 parliamentary elections, Poland 2050 allied with the in the Third Way , which obtained sufficient seats to join a governing under , ousting the previous administration; Hołownia was subsequently elected , overseeing parliamentary proceedings. Key achievements include disrupting Poland's longstanding political duopoly and facilitating a shift toward governance, though the party has faced internal strains and accusations of insufficient decisiveness amid coalition tensions.

History

Founding and initial rise (2020–2022)

Szymon Hołownia, a former television presenter and author known for his centrist Catholic commentary, launched Poland 2050 as a socio-political movement on 30 June 2020, immediately following his third-place finish in the first round of the Polish presidential election on 28 June 2020. Hołownia, running as an independent, secured 2,535,121 votes, representing 13.87% of the valid votes cast, positioning him as a surprise outsider who disrupted the expected duel between the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) candidate Andrzej Duda and Civic Platform's Rafał Trzaskowski. The movement emerged in response to widespread dissatisfaction with Poland's entrenched political duopoly, advocating for dialogue, solidarity-inspired values, and pragmatic governance over ideological polarization. Initially structured as a citizens' initiative rather than a traditional party, Poland 2050 focused on engagement and proposals emphasizing environmental , social , and institutional . On 26 March 2021, it formally registered as a , enabling participation in electoral processes. Hołownia's personal popularity, built from years as a media figure, propelled rapid membership growth, with the organization attracting intellectuals, activists, and moderate voters seeking an alternative to PiS's and the liberal opposition's perceived elitism. By 2022, Poland 2050 had established itself as a viable third force in Polish politics, consistently polling between 10% and 12% in national surveys, often surpassing traditional smaller parties like the . This rise reflected voter fatigue with the PiS-led government's handling of rule-of-law disputes and the , as well as critiques of opposition fragmentation; Hołownia's emphasis on ethical leadership and cross-partisan solutions resonated amid economic recovery and social tensions. The movement avoided alignment with established blocs initially, maintaining independence to appeal to centrists disillusioned by decades of binary politics.

2023 parliamentary elections and coalition entry

In April 2023, Poland 2050, led by , formed the Trzecia Droga electoral alliance with the (PSL) to contest the parliamentary elections as a centrist alternative to both the ruling (PiS) party and the main opposition Civic Coalition. Parliamentary elections were held on October 15, 2023, simultaneously with a on migration, judicial reforms, and privatization, which saw low turnout and was boycotted by opposition parties including Trzecia Droga. Trzecia Droga secured 65 seats in the 460-member , contributing to the opposition's overall majority that ended PiS's eight-year rule. Following the vote, Trzecia Droga joined a with the Civic Coalition and The Left. On November 13, 2023, Hołownia was elected with 265 votes, securing Poland 2050's key institutional role in the new parliament. The coalition formalized power on December 11, 2023, when of the Civic Coalition was confirmed as prime minister, with Trzecia Droga partners, including PSL leader Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz as defense minister and deputy prime minister, integrating into the cabinet. Poland 2050's entry marked its transition from a movement founded in to a governing force, emphasizing pragmatic amid Poland's polarized .

Role in government and policy implementation (2023–2025)

Following the October 2023 parliamentary elections, Poland 2050 joined the coalition government as part of the Third Way alliance, supporting Donald Tusk's administration formed on December 13, 2023. The party secured no cabinet positions but exerted influence through its 33 seats in the Sejm and leadership roles. Szymon Hołownia, the party's founder, was elected Marshal of the Sejm on November 13, 2023, with 265 votes from pro-European Union parties, marking the first such election of a parliamentary newcomer since the fall of communism. As , Hołownia prioritized procedural reforms to enhance transparency and accessibility, pledging more time for deputies' interpellations, removal of security barriers around the , and expanded media access to proceedings. These changes aimed to foster a more deliberative parliamentary environment, though implementation faced resistance from opposition party lawmakers. Hołownia's role facilitated the coalition's legislative agenda, including efforts to reverse prior judicial reforms and unblock approximately €137 billion in recovery and cohesion funds withheld under the previous government. Poland 2050 supported the government's pro- orientation, advocating pragmatic economic and environmental policies within the coalition. The party backed initiatives for energy diversification, including development and reduced reliance on , aligning with broader coalition commitments to meet climate targets while addressing domestic concerns. However, as a junior partner, direct attributions of enacted legislation to Poland 2050 remain sparse, with influence primarily channeled through Hołownia's oversight of debates and votes on key bills, such as those restoring prosecutorial independence. Tensions emerged by mid-2025, exacerbated by the coalition's defeat in the June-July , where right-wing candidate Karol Nawrocki prevailed. The Third Way alliance dissolved on June 18, 2025, with and the pursuing separate paths ahead of future elections, yet both retained coalition participation to maintain government stability. Tusk's July 23, 2025, , creating super-ministries for justice-interior and economy-digital affairs, did not allocate new posts to Poland 2050, underscoring the party's reliance on parliamentary leverage amid stalled reforms and opposition vetoes.

