Hubbry Logo
SejmSejmMain
Open search
Sejm
Community hub
Sejm
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Sejm
Sejm
Sejm
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

The Sejm (Polish: [sɛjm] ⓘ), officially known as the Sejm of the Republic of Poland (Polish: Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej), is the lower house of the bicameral parliament of Poland.

Key Information

The Sejm has been the highest governing body of the Third Polish Republic since the transition of government in 1989. Along with the upper house of parliament, the Senate, it forms the national legislature in Poland known as National Assembly (Polish: Zgromadzenie Narodowe). The Sejm comprises 460 deputies (singular poseł, rarely deputowany), elected every four years by universal ballot. The Sejm is presided over by a speaker, the "Marshal of the Sejm" (Marszałek Sejmu).

In the Kingdom of Poland, the term Sejm referred to the entire bicameral parliament, comprising the Chamber of Deputies (Izba Poselska) and the Senate, with the King presiding. It was thus a three-estate parliament. The 1573 Henrician Articles strengthened the assembly's jurisdiction, making Poland a constitutional elective monarchy. Since the Second Polish Republic (1918–1939), Sejm has referred only to the lower house of parliament.

During the existence of the Polish People's Republic, the Sejm, then a unicameral parliament, was the supreme organ of state power in the country. It was the only government branch in the state, and per the principle of unified power, all state organs were subservient to it. However, in practice it was widely considered to be a rubber stamp legislature which existed to approve decisions made by the ruling party, the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR) as a formality, and which had little or no real power of its own. After the collapse of communism in 1989, the Sejm was restored as a bicameral, democratically elected parliament under the current Third Polish Republic.

History

[edit]

Kingdom of Poland

[edit]
Main article: Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland
The first Sejm in Łęczyca. Recording of laws. A.D. 1180

Sejm (an ancient Proto-Lechitic word meaning "gathering" or "meeting") traces its roots to the King's Councils – wiece – which gained authority during the time of Poland's fragmentation (1146-1295). The 1180 Sejm in Łęczyca (known as the 'First Polish parliament') was the most notable, in that it established laws constraining the power of the ruler. It forbade arbitrary sequestration of supplies in the countryside and takeover of bishopric lands after the death of a bishop. These early Sejms only convened at the King's behest.

Following the 1493 Sejm in Piotrków, it became a regularly convening body, to which indirect elections were held every two years. The bicameral system was also established; the Sejm then comprised two chambers: the Senat (Senate) of 81 bishops and other dignitaries; and the Chamber of Deputies, made up of 54 envoys elected by smaller local sejmik (assemblies of landed nobility) in each of the Kingdom's provinces. At the time, Poland's nobility, which accounted for around 10% of the state's population (then the highest amount in Europe), was becoming particularly influential, and with the eventual development of the Golden Liberty, the Sejm's powers increased dramatically.[1]

Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth

[edit]
Main article: Sejm of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
In 1791, the "Great Sejm" or Four-Year Sejm of 1788–1792 and Senate adopted the May 3rd Constitution at the Royal Castle in Warsaw

Over time, the envoys in the lower chamber grew in number and power as they pressed the king for more privileges. The Sejm eventually became even more active in supporting the goals of the privileged classes when the King ordered that the landed nobility and their estates (peasants) be drafted into military service.

Politics of Poland
Government
Legislature
Executive
Judiciary
Elections
Political parties
Administrative divisions
Foreign relations
Related topics

The Union of Lublin in 1569, united the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as one single state, the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and thus the Sejm was supplemented with new envoys from among the Lithuanian nobility. The Commonwealth ensured that the state of affairs surrounding the three-estates system continued, with the Sejm, Senate and King forming the estates and supreme deliberating body of the state. In the first few decades of the 16th century, the Senate had established its precedence over the Sejm; however, from the mid-1500s onwards, the Sejm became a very powerful representative body of the szlachta ("middle nobility"). Its chambers reserved the final decisions in legislation, taxation, budget, and treasury matters (including military funding), foreign policy, and the confirment of nobility.

The 1573 Warsaw Confederation saw the nobles of the Sejm officially sanction and guarantee religious tolerance in Commonwealth territory, ensuring a refuge for those fleeing the ongoing Reformation and Counter-Reformation wars in Europe.

Until the end of the 16th century, unanimity was not required, and the majority-voting process was the most commonly used system for voting. Later, with the rise of the Polish magnates and their increasing power, the unanimity principle was re-introduced with the institution of the nobility's right of liberum veto (Latin: "free veto"). Additionally, if the envoys were unable to reach a unanimous decision within six weeks (the time limit of a single session), deliberations were declared void and all previous acts passed by that Sejm were annulled. From the mid-17th century onward, any objection to a Sejm resolution, by either an envoy or a senator, automatically caused the rejection of other, previously approved resolutions. This was because all resolutions passed by a given session of the Sejm formed a whole resolution, and, as such, was published as the annual "constituent act" of the Sejm, e.g. the "Anno Domini 1667" act. In the 16th century, no single person or small group dared to hold up proceedings, but, from the second half of the 17th century, the liberum veto was used to virtually paralyze the Sejm, and brought the Commonwealth to the brink of collapse.

The liberum veto was abolished with the adoption of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, a piece of legislation which was passed as the "Government Act", and for which the Sejm required four years to propagate and adopt. The constitution's acceptance, and the possible long-term consequences it may have had, is arguably the reason that the powers of Habsburg Austria, Russia and Prussia then decided to partition the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, thus putting an end to over 300 years of Polish parliamentary continuity. It is estimated that between 1493 and 1793, a Sejm was held 240 times, the total debate-time sum of which was 44 years.[1]

Partitions

[edit]

After the fall of the Duchy of Warsaw, which existed as a Napoleonic client state between 1807 and 1815, and its short-lived Sejm of the Duchy of Warsaw, the Sejm of Congress Poland was established in Congress Poland of the Russian Empire; it was composed of the king (the Russian emperor), the upper house (Senate), and the lower house (Chamber of Deputies). Overall, during the period from 1795 until the re-establishment of Poland's sovereignty in 1918, little power was actually held by any Polish legislative body and the occupying powers of Russia, Prussia (later united Germany) and Austria propagated legislation for their own respective formerly-Polish territories at a national level.[1]

Congress Poland

[edit]
Main article: Sejm of Congress Poland

The Chamber of Deputies, despite its name, consisted not only of 77 envoys (sent by local assemblies) from the hereditary nobility, but also of 51 deputies, elected by the non-noble population. All deputies were covered by Parliamentary immunity, with each individual serving for a term of office of six years, with third of the deputies being elected every two years. Candidates for deputy had to be able to read and write, and have a certain amount of wealth. The legal voting age was 21, except for those citizens serving in the military, the personnel of which were not allowed to vote. Parliamentary sessions were initially convened every two years, and lasted for (at least) 30 days. However, after many clashes between liberal deputies and conservative government officials, sessions were later called only four times (1818, 1820, 1826, and 1830, with the last two sessions being secret). The Sejm had the right to call for votes on civil and administrative legal issues, and, with permission from the king, it could also vote on matters related to the fiscal policy and the military. It had the right to exercise control over government officials, and to file petitions. The 64-member Senate on the other hand, was composed of voivodes and kasztelans (both types of provincial governors), Russian envoys, diplomats or princes, and nine bishops. It acted as the Parliamentary Court, had the right to control "citizens' books", and had similar legislative rights as did the Chamber of Deputies.[1]

Germany and Austria-Hungary

[edit]

In the Free City of Cracow (1815–1846), a unicameral Assembly of Representatives was established, and from 1827, a unicameral provincial sejm existed in the Grand Duchy of Poznań. Poles were elected to and represented the majority in both of these legislatures; however, they were largely powerless institutions and exercised only very limited power. After numerous failures in securing legislative sovereignty in the early 19th century, many Poles simply gave up trying to attain a degree of independence from their foreign master-states. In the Austrian partition, a relatively powerless Sejm of the Estates operated until the time of the Spring of Nations. After this, in the mid to late 19th century, only in autonomous Galicia (1861–1914) was there a unicameral and functional National Sejm, the Sejm of the Land. It is recognised today as having played a major and overwhelming positive role in the development of Polish national institutions.

In the second half of the 19th century, Poles were able to become members of the parliaments of Austria, Prussia and Russia, where they formed Polish Clubs. Deputies of Polish nationality were elected to the Prussian Landtag from 1848, and then to the German Empire's Reichstag from 1871. Polish Deputies were members of the Austrian State Council (from 1867), and from 1906 were also elected to the Russian Imperial State Duma (lower chamber) and to the State Council (upper chamber).[1]

Second Polish Republic

[edit]

After the First World War and re-establishment of Polish independence, the convocation of parliament, under the democratic electoral law of 1918, became an enduring symbol of the new state's wish to demonstrate and establish continuity with the 300-year Polish parliamentary traditions established before the time of the partitions. Maciej Rataj emphatically paid tribute to this with the phrase: "There is Poland there, and so is the Sejm".

During the interwar period of Poland's independence, the first Legislative Sejm of 1919, a Constituent Assembly, passed the Small Constitution of 1919, which introduced a parliamentary republic and proclaimed the principle of the Sejm's sovereignty. This was then strengthened, in 1921, by the March Constitution, one of the most democratic European constitutions enacted after the end of World War I. The constitution established a political system which was based on Montesquieu's doctrine of separation of powers, and which restored the bicameral Sejm consisting of a chamber of deputies (to which alone the name of "Sejm" was from then on applied) and the Senate. In 1919, Roza Pomerantz-Meltzer, a member of the Zionist party, became the first woman ever elected to the Sejm.[2][3]

The legal content of the March Constitution allowed for Sejm supremacy in the system of state institutions at the expense of the executive powers, thus creating a parliamentary republic out of the Polish state. An attempt to strengthen executive powers in 1926 (through the August Amendment) proved too limited and largely failed in helping avoid legislative grid-lock which had ensued as a result of too-great parliamentary power in a state which had numerous diametrically-opposed political parties sitting in its legislature. In 1935, the parliamentary republic was weakened further when, by way of, Józef Piłsudski's May Coup, the president was forced to sign the April Constitution of 1935, an act through which the head of state assumed the dominant position in legislating for the state and the Senate increased its power at the expense of the Sejm.

On 2 September 1939, the Sejm held its final pre-war session, during which it declared Poland's readiness to defend itself against invading German forces. On 2 November 1939, the President dissolved the Sejm and the Senate, which were then, according to plan, to resume their activity within two months after the end of the Second World War; this, however, never happened. During wartime, the National Council (1939–1945) was established to represent the legislature as part of the Polish Government in Exile. Meanwhile, in Nazi-occupied Poland, the Council of National Unity was set up; this body functioned from 1944 to 1945 as the parliament of the Polish Underground State. With the cessation of hostilities in 1945, and subsequent rise to power of the Communist-backed Provisional Government of National Unity, the Second Polish Republic legally ceased to exist.[1]

  • Stanisław Dubois speaking to envoys and diplomats in the Sejm, 1931
    Stanisław Dubois speaking to envoys and diplomats in the Sejm, 1931
  • Józef Beck, Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivers his famous Honour Speech in the Sejm, 5 May 1939.
    Józef Beck, Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivers his famous Honour Speech in the Sejm, 5 May 1939.

Polish People's Republic

[edit]

The Sejm in the Polish People's Republic had 460 deputies throughout most of its history. At first, this number was declared to represent one deputy per 60,000 citizens (425 were elected in 1952), but, in 1960, as the population grew, the declaration was changed: The constitution then stated that the deputies were representative of the people and could be recalled by the people, but this article was never used, and, instead of the "five-point electoral law", a non-proportional, "four-point" version was used. Legislation was passed with majority voting.

Under the 1952 Constitution, the Sejm was defined as "the highest organ of State authority" in Poland, as well as "the highest spokesman of the will of the people in town and country." On paper, it was vested with great lawmaking and oversight powers. For instance, it was empowered with control over "the functioning of other organs of State authority and administration," and ministers were required to answer questions posed by deputies within seven days.[4] In practice, it did little more than rubber-stamp decisions already made by the Communist Polish United Workers Party and its executive bodies.[5] This was standard practice in nearly all Communist regimes due to the principle of democratic centralism.

The Sejm voted on the budget and on the periodic national plans that were a fixture of communist economies. The Sejm deliberated in sessions that were ordered to convene by the State Council.

The Sejm also chose a Prezydium ("presiding body") from among its members. The Prezydium was headed by the speaker, or Marshal, who was always a member of the United People's Party. In its preliminary session, the Sejm also nominated the Prime Minister, the Council of Ministers of Poland, and members of the State Council. It also chose many other government officials, including the head of the Supreme Chamber of Control and members of the State Tribunal and the Constitutional Tribunal, as well as the Ombudsman (the last three bodies of which were created in the 1980s).

When the Sejm was not in session, the State Council had the power to issue decrees that had the force of law. However, those decrees had to be approved by the Sejm at its next session.[4] In practice, the principles of democratic centralism meant that such approval was only a formality.

The Senate was abolished by the referendum in 1946, after which the Sejm became the sole legislative body in Poland.[1] Even though the Sejm was largely subservient to the Communist party, one deputy, Romuald Bukowski (an independent) voted against the imposition of martial law in 1982.[6]

Third Polish Republic

[edit]

After the end of communism in 1989, the Senate was reinstated as the second house of a bicameral national assembly, while the Sejm remained the first house. The Sejm is now composed of 460 deputies elected by proportional representation every four years.