2025 presidential campaign, election outcome, and leadership crisis

, leader of Poland 2050 and , announced his candidacy for the 2025 presidential election in late 2024, positioning himself as a centrist alternative to both the ruling coalition's preferred candidate of and the opposition's Karol Nawrocki backed by Law and Justice. His campaign emphasized pragmatic governance, environmental sustainability, and bridging Poland's political divides, drawing on his background as a television personality and his party's role in the governing coalition formed after the 2023 parliamentary elections. However, Hołownia's bid struggled amid low poll numbers and internal coalition tensions, with critics noting his failure to consolidate support beyond Poland 2050's base. In the first round on May 18, 2025, Hołownia failed to advance to the runoff, placing behind Trzaskowski, who received 31.36% of the vote, and Nawrocki at approximately 29.5%. The election proceeded to a second round on June 1, 2025, where Nawrocki narrowly defeated Trzaskowski by about 2 percentage points, securing the presidency and complicating the pro-EU government's agenda under . The underwhelming performance triggered a leadership crisis within Poland 2050. Coalition partner Polish People's Party announced a split from the Third Way alliance on June 18, 2025, though both remained in the government, signaling fragmenting centrist forces. Hołownia, facing internal party pressure and declining popularity, declared on September 27, 2025, that he would not seek re-election as party chairman, effectively stepping down from leadership after a National Council meeting. This move left the party in disarray, with reports of high tension and shock among members, as Hołownia abandoned the helm at a vulnerable moment post-election. The departure raised questions about Poland 2050's future viability, exacerbating strains in Tusk's coalition amid Nawrocki's veto powers.

Ideology and political positions

Economic policies

Poland 2050 advocates for a stable, predictable economy that balances entrepreneurial freedom with worker protections, emphasizing reduced state intervention to foster growth while addressing and inequality. The party's 2021 economic plan, developed through its associated Strategie 2050, prioritizes curbing partisan expansion of state influence in the economy, such as limiting politically motivated interventions in markets and depoliticizing institutions like the (NBP). This approach aims to create a business-friendly environment by ensuring legal predictability, simplifying regulations, and protecting property rights against arbitrary government actions. On taxation and fiscal policy, Poland 2050 has proposed lowering the standard VAT rate from 23% to promote consumption and competitiveness, alongside measures for fiscal responsibility to combat , which peaked at over 14% in 2022. The party supports targeted investments in and digitalization rather than broad subsidies, viewing expenditures—requiring at least 50% domestic —as a dual tool for defense and economic stimulus through local industry development. In government since late 2023 as part of the ruling , Poland 2050 has pushed for these priorities in coalition negotiations, including postulates for economic resilience amid EU funds recovery and post-pandemic recovery. Labor market policies focus on enhancing worker dignity and agency, including restrictions on precarious civil law contracts (umowy cywilnoprawne) to encourage stable , activation programs for seniors to tap unused labor potential, and upskilling initiatives for digital competencies. These measures seek to combine pro-worker reforms with incentives for businesses, such as reduced administrative burdens, to boost without rigid union mandates. The party frames this as reconciling employer needs with employee subjectivity, avoiding overregulation that could stifle job creation. In the realm of , Poland 2050 promotes an "innovative " as a pillar of long-term growth, advocating for a pragmatic transition involving expansion, , and transport modernization, while criticizing overly punitive carbon policies that ignore Poland's dependency. This includes multi-centric regional development strategies to distribute economic gains beyond , with emphasis on like rail and ports to enhance connectivity and exports. Overall, the party's positions reflect a centrist synthesis, prioritizing empirical growth drivers over ideological extremes, though implementation in coalition has been tempered by broader government priorities under Tusk.