Between 7 and 20 deputies are elected from each constituency using the d'Hondt method (with one exception, in 2001, when the Sainte-Laguë method was used), their number being proportional to their constituency's population. Additionally, a threshold is used, so that candidates are chosen only from parties that gained at least 5% of the nationwide vote (candidates from ethnic-minority parties are exempt from this threshold).[1]

  • The Sejm building in Warsaw
    The Sejm building in Warsaw
  • The Sejm's main hall
    The Sejm's main hall
  • Sessions chamber in the Sejm
    Sessions chamber in the Sejm
  • Sessions chamber viewed from the rostrum
    Sessions chamber viewed from the rostrum
  • Marshal's chair in the sessions chamber
    Marshal's chair in the sessions chamber
  • Sejm cross
    Sejm cross
  • Column hall in the Sejm
    Column hall in the Sejm

Historical composition of the Sejm

[edit]

Second Republic (1918–1939)

[edit]
  KPP
  PPS
  NZR
  NPR
  SCh
  Centrolew
  PSL "L"
  PSL "W"
  PSL "P"
  PZL
  Minorities
  Jews
  Germans
  Ukrainians
  Others/Independent
  Catholic Bloc
  SKL
  ZLN/ChZJN
  BBWR
  OZN
  SN
1919
35 32 12 59 46 35 11 2 4 18 140
1922
2 41 18 2 49 70 66 18 5 10 163
1928
5 64 11 26 40 55 6 17 23 34 38 125
1930
4 79 5 7 21 2 14 249 63
1935
25 181
1938
5 18 21 164

PRL (1945–1989)

[edit]
  PPR
  PZPR
  PPS
  SL/ZSL
  PSL "NW"
  SD
  PSL
  Independent
  KO "S"
  SP
  PAX
  ChSS [pl]
  PZKS [pl]
  Znak
1947
114 116 109 7 41 28 3 12
1952
273 90 25 37
1957
239 118 39 58 5
1961
256 117 39 37 3 3 5
1965
255 117 39 36 5 3 5
1969
255 117 39 37 5 2 5
1972
255 117 39 37 5 2 5
1976
261 113 37 37 5 2 5
1980
261 113 37 32 7 5 5
1985
245 106 35 53 9 7 5
1989
173 76 27 161 10 8 5

Third republic (since 1989)

[edit]
  SRP
  UP
  SLD / NL
  "S"
  RP
  PSL[m] / TD
  Germans
  BBWR
  PO / KO
  UD
  UW
  Others
  .N
  KLD
  AWS
  PPPP
  PL
  PC
  ZChN
  PiS
  K'15
  KPN
  Konf
  LPR
1991
60 27 48 7 36 62 16 37 28 44 49 46
1993
41 171 132 4 16 74 22
1997
164 27 2 6 60 201
2001
53 216 42 2 65 44 38
2005
56 55 25 2 133 155 34
2007
53 31 1 209 166
2011
27 40 1 207 28 157
2015
1 138 16 28 235 42
2019
49 1 134 30 235 11
2023
26 157 65 194 18

Standing committees

[edit]

The Sejm has several standing committees with responsibilities in particular areas.[9][10][11]

Permanent committees
  • Administration and Internal Affairs
  • Agriculture and Rural Development
  • Constitutional Accountability
  • Culture and Media
  • Deputies' Ethics
  • Digitization, Innovation and Modern Technology
  • Economy and Development
  • Education, Science and Youth
  • Energy, Climate and State Assets
  • Environment Protection, Natural Resources and Forestry
  • European Union Affairs
  • Foreign Affairs
  • Health
  • Infrastructure
  • Justice and Human Rights
  • Legislative
  • Liaison with Poles Abroad
  • Local Self-Government and Regional Policy
  • Maritime Economy and Inland Navigation
  • National and Ethnic Minorities
  • National Defense
  • Petition
  • Physical Education and Sport
  • Public Finances
  • Rules and Deputies' Affairs
  • Senior Policy
  • Social Policy and Family
  • Special Services
  • State Control


Extraordinary committees

  • For changes in codification
  • To consider draft laws regarding the right to terminate pregnancy


Investigative committees

  • To investigate the legality, correctness, and purposefulness of actions taken with the goal of preparing and holding the Polish Presidential Elections in 2020 in the form of postal voting
  • To investigate the legality, correctness and purposefulness of actions, as well as the occurrence of abuse, neglect, and omissions regarding the legalisation of stay for foreigners within the territory of the Republic of Poland between 12 November 2019 and 20 November 2023
  • To investigate the legality, correctness, and purposefulness of operational and reconnaissance activities taken among others with the use of the "Pegasus" software by the members of the council of ministers, special forces, police, tax control authorities and customs control authorities, bodies established to prosecute criminals, and the proscecutor's office between 16 November 2015 and 20 November 2023

Current standings

[edit]

Standings in the 10th Sejm and the 11th Senate
Affiliation Deputies (Sejm) Senators (Senate)
Results of the
2023 election		 As of
24 October 2025 		Change Results of the
2023 election		 As of
24 October 2025 		Change
Parliamentary clubs
Law and Justice 194 188 Decrease 6 34 34 Steady
Civic Coalition 157 157 Steady 41 43 Increase 2
Polish Coalition 32 32 Steady 11 12 Increase 1
Poland 2050 33 31 Decrease 2
The Left 26 21 Decrease 5 9 8 Decrease 1
Deputative clubs
Confederation 18 16 Decrease 2 — — Steady
Deputative circles
Razem — 5 Increase 5 — — Steady
Free Republicans — 4 Increase 4 — — Steady
Confederation of the Polish Crown — 3 Increase 3 — — Steady
Senatorial circles
New Poland — — Steady — 3 Increase 3
Independents
Independents — 3 Increase 3 5 — Decrease 5
Total members 460 460 Steady 100 100 Steady
Vacant — 0 Steady — 0 Steady
Total seats 460 100


See also

[edit]

Types of sejm

[edit]

Notable sejms

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Sejm

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The Sejm of the Republic of Poland is the lower house of the country's bicameral parliament, known as the National Assembly when convened jointly with the Senate, and consists of 460 deputies elected for four-year terms through universal, direct, equal, and proportional elections by secret ballot. Together with the upper house Senate, the Sejm exercises legislative authority under the 1997 Constitution, which vests such power in both chambers while assigning executive functions to the President and Council of Ministers, and judicial power to independent courts. The Sejm holds sessions in Warsaw's Sejm Complex, where it debates and passes legislation, ratifies international agreements, adopts the national budget, declares war or states of emergency, and supervises the government's activities through mechanisms like votes of confidence or no confidence. Historically, the Sejm evolved from medieval provincial assemblies (sejmiki) convened by Polish rulers, formalizing as a national body in the late 15th century during the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, where it represented noble estates and pioneered early parliamentary practices in Europe, though later hampered by the liberum veto mechanism that enabled single deputies to veto laws, exacerbating political instability leading to the partitions of Poland in the late 18th century. Revived post-independence in 1918 and restructured under various regimes, including the communist-era unicameral body during the Polish People's Republic, the modern Sejm regained its bicameral framework after 1989, embodying Poland's transition to democratic governance while retaining symbolic continuity with its pre-partition traditions, such as the adoption of the progressive Constitution of 3 May 1791 by the Four-Year Sejm.

Definition and Role

Constitutional Powers and Functions

The Sejm, as the of the Polish Parliament, exercises legislative authority in conjunction with the , as stipulated in Article 95 of the 1997 Constitution, which vests legislative power in both chambers while designating the Sejm as the for enacting statutes and overseeing the executive. The Sejm's core functions encompass initiating, debating, and passing bills on matters ranging from domestic policy to international commitments, with the ability to override Senate objections through an absolute majority vote, thereby establishing its procedural dominance in the bicameral system. Article 118 enumerates exclusive statutory domains, including the state budget, of international agreements requiring consent, declarations of or peace, and amnesties, all of which necessitate Sejm approval. In budgetary matters, the Sejm holds paramount responsibility, adopting the annual state budget law proposed by the ; the Senate may propose amendments within 20 days, but the Sejm resolves any differences by simple majority, ensuring fiscal control remains centralized in the . For international treaties, those affecting Poland's political, social, or economic interests—per Article 89—are ratified via Sejm statute, with the chamber also empowered to declare states of or under Article 116, reflecting its role in decisions. The Sejm further asserts authority by overriding presidential vetoes on legislation with a three-fifths majority of deputies in attendance, provided at least half the chamber is present, as outlined in Article 122, which underscores the chamber's capacity to enact laws despite executive reservations. Oversight of the executive constitutes a key function, with the Sejm empowered to hold the accountable through interpellations—formal questions to ministers—and votes of no confidence, which can unseat the government upon a simple majority, per Article 157. Deputies may also demand information from the on government activities, fostering transparency and responsiveness. In appointments, the Sejm elects critical officials, including the President of the for a six-year term under Article 113, the Ombudsman for five years via Article 208, and half the members of the Constitutional Tribunal, thereby influencing judicial and institutional independence. The Sejm's representational role manifests in its composition of 460 deputies elected every four years, serving as the Nation's direct voice in power exercise, while its sessions, convened at least 30 days per year, facilitate these functions under the Marshal's . This structure prioritizes the Sejm's initiative in most bills—introduced by at least 15 deputies, the , or the President—before Senate review, with the retaining final say in disputes, as per Articles 118 and 121.

Relationship with Other Branches of Government

The Sejm exercises significant control over the executive branch, particularly the Council of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister, in line with Poland's semi-presidential framework that emphasizes parliamentary accountability. Under Article 154 of the Constitution, the President nominates a Prime Minister candidate who must secure a vote of confidence from the Sejm by an absolute majority of deputies present, based on the government's proposed program; failure prompts the President to nominate another candidate or, after two unsuccessful attempts, potentially dissolve the Sejm and call new elections. The Sejm can also dismiss the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers via a constructive vote of no confidence under Article 158, which requires simultaneous nomination of a successor candidate receiving an absolute majority, ensuring continuity while shifting power dynamics without immediate governmental vacuum. Additionally, the Sejm conducts ongoing oversight through interpellations and questions, obligating the Prime Minister and ministers to respond within 21 days, reinforcing legislative dominance over executive actions. The Sejm's interactions with the President include mechanisms to counterbalance executive influence, such as overriding presidential vetoes on with a three-fifths vote in the presence of at least half the statutory number of deputies, as stipulated in Article 122. This check limits unilateral presidential blockage while preserving bicameral and executive input. With the judiciary, the Sejm appoints all 15 judges to the Constitutional Tribunal for non-renewable nine-year terms, granting it substantial influence over of laws and executive acts under Article 194. Reforms altering appointment procedures, such as requiring a three-fifths since 2016, have sparked tensions with the , which has criticized them for undermining and triggering infringement proceedings and funding conditionality. Relations with the Senate, the upper chamber, incorporate checks favoring the Sejm's primacy: while the Senate can amend or reject bills passed by the Sejm within 30 days, the Sejm overrides such actions with a simple majority vote, per Article 121. In joint sessions forming the , both chambers collaborate on limited functions, including declaring the President permanently incapacitated or guilty of under Article 145, or addressing violations of the via under Article 145, though the Sejm initiates most such proceedings. This structure underscores the Sejm's dominant legislative role while integrating senatorial review as a deliberative filter rather than an equal power.

Historical Development

Origins and Early Kingdom of Poland

The origins of the Sejm trace back to local assemblies, or wiece, convened by rulers of the Piast dynasty in their duchies during the 12th century, serving as consultative gatherings for feudal matters among nobles. These early regional meetings evolved alongside the medieval estate system, where the nobility (szlachta) gained increasing privileges in the 14th and 15th centuries, limiting monarchical authority through advisory roles. By the late 14th century, under kings like Władysław II Jagiełło (r. 1386–1434), nationwide rallies—termed conventio solemnis or parlamentum generale—became more regular, often held in Piotrków, as nobles coordinated to address taxation, military levies, and royal policies. Local diets, known as sejmiks, emerged as formalized provincial assemblies in Greater and Lesser Poland around this period, where nobles debated and issued resolutions (lauda) to influence the king. A pivotal development occurred in 1454 with the Nieszawa privileges granted by (r. 1447–1492) during the Thirteen Years' War against the Teutonic Knights; in exchange for noble support, these statutes legally recognized sejmiks, granting them authority to approve extraordinary levies, new taxes, and even royal calls to arms without consent. This concession empowered sejmiks to elect deputies for general assemblies, fostering coordination toward a national framework while excluding burghers and peasants from participation. The transition to a national Sejm solidified in the late under the Jagiellon dynasty, with the first recorded general assembly convened by King John I Albert in Piotrków in 1493 to secure funds, comprising the king, a senatorial council of clergy and magnates, and a chamber of noble envoys. Attendance varied widely, from low dozens in smaller sessions to several hundred nobles, reflecting the szlachta's growing (estimated 8–10% of the population) but selective representation. The act of 1505, enacted at the Sejm under King , enshrined the principle that no new laws could be introduced without the "common consent" of the and the chamber of envoys, marking a foundational limit on royal absolutism and establishing 's parliamentary . This victory for the required legislative, fiscal, and decisions to pass through Sejm approval, institutionalizing representative governance rooted in feudal noble consensus rather than universal inclusion.

Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth Era

The Sejm matured into a bicameral institution following the on July 1, 1569, which established the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a single state with a unified parliament. The lower house, the Chamber of Envoys (Izba Poselska), comprised deputies elected by the at provincial sejmiks, numbering approximately 167 representatives from the various voivodeships and land assemblies. The upper house, the (Senat), included around 140 members such as bishops from the higher clergy, voivodes, castellans, and other lifetime appointees representing interests and royal administration. This structure distributed legislative authority between elected noble delegates and established elites, reflecting the Commonwealth's emphasis on noble consensus over monarchical dominance. The Sejm convened biennially for sessions lasting six weeks, as mandated by the Henrician Articles adopted in 1573, during which envoys and senators deliberated taxes, military levies, foreign alliances, and internal laws requiring unanimous approval. These gatherings codified the (Złota Wolność), a decentralized system granting the —comprising about 10% of the population—rights such as free elections of kings via pacta conventa and protection against arbitrary royal power, fostering a form of republican governance that limited absolutism and promoted local autonomy through sejmiks. This framework achieved relative stability in the 16th and early 17th centuries, enabling legislative outputs like the 1607 guaranteeing . Yet the unanimity rule underpinning , embodied in the , permitted any single envoy to dissolve proceedings and void all acts by declaring "Nie pozwalam" (I do not allow), a practice first invoked on , 1652, by deputy Siciński during a debate. By 1764, the had disrupted dozens of sessions, accounting for the failure of roughly one-third of the approximately 150 Sejms held since to enact binding legislation, with escalation in the where 13 of 14 assemblies from 1736 to 1763 collapsed without results. Designed to shield individual noble liberty from majority tyranny or royal overreach, the mechanism instead generated chronic , as empirical patterns showed foreign actors, particularly Russian agents, bribing isolated deputies to block reforms strengthening central authority or military capacity, exemplified by manipulations in the 1764 Convocation Sejm that facilitated pro-Russian outcomes under the guise of consensus.

Period of Partitions

![Tadeusz Rejtan tries to prevent the legalisation of the first partition of Poland by preventing the members of the Sejm from leaving the chamber (1773). Painting by Jan Matejko](./assets/Jan_Matejko_-Upadek_PolskiReytanReytan Following the in 1772, 1793, and 1795, traditional Sejm institutions fragmented under foreign administrations, with legislative activity severely curtailed by imperial oversight. In the Congress Kingdom of Poland, created in 1815 under Russian suzerainty, a bicameral Sejm operated with nominal , including powers to legislate on internal matters subject to viceregal approval. This body convened irregularly, passing limited laws on and before tensions escalated. The of 1830–1831, triggered by Russian efforts to erode constitutional guarantees, prompted the Sejm to declare independence on 25 January 1831, but defeat led Tsar Nicholas I to abolish the Sejm, suspend the 1815 constitution, and impose the Organic Statute of 1832, centralizing authority under a State Council devoid of representative functions. Post-1831, no equivalent legislative assembly existed in Russian Poland until a short-lived in , comprising 30 nobles, 30 landowners, and 30 clergy, convened as a consultative body to address agrarian reforms amid peasant unrest. This assembly, lacking veto power over Russian decrees, dissolved amid demonstrations in , contributing causally to the January Uprising of 1863 as a reaction against further centralization and conscription mandates. Suppression of the uprising resulted in the Kingdom's redesignation as in 1881, with governance via appointed councils and no Polish-led legislative output, enforcing policies that minimized local input until . In Austrian-ruled Galicia, the Diet of Galicia and Lodomeria, established in 1861 following the October Diploma's devolutionary reforms, granted Poles dominant representation—initially 101 Polish delegates versus 49 Ukrainian—enabling passage of cultural and educational measures despite the assembly's advisory status and absence of fiscal autonomy. Polish nobles controlled proceedings, using the Diet to advocate for bilingualism and university access, though executive vetoes limited enactments to 20% of proposals by 1900, fostering adaptive resistance through petitions rather than outright rebellion. Under Prussian administration, Polish deputies in provincial Landtags, such as Posen's assembly post-1848, faced systemic marginalization through electoral curbs and Kulturkampf-era Germanization, with Polish-language proceedings banned after and representation capped below 20% despite comprising half the population. This exclusion spurred clandestine organizations over legislative channels, yielding negligible policy influence and reinforcing as a response to assimilation pressures. Across partitions, foreign vetoes constrained output—averaging under 10 bills per session in active bodies—while uprisings evidenced causal pushback against autonomy erosion, sustaining national consciousness amid suppressed institutions.

Second Polish Republic (1918–1939)

The Sejm was reestablished as Poland regained independence on November 11, 1918, with the Legislative Sejm elected on January 26, 1919, serving as a constituent assembly. This body adopted the Small Constitution on February 20, 1919, providing a provisional framework for governance, including unicameral parliamentary supremacy. The March Constitution, enacted on March 17, 1921, formalized a bicameral legislature comprising the Sejm with 444 deputies and the Senate with 111 members, both elected via proportional representation without thresholds, fostering multiparty representation but severe fragmentation—evident in the 1928 elections where over a dozen parties and blocs secured seats. Despite instability, the Sejm enacted foundational legislation for state-building, including the Land Reform Implementation Act of July 10, 1920, which enabled expropriation of estates over 180 hectares for redistribution to peasants, amended in 1925 to accelerate parcelling amid agrarian pressures; by 1939, approximately 2 million hectares had been redistributed. It also passed laws implementing minority protections under the 1919 , guaranteeing linguistic and , though enforcement often lagged due to nationalist sentiments and regional tensions, with ethnic minorities holding dedicated Sejm clubs like the Ukrainian-Belarusian group. Proportional representation exacerbated governmental volatility, with 14 cabinets forming and collapsing between 1922 and 1926 amid coalition breakdowns and policy gridlock, undermining effective administration. This chaos precipitated Józef Piłsudski's May Coup on May 12–14, 1926, which ousted the elected government without abolishing the Sejm, ushering in the Sanacja regime that prioritized executive stability over parliamentary dominance. The April Constitution of 1935, adopted amid opposition boycotts, further diminished Sejm authority by empowering the president to dissolve parliament, issue decrees, and appoint key officials, marking an authoritarian shift while retaining nominal legislative functions.

Polish People's Republic (1945–1989)

The Sejm was reconstituted in January 1947 following parliamentary elections organized under Soviet influence, where voters faced a single national list presented by the communist-dominated Democratic Bloc; official results reported an 88.9% turnout and 80.1% support for the Bloc, though contemporary analyses indicate widespread manipulation including voter intimidation, exclusion of non-communist candidates, and falsified counts to consolidate power. During the Stalinist period from 1948 to 1956, the Sejm functioned primarily as a rubber-stamp body, approving key measures such as the 1952 Constitution that enshrined the (PZPR) as the leading force of the state and nation, while endorsing forced collectivization of , nationalization of industry, and the initial Five-Year Plans modeled on Soviet directives. Real legislative initiative resided with the PZPR , rendering Sejm sessions ceremonial affirmations of party policy amid purges of perceived opponents and suppression of dissent. The and subsequent political thaw under introduced a nominal multiparty framework through the Front of National Unity, incorporating satellite parties like the and Democratic Party, yet PZPR retained absolute dominance, holding over 90% of seats in subsequent elections with official turnouts exceeding 90% and Bloc victories similarly inflated via controlled candidate slates and coerced participation. Sejm proceedings continued to pass virtually all government-submitted bills without substantive amendment, including economic reforms and social policies that prioritized over consumer needs, contributing to chronic shortages and inefficiency as party control stifled market incentives and innovation. This facade of representation masked the causal link between suppressed political competition and , as evidenced by recurring crises like the 1970 and 1976 price hikes that sparked worker unrest without prompting Sejm-led accountability. In the 1980s, amid deepening debt and inflation under and , the Sejm endorsed imposition on December 13, 1981, to crush the trade union movement born from 1980 strikes, which had mobilized millions against regime failures but operated outside formal legislative channels. Sejm elections in 1985 again featured unified lists with 99.1% official Bloc support and 78.8% turnout, underscoring the persistence of ritualized voting as a mobilization tool rather than genuine electoral contest. Mounting pressures from 's underground activities and economic collapse ultimately compelled the regime toward the 1989 negotiations, where partial Sejm seat concessions marked the erosion of total party hegemony, though the body had enacted over 99% of executive proposals unaltered throughout the era, highlighting its role in perpetuating unaccountable rule.