Social and cultural policies

Poland 2050 emphasizes support for vulnerable groups within its social policies, including enhanced assistance for people with disabilities, children without , socially excluded individuals, and seniors, aiming to provide equal life opportunities irrespective of socioeconomic background or geographic location. The party advocates for a -oriented tax system, proposing a "family PIT" mechanism to offer financial relief to households raising children, thereby incentivizing family formation and stability. On abortion, the party supports restoring the pre-2020 compromise framework, which permitted the procedure in cases of , , or severe fetal abnormalities and risks, while opposing broader liberalization. In 2023, Poland 2050 proposed a national to gauge on the issue, arguing it deeply divides and requires democratic resolution rather than unilateral legislative action. By 2024, the party endorsed partial of to protect women's safety without expanding access, aligning with coalition dynamics in the ruling Third Way alliance, though it has faced internal and external pressure for delays in advancing related bills. Regarding LGBT issues, Poland 2050 backs legislation for civil partnerships, providing legal recognition for same-sex unions with rights to inheritance, healthcare decisions, and shared property, as confirmed by party leader in 2023. This stance reflects a moderate position within the , prioritizing partnership frameworks over full marriage equality, though critics have accused the party of insufficient progress in implementation amid broader coalition tensions. In education, the party commits to bolstering public schooling to ensure equitable access and quality, viewing it as foundational for social mobility. Culturally, Poland 2050 prioritizes the preservation of national heritage as part of a broader solidaristic state model, integrating it with policies on public access to cultural resources without detailed mandates for ideological reforms. Healthcare reforms focus on systemic improvements for universal access, though specifics tie into overarching social equity goals rather than transformative cultural shifts.

Environmental and energy policies

Polska 2050 advocates for achieving carbon neutrality in Poland by 2050 at the latest, positioning itself as a proponent of accelerated energy transition through decentralized renewable sources to enhance energy security and economic benefits. The party emphasizes renewables, particularly wind and solar, as the foundation of the energy mix, with leader Szymon Hołownia stating that by 2050, the Polish economy could rely on renewables for up to 75% of its energy needs. Within the Third Way alliance, it supports targets of 40% renewable generation by 2030, including rapid expansion of offshore wind farms and repeal of restrictive laws like the 10H distance rule to unlock an additional 15 TWh annually from onshore wind. The party promotes incentives, proposing to eliminate taxes on surplus green energy fed back into the grid and reform regulations to make household installations—such as solar panels on every building—economically viable without mandates. This approach aims to decentralize energy production, reducing vulnerability to centralized failures and foreign dependencies, while fostering job creation in green sectors as part of a "." Polska 2050 views the transition as an opportunity for wealth generation, arguing that investments in "energy highways" and grid modernization will yield long-term gains exceeding costs. On fossil fuels, the party calls for phasing out coal by 2030, with the last -fired plants closing no later than 2035, contrasting with slower national timelines extended to 2049 under prior agreements. It supports maintaining some gas as a bridge fuel but prioritizes renewables over new fossil infrastructure. Regarding , Polska 2050 takes a cautious stance, open to small modular reactors (SMRs) for baseload if proven feasible and timely, but skeptical of large-scale projects due to delays that could postpone output until the 2040s or later. In government since 2023, the party has backed unblocking EU recovery funds tied to green reforms, including grid upgrades and offshore wind auctions, aligning with broader goals while advocating for Poland-specific flexibilities.

Foreign policy, defense, and EU relations

Poland 2050 positions its foreign policy on strengthening Poland's security through deepened transatlantic ties and active participation in multilateral institutions, viewing as the primary guarantor against Russian aggression. The party emphasizes robust support for , including military aid and reconstruction efforts, while opposing unilateral deployment of Polish troops, insisting any peacekeeping involvement occur under auspices. Szymon , the party's leader, has advocated for enhanced guarantees for to deter further Russian advances, highlighting the need for alliance unity amid ongoing conflict. In defense matters, Poland 2050 aligns with national priorities to exceed NATO's 2% GDP spending threshold, supporting modernization of the , including procurement of advanced weaponry and infrastructure enhancements like bomb shelters for civilian protection. Party figures, including Hołownia, have stressed the urgency of credible European deterrence in response to Russian incursions, such as drone violations of Polish airspace, and called for integrated -EU defense capabilities without undermining transatlantic bonds. As part of the ruling coalition, the party backs Poland's role as a key eastern flank contributor, hosting allied troops and participating in regional exercises. Regarding EU relations, favors deeper integration while safeguarding national sovereignty, rejecting Eurosceptic narratives like Polexit and prioritizing restoration of rule-of-law compliance to unlock frozen EU funds, which the party views as essential for economic and infrastructural development. Hołownia has promoted Poland as a pro-European leader, advocating for EU enlargement to include and stronger internal cohesion on security and energy issues. The party's European Parliament affiliates, aligned with the group, support federalist-leaning reforms such as improved trade enforcement and defense autonomy, reflecting a pragmatic approach to balancing supranational commitments with Polish interests.