Third Republic and Post-Communist Transition (1989–Present)

The Sejm played a pivotal role in Poland's transition from communist rule following the semi-free elections of June 4, 1989, under the Round Table Agreement, where Solidarity-affiliated candidates secured 99 of 100 Senate seats and 299 of 460 contested Sejm seats, marking the end of one-party dominance. This body, known as the Contract Sejm (1989–1991), served as a transitional , approving economic shock therapy reforms in December 1989 to shift from central planning to a and amending the 1952 to introduce democratic elements. The first fully competitive parliamentary elections occurred on October 27, 1991, establishing the Sejm as the core of a restored bicameral , with subsequent elections in 1993, 1997, and beyond reflecting multiparty fragmentation that necessitated coalition governments. Lustration debates dominated early post-communist Sejm sessions, aiming to screen public officials for past collaboration with secret services to dismantle entrenched networks; a 1992 Sejm resolution initiated for parliamentary candidates, culminating in the 1997 Lustration Act requiring declarations from officials in high positions, though implementation faced legal challenges and political resistance from former regime beneficiaries. The of April 2, 1997—ratified by on May 25 with 52.7% approval—codified the Sejm's structure with 460 deputies elected every four years, restored full bicameralism with the , and vested legislative power jointly while granting the Sejm primacy in , , and government oversight, thereby institutionalizing absent under . The Sejm ratified Poland's accession on February 17, 1999, by overwhelming majorities in both chambers, enabling formal entry on March 12, 1999, which bolstered national security against revanchist threats through collective defense commitments. For , the Sejm approved the procedure for the Accession Treaty in 2003, following a with 77.5% support, leading to membership on May 1, 2004; this embedded the Sejm in supranational lawmaking via institutions but sparked ongoing tensions over , as directives required domestic transposition. During (PiS) majorities from 2015 to 2023, the Sejm enacted judicial reforms restructuring courts, the National Council of the Judiciary, and the Constitutional Tribunal to excise lingering communist-era influences, including mandatory retirements for judges over 65 and new appointment mechanisms, which proponents argued restored accountability in a system where up to 20% of judges had ties to the prior regime. These measures faced EU infringement proceedings and funding freezes under Article 7, critiqued as supranational overreach infringing Polish constitutional primacy, though empirical data showed increased case resolutions despite politicization claims from EU-aligned sources. Electoral trends in Sejm contests reveal societal fragmentation, with turnout fluctuating from 62.7% in the partial Sejm vote to lows of 43.2% in 1991, recovering variably before peaking at 74.4% in 2023—the highest since interwar —often yielding no single-party majorities and requiring coalitions among center-right, liberal, and agrarian blocs. This pattern underscores causal persistence of post-communist cleavages, including urban-rural divides and historical memory disputes, shaping legislative stability.

Electoral System and Composition

Election Mechanisms and Thresholds

The Sejm is elected through a system utilizing 41 multi-member electoral districts, with seats allocated via the within each district to reflect vote shares among qualifying lists. This system distributes the fixed 460 seats proportionally, where district magnitudes typically range from 7 to 20 seats, incentivizing parties to build broad national support rather than localized strongholds, though the method inherently favors larger lists by awarding seats to those achieving higher effective vote quotients first. A national applies uniformly: single political parties must secure at least 5% of valid national votes to qualify for any seats, while electoral coalitions face an 8% threshold; exceptions exist for national minority lists, which are exempt to ensure representation without the barrier. Implemented since the 1993 elections, this mechanism promotes parliamentary stability by discouraging excessive fragmentation, as evidenced by post-1993 reductions in the number of viable small parties and encouraging strategic alliances or mergers to surpass the hurdle, thereby reducing the risk of unstable minority governments reliant on numerous micro-parties. However, critics argue it can amplify disproportionality for parties just above the threshold in d'Hondt allocation, potentially over-representing mid-sized groups at the expense of voter preferences for smaller ones, though empirical outcomes show it generally consolidates the around 4-6 major blocs. Parties submit ordered candidate lists for each district, but the system incorporates preferential voting: voters select an individual candidate from the list rather than the party alone, with sufficient preference votes allowing candidates to overtake higher-placed listmates in the final elected order. This open-list variant balances party control with voter agency, though party-imposed ordering often dominates due to structure and voter behavior favoring top positions. quotas, enacted in 2011, mandate alternation of male and female candidates on lists (every other position), aiming to boost women's descriptive representation; however, in open-list systems, parties frequently place women lower on lists, yielding limited gains—women's Sejm share rose modestly from 20% pre-quota to around 28% post-2011, but studies highlight inefficacy and even counterproductive effects, as preferences exacerbate biases against lower-listed women without addressing placement incentives. Polish citizens abroad have voted in Sejm elections via postal ballots since the poll, enabling participation without return travel, though turnout remains low due to registration hurdles and logistical barriers. Electoral reforms, notably the reduction from 52 to 41 , increased average magnitudes and improved overall proportionality by minimizing malapportionment and threshold distortions, as larger better approximate national vote shares under d'Hondt; this shift correlated with fewer wasted votes and more accurate seat-vote alignment in subsequent elections.

Historical Variations in Composition

In the Second Polish Republic (1918–1939), the Sejm's composition reflected intense multiparty competition and volatility, driven by and diverse ethnic, ideological, and regional interests. The 1919 Legislative Sejm featured representation from major blocs like the (PPS), National Democrats, and peasant parties, with no single group dominating amid over a dozen factions. By the 1928 election, fragmentation persisted, with socialists securing around 64 seats, centrist and agrarian groups holding significant blocs (e.g., over 100 combined for peasant-oriented lists), and the government-backed Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) emerging as the largest at 125 seats out of 444, yet still requiring coalitions for governance. This era's Sejms often saw 10–15 parties or lists with seats, underscoring unstable majorities and frequent government changes. Under the (1947–1989), Sejm composition shifted to single-party dominance by the (PZPR), enforced through non-competitive elections under the Front of National Unity. PZPR consistently held 200–260 seats in the 460-member chamber, supplemented by fixed allocations to allied parties like the United People's Party (ZSL, ~100–120 seats) and Democratic Party (SD, ~30–40 seats), with nominal independents filling the rest, ensuring over 90% control by the communist bloc. Elections in 1952, 1961, 1969, 1972, and 1980 yielded identical outcomes, as candidates were pre-approved and turnout manipulated to near 100%, rendering the Sejm a rubber-stamp body without genuine opposition representation. Following the 1989 transition, the Sejm's composition initially mirrored post-communist fragmentation, peaking in the 1991 election where 29 parties crossed the threshold to win seats in the 460-member body, complicating formation amid economic shock therapy reforms. No party secured more than 13% of seats, leading to minority governments and instability. Over subsequent decades, electoral thresholds (3% for parties, 8% for ) and voter consolidation reduced effective parties to 5–7 major blocs by the , as seen in elections from 2001 onward where dominant forces like and alternated majorities with smaller allies like PSL.

Current Composition of the 10th Sejm (2023–2027)

The 10th Sejm, elected on October 15, 2023, comprises 460 members distributed among parliamentary groups as follows: (PiS) with 194 seats, Civic Coalition (KO) with 157 seats, alliance (including with 32 seats and with 33 seats) with 65 seats, The Left with 26 seats, and with 18 seats. This distribution reflects PiS securing the largest bloc without a , enabling opposition alliances to form the government. A led by Prime Minister , comprising Civic Coalition, , and The Left, holds 248 seats, providing a working majority for legislative initiatives. PiS forms the primary opposition, supplemented by the right-wing , influencing debates on , judicial reforms, and without controlling key committees. As of June 2025, the coalition retained confidence despite internal tensions, maintaining policy continuity on alignment and rule-of-law adjustments. Demographically, women occupy approximately 29.6% of seats, aligning with quota-influenced but uneven nominations. PiS demonstrates regional dominance in rural southeastern constituencies, while urban centers and western regions favor Civic Coalition, shaping constituency-based representation.
Party/AllianceSeats
(PiS)194
Civic Coalition (KO)157
65
The Left26
18
Total460

Internal Structure and Procedures

Leadership and Administrative Roles

The , elected from among its deputies by an absolute majority vote in the presence of at least half of the 460 statutory members, presides over plenary sessions and maintains order during debates. Candidates for the position must be nominated by at least 15 deputies, ensuring broad support in a multiparty environment. The Marshal also represents the Sejm externally, submits bills to the , and coordinates legislative priorities to facilitate efficient proceedings amid diverse parliamentary groups. The Sejm elects Vice-Marshals, with their number determined by a resolution, typically ranging from three to five to reflect of major parties. Together with the , they form the , which oversees the agenda, assigns bills to committees, and manages session schedules, promoting procedural efficiency by balancing competing interests in a fragmented assembly. Vice-Marshals deputize for the Marshal, chairing sessions in their absence and contributing to the Presidium's role in resolving procedural disputes. Administrative functions are handled by the Chancellery of the Sejm, which provides logistical, documentary, and technical support to deputies and organs, including distribution of session materials and facilitation of representative duties. Governed by the Standing Orders adopted on July 30, 1992, these procedures standardize debate rules, voting methods, and requirements—generally at least half the deputies (230) for key decisions—to ensure orderly operations in a multiparty context. In handling crises such as presidential vetoes, the initiates the override process, requiring a three-fifths majority (276 votes) of the full membership in the presence of more than half the deputies, thereby upholding checks and balances while maintaining legislative momentum. This framework, emphasizing majority thresholds and structured leadership, mitigates delays from partisan divisions, as seen in the Presidium's authority to prioritize urgent matters.

Committees and Legislative Processes

The Sejm maintains 29 standing committees that play a central role in legislative scrutiny, policy oversight, and preliminary examination of bills, serving as a mechanism to balance executive influence through detailed review and recommendations. These include the Foreign Affairs Committee, which addresses and treaties; the Public Finance Committee, responsible for budgetary matters; and others covering areas such as administration, , and . Each deputy is limited to membership in no more than two standing committees to ensure broad representation and prevent overload, with committee composition reflecting proportional distribution among parliamentary clubs. Bills in the Sejm follow a structured three-reading designed to facilitate and . Introduction requires initiation by at least 15 deputies, a Sejm , the (government), or the President, accompanied by justification and impact assessments where applicable. The first reading involves plenary presentation by the , followed by referral to one or more relevant standing committees for in-depth analysis, including expert consultations, public hearings, and proposed modifications. Committees then submit reports to the plenary, highlighting substantive issues and alternatives. In the second reading, the plenary debates the committee report, considers amendments, and votes on procedural motions, while the third reading entails final debate on the consolidated text and a vote on passage. Most bills require a simple majority in the presence of at least half the statutory 460 deputies for adoption, though constitutional amendments demand a two-thirds majority of at least 307 votes, and certain resolutions like those on the or international commitments may invoke absolute majorities under specific constitutional provisions. Voting occurs electronically via personal cards for efficiency or by for transparency in contentious cases, with results recorded immediately. Passed bills proceed to the for review, where amendments or rejection trigger a return to the Sejm for reconsideration within 30 days; the Sejm can override Senate objections by simple majority. The Sejm convenes in regular sessions throughout its four-year term, typically holding about 25 plenary sittings annually, with the scheduling agendas based on priorities. Extraordinary sessions may be summoned by the on their initiative or at the President's request to address urgent matters outside the regular calendar, ensuring responsiveness without disrupting standard workflows.

Key Legislative Achievements

Historical Milestones

The Henrician Articles, adopted by the Electoral Sejm on May 12, 1573, formalized key elements of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's governance, including the , noble privileges, and the , which allowed any deputy to block legislation, thereby embedding consensus-based decision-making with profound effects on state stability and of power. This framework influenced the Commonwealth's for over two centuries, prioritizing noble consensus over centralized authority and contributing to both internal checks and eventual vulnerabilities in . On May 3, 1791, the (Four-Year Sejm) enacted the Constitution of 3 May, Europe's first codified written constitution, which introduced , a , and expanded political rights to burghers while curbing noble powers to strengthen executive authority and national defense. This reform aimed to modernize the state amid existential threats, fostering a more unified model that prioritized sovereignty and reform over traditional anarchy, though its implementation was swiftly curtailed by foreign interventions. In December 1989, the Sejm approved the , a package of ten economic laws initiating rapid , , and stabilization to dismantle central , which catalyzed Poland's transition to a and laid the groundwork for sustained GDP growth averaging over 4% annually in subsequent decades. These measures, including price deregulation and fiscal tightening, prioritized causal economic restructuring over gradualism, enabling foreign investment and export-led recovery despite short-term contraction. The , comprising the Sejm and , adopted the current on April 2, 1997, ratified by on May 25, which enshrined democratic principles, , and market freedoms while reinforcing state sovereignty through explicit limits on supranational transfers. This document solidified post-communist institutional stability, balancing individual rights with national authority to support and EU integration without eroding core statehood. The Sejm ratified the Accession Treaty on July 23, 2003, following a June referendum approving membership, which integrated Poland into the and secured structural funds exceeding €100 billion by 2020, boosting infrastructure and trade while negotiating opt-outs to preserve fiscal and foreign policy autonomy. This milestone enhanced economic competitiveness through access to larger markets, contributing to 's avoidance of recession during the via retained national levers.