Organization and leadership

Party structure and governance

Poland 2050 operates under a compliant with Poland's 1997 Act on Political Parties, with its (Zjazd Krajowy) serving as the supreme governing body responsible for electing , approving statutes, and setting programmatic directions. The convenes periodically, with delegates from regional structures participating in decisions on key matters such as mergers or dissolution. The National Board (Zarząd Krajowy) constitutes the executive organ, managing operational activities, financial oversight, and policy implementation between congress sessions. As of 2025, the board comprises nine members, led by Chairwoman Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, who assumed the role following her election in January 2026 and holds primary decision-making authority on strategic initiatives. Vice-chair positions include Second Vice-Chairwoman Adriana Porowska, and additional vice-chairs such as Paweł Zalewski, Paulina Hennig-Kloska, and Joanna Mucha; specialized roles encompass Treasurer Łukasz Osmalak and Secretary General Robert Sitnik. The board's composition reflects a balance of experienced politicians and experts, elected by the Congress for fixed terms. At the subnational level, the party maintains 16 regional boards corresponding to Poland's voivodeships, each led by a regional chairman, secretary, treasurer, and members who coordinate local membership, campaigns, and engagement. These structures facilitate decentralized operations while reporting to the national level, ensuring alignment with party-wide goals. emphasizes internal through member voting in regional elections, though the chairman's role centralizes strategic control, as evidenced by Hołownia's influence in candidate selections and negotiations. The party's formal structure evolved from its origins as a civic association (Stowarzyszenie Polska 2050), which remains a separate entity focused on non-partisan initiatives, but the prioritizes electoral and legislative functions with hierarchical accountability to maintain cohesion amid dynamics.

Leadership transitions

Poland 2050 was formally established as a on September 29, 2020, with Michał Kobosko serving as its initial chairman to facilitate registration with Polish authorities. Kobosko held the position from 2020 until 2022, during which time the party built its organizational structure under the influence of founder . In 2022, assumed the role of party chairman, transitioning from his position as the movement's public face to formal leadership amid preparations for the 2023 parliamentary elections. Under Hołownia's chairmanship, Poland 2050 entered into the and secured 65 seats in the , contributing to the coalition government formation. Kobosko subsequently served as first vice-chairman until 2024 and later became a . On September 27, 2025, Hołownia announced he would not seek re-election as party chairman, citing the need for fresh leadership following the party's challenges in the and internal reflections on its direction. This decision, made after a meeting of the party's National Council, triggered internal tensions and discussions on succession, with potential candidates including former chairman Michał Kobosko. The leadership election held in January 2026 resulted in the victory of Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, who defeated Paulina Hennig-Kloska. Following her election, Pełczyńska-Nałęcz announced plans to meet with leaders of the ruling coalition parties to discuss further cooperation. Paulina Hennig-Kloska congratulated her rival and suggested that Szymon Hołownia could assume the position of deputy prime minister. Some opposition commentators viewed the leadership change as an opportunity to weaken the party. Hołownia continues to serve as . Reports indicated high political tension within the party over the announcement, though no immediate resignations from parliamentary members were reported.

Membership demographics and notable figures

Poland 2050 maintains a parliamentary club comprising 31 deputies in the as of October 2025, indicating a focused rather than expansive membership base typical of newer political movements in . The party also holds limited representation in the , with members emphasizing active participation in legislative committees over broad organization. Detailed demographic data on age, , or regional affiliations of members remains unpublished in official reports, underscoring the party's emphasis on and policy-oriented engagement. Notable figures in Poland 2050 include founder Szymon Hołownia, who established the movement in 2020 following his presidential candidacy and led it through the 2023 parliamentary elections, securing its role in the governing coalition; he currently serves as Marshal of the Sejm since November 2023. The parliamentary club is chaired by Paweł Śliz, overseeing its 31 members amid internal discussions on leadership transitions in 2025.

Electoral performance

Parliamentary elections

Poland 2050 participated in the 15 October 2023 parliamentary election as the primary component of the Third Way electoral alliance alongside the (PSL). The alliance secured 14.40% of the proportional vote, translating to 3,110,670 ballots, and obtained 65 seats in the 460-member . Within this allocation, Poland 2050 claimed 32 deputies, forming the core of its parliamentary club. The marked Poland 2050's debut in national parliamentary contests, following defections of eight MPs to the party during the prior term. Voter turnout reached 74.38%, the highest since 1989, amid a bundled with the vote. The Third Way's performance positioned it as a kingmaker in the opposition's effort to oust the incumbent government. Post-election, the Third Way joined a coalition government with the Civic Coalition and The Left on 13 December 2023, with , Poland 2050's leader, elected on 13 November 2023 by a vote of 206-189. This role grants him procedural authority over the . In the , the alliance won three seats out of 100.

Presidential elections

, founder of Poland 2050, ran as an independent candidate in the , securing third place in the first round on June 28, 2020, with a performance that surprised observers and demonstrated viability for a centrist alternative outside the dominant PiS-PO duopoly. This result, achieved without formal party backing, propelled the subsequent establishment of Poland 2050 as a political vehicle for his platform emphasizing ethical governance and moderate reforms. In the 2025 presidential election, Hołownia served as 's nominee, reflecting the party's decision to field its own candidate despite coalition ties with . He competed in the first round on May 18, 2025, but garnered insufficient support to proceed to the runoff, amid reports of a faltering campaign hindered by entrenched . The election advanced to a second round on June 1 between of the Civic Coalition and Karol Nawrocki of the Law and Justice-aligned opposition, with Nawrocki ultimately prevailing narrowly. Hołownia's independent bid highlighted internal coalition frictions over candidate selection, though 's parliamentary role as a junior partner limited its leverage in the broader contest.

Local and European elections

In the 2024 Polish local elections held on 7 April, Poland 2050 participated primarily through the coalition with the (PSL). The coalition achieved a nationwide vote share of 14.3% in elections to the 16 assemblies (sejmiki wojewódzkie), nearly matching its 14.4% result in the 2023 parliamentary elections. This performance translated into seats across multiple regional assemblies, enabling to secure positions in coalition-controlled bodies, though (PiS) led with 34.4% and Civic Coalition (KO) followed at approximately 26%. Poland 2050 candidates also contested county and municipal council seats, as well as mayoral races, under the coalition banner or independently in select locales, contributing to the party's grassroots expansion but without dominating any major city administrations. In the 2024 European Parliament elections on 9 June, Poland 2050 again ran within the Third Way coalition, which garnered 6.91% of the national vote and secured 3 of Poland's 53 seats. This marked a decline from the coalition's over 14% in the prior parliamentary vote, reflecting challenges in mobilizing centrist support amid a fragmented field where KO led with 37.06% (21 seats) and PiS followed closely at 36.16% (20 seats). One of the Third Way MEPs was affiliated with Poland 2050, underscoring the party's limited but established presence in EU-level representation. The coalition's platform emphasized pragmatic European integration, rural interests via PSL, and Poland 2050's focus on ethical governance and modernization, though turnout at 40.65% tempered overall gains.

Controversies and criticisms

Internal party conflicts and factionalism

In April 2023, Polska 2050 experienced a significant internal rift, with two factions clashing over electoral strategies and party governance ahead of parliamentary elections. One faction, centered around Warsaw's Okręg 20 and figures like Monika Piątkowska, accused leadership of irregularities in financial reporting and election rules, leading to the resignation of multiple members and the dissolution of the Podwarsaw circle by the National Board in mid-April. Rivalries intensified over candidate placements on electoral lists, exacerbated by tensions with coalition partner PSL, prompting some members, including former activist Marek Mazur, to file protests as early as February 22, 2023, and consider defection to Koalicja Obywatelska. These divisions stemmed from broader structural issues, including centralized decision-making in that alienated local activists and a lack of clear vision, with the party's program remaining outdated amid economic challenges like and energy crises by mid-2022. Low membership—around 500 formal members despite broader sympathizer networks—and financial strains, including stalled public fundraising due to the war, fueled frustrations among recruits, many of whom were former members of other parties expecting stronger parliamentary representation beyond the party's eight MPs. Factionalism persisted into 2024, when a group of MPs threatened a split, contributing to the resignation of Mirosław Suchoń in and his replacement by Paweł Śliz as co-leader, amid concerns over inexperienced personnel and internal tensions. Party leadership denied imminent fragmentation, attributing reports to unsubstantiated rumors. By October 2025, declining poll numbers and an 11 million PLN debt intensified divisions, particularly following Szymon Hołownia's September 27 announcement that he would not seek re-election as leader, citing interest in a UN for Refugees role. This triggered a succession contest, with as the sole declared candidate and potential rivals including Paulina Hennig-Kloska, Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz, Paweł Śliz, Joanna Mucha, and Michał Kobosko, highlighting entrenched factions vying for control ahead of leadership elections in the coming months.

Coalition tensions and policy compromises


Poland 2050, as part of the alliance with the (PSL), entered the ruling coalition following the October 15, 2023, parliamentary elections, agreeing to policy compromises to maintain government stability. These included a moderated approach to liberalization, with Third Way proposing in February 2024 a bill to restore pre-2021 regulations allowing termination in cases of fetal defects, contrasting with Civic Coalition and The Left's push for broader access up to 12 weeks. Tensions emerged when Sejm Marshal delayed debate on the coalition's abortion bills until April 11, 2024, citing the need to avoid polarizing local elections on April 7. This decision drew criticism from The Left, who accused Hołownia of cowardice and prioritizing electoral tactics over , while PSL leader supported the postponement to prevent it becoming election fodder. The move underscored ideological divides, with Poland 2050's centrist-conservative stance clashing against more progressive partners. Further strains arose over parliamentary leadership, with disputes intensifying in June 2025 regarding the rotation of the speaker role from to The Left, as originally agreed for the second half of the term starting November 2023. Hołownia resisted stepping down, demanding concessions like relinquishing a post, prompting accusations of reneging on pacts and threatening reshuffle plans. The Third Way alliance formally split on June 18, 2025, due to accumulating differences on issues like abortion conservatism, same-sex partnerships, and climate priorities, though both parties affirmed continued support for the government, including a June 11 confidence vote. 2050's polling at around 3.8% heightened internal pressures, risking the party's parliamentary threshold in future elections. Post-2025 presidential election loss to Law and Justice-backed Karol Nawrocki, Hołownia's July 7 midnight meeting with PiS leader fueled suspicions of disloyalty, with coalition allies like Kosiniak-Kamysz deeming it unacceptable amid fragile unity. Additional friction occurred in September 2025 when a junior partner—likely from —voted with opposition on a mega-airport bill, prompting Donald Tusk's public rebuke. Despite these, Tusk asserted in July 2025 a majority, navigating compromises on judicial reforms and EU alignment while averting collapse.

Accusations of opportunism and ideological inconsistency

Critics, particularly from conservative outlets and (PiS) supporters, have accused Poland 2050 of opportunism for forming the Third Way alliance with the (PSL) in April 2023, despite leader Szymon Hołownia's earlier public opposition to such a partnership in January 2023, portraying it as a pragmatic shift to secure electoral viability rather than ideological alignment. This move was criticized as prioritizing power-sharing over initial principles, with commentators noting Hołownia's frequent adjustments to positions on issues like migration and to broaden appeal during the 2023 parliamentary campaign. On social issues, accusations of ideological inconsistency arose from Hołownia's evolution from a self-described pro-life stance—rooted in his Catholic background—to supporting more moderate reforms within the ruling post-2023 elections, including tolerance for debates on liberalization, which opponents labeled as electoral pandering to centrist and left-leaning voters. Right-wing analysts argued this reflected a lack of core convictions, with the party's platform shifting from emphasizing traditional values to coalition compromises, such as backing EU-aligned environmental policies despite earlier skepticism toward supranational mandates. Local-level actions fueled further claims; in , Poland 2050 councilors were accused of opportunism in January 2022 for entering a governing with PiS after local elections, reversing pre-election against the ruling party and prioritizing seats over principles, as decried by opposition voices in conservative blogs. Nationally, a July 2025 midnight meeting between Hołownia and PiS leader —amid strains following the coalition's presidential election setback—drew charges of duplicity, with detractors viewing it as an attempt to hedge bets or extract concessions from the opposition while in government. These criticisms intensified in 2025 amid internal party turmoil, including Hołownia's September 28 announcement stepping back from , which some attributed to opportunistic maneuvering for personal political survival rather than commitment to the party's original vision, leading to perceptions of Poland 2050 as a transient, personality-driven entity lacking ideological coherence. Defenders countered that such adaptations reflect pragmatic governance in a polarized system, but opponents, often from PiS-aligned media known for critiquing centrist rivals, maintained they evidenced a pattern of prioritizing short-term gains over consistent principles.

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