Post-1989 Reforms and Sovereignty Measures

Following the , the Sejm enacted the Act on the of State-Owned Enterprises on July 13, , which facilitated the transfer of state assets to private ownership through methods including public offerings, employee buyouts, and direct sales, marking a cornerstone of . This legislation, complemented by subsequent amendments, enabled the of over 8,000 state enterprises by the mid-2000s, contributing to a shift from a centrally to market-driven growth. Poland's nominal GDP expanded from approximately $66 billion in to $525 billion by 2010, reflecting robust real annual growth averaging over 4% in the decade following initial reforms, despite early transitional recessions and external shocks like the 1997-1998 Russian financial crisis. These measures underpinned sustained expansion, with GDP increasing nearly eightfold from to 2018 amid integration into global markets. In recent years, the Sejm has advanced family-oriented economic policies, passing legislation in 2025 that eliminates personal income for parents raising two or more children on earnings up to 140,000 PLN (€32,973) annually, signed into law on October 16, 2025. This reform builds on prior pro-natalist incentives, aiming to bolster demographic resilience and household finances in a context of aging pressures and labor market strains. On sovereignty and security, the Sejm ratified Poland's accession through an act passed on February 17, 1999, enabling formal membership on March 12, 1999, and enhancing collective defense capabilities against regional threats. In response to the 2022 Russian invasion, the Sejm extended legal stay and assistance for Ukrainian refugees via amendments effective July 1, 2024, prolonging protections until September 30, 2025, while conditioning benefits on employment verification to align aid with integration goals. Further bolstering financial , the Sejm adopted the Act on the Crypto-Assets Market on September 26, 2025, implementing the EU's MiCA framework with national licensing under the Polish Financial Supervision Authority, effective from late 2024 onward to regulate stablecoins and exchanges amid rising digital asset adoption. Addressing rule-of-law concerns raised by the , the Sejm-supported reforms in early 2024, including measures, facilitated the release of up to €137 billion in withheld cohesion and recovery funds on , 2024, restoring access contingent on ongoing compliance milestones. These steps, enacted amid domestic political transitions, underscore legislative adaptability to secure external financing while navigating sovereignty tensions with institutions.

Controversies and Criticisms

Rule of Law and Judicial Reforms

Following the (PiS) party's majority in the Sejm after the October 2015 elections, the government enacted reforms targeting the judiciary's structure, motivated by claims of entrenched post-communist influences that impeded accountability and efficiency. PiS officials argued that many judges, appointed during or shortly after the communist era, retained ideological biases and resisted efforts, forming a self-perpetuating "" with low —evidenced by surveys showing only 25-30% approval ratings for courts pre-2015—and contributed to chronic case backlogs exceeding 1 million unresolved matters. These reforms included the December 2015 Sejm election of five Constitutional Tribunal judges to replace those whose terms had allegedly expired under prior rules, sparking a crisis as the Tribunal later invalidated some appointments by the outgoing government. Subsequent measures centralized control: a lowered the retirement age from 70 to 65, compelling about 40% of justices to retire and allowing politically appointed replacements; the same year, legislation reformed the National Council of the Judiciary to increase parliamentary input on nominations; and in 2018, the Sejm created a Disciplinary Chamber within the empowered to sanction judges, including salary reductions or removals for rulings deemed improper. PiS defended these as necessary to enforce responsibility on "zombie" or irregularly appointed judges from post-1989 transitions, where incomplete vetting left over 10,000 communist-era personnel in place, undermining causal links to democratic rule by shielding prior regime beneficiaries. The reforms prompted EU scrutiny, with the activating Article 7(1) TEU on December 20, 2017, after finding a clear risk of serious breach of rule-of-law values, leading to six General Affairs Council hearings and conditional withholding of €137 billion in cohesion and recovery funds tied to benchmarks. Critics, including opinions from 2016-2020, attributed erosion of independence to politicized appointments and discipline, warning of impaired impartiality without empirical reversal data. PiS countered that such assessments overlooked domestic sovereignty and pre-reform empirical flaws, like politicization under prior governments via judicial councils influenced by ruling parties. After PiS's October 2023 electoral loss, the Sejm's new pro-EU coalition under , convened December 13, 2023, advanced reversals: an April 11, 2024, law restored the pre-2017 National Council framework, reducing political sway over nominations; executive actions shifted Constitutional Tribunal leadership; and submitted EU-compliant plans unlocked the frozen funds by February 2024, with Article 7 closed May 29, 2024, amid ongoing disputes over 15 PiS-appointed Tribunal judges. Recent reviews endorsed targeted de-appointment of post-2018 "neo-judges" but cautioned against blanket purges to avoid reciprocal politicization, highlighting tensions between restoration efficiency—reducing backlogs via streamlined processes—and preserving judicial continuity. Proponents of PiS-era changes maintain empirical gains in prosecutorial oversight curbed prior impunity, while Tusk's approach risks reinstating unvetted elements, per data on persistent communist legacies in 20-30% of senior roles as of 2023.

Electoral and Procedural Disputes

The 2016 Sejm crisis arose on December 16, 2016, when the ruling (PiS) party, amid opposition disruptions in the main chamber over a proposed media access restriction, relocated proceedings—including the vote on the 2017 bill—to a smaller adjacent room, limiting entry to select members and barring most journalists. Opposition lawmakers contested this as a procedural irregularity, alleging it undermined verification and plenary debate requirements under Sejm rules, prompting a of parliamentary exits by protesters and MPs that persisted until January 12, 2017. The incident escalated national protests but did not result in judicial invalidation of the , though it fueled ongoing debates about tactics to maintain control during chaotic sessions. In December 2023, Sejm Marshal permitted entry to and posed for photographs with a group of migrants who had irregularly crossed from , sparking criticism from conservative figures over breaches of security and access protocols in the parliamentary building. Opponents argued the action violated procedural norms for vetting visitors amid the ongoing Belarus-orchestrated border pressure campaign, which had seen thousands of attempted crossings since ; Hołownia defended it as a humanitarian gesture, but a 2025 court ruling later addressed related false claims by mandating corrections without overturning the incident's occurrence. The Sejm's September 2025 adoption of the Crypto-Asset Market Act, implementing stringent MiCA-aligned rules including mandatory licensing and enhanced AML/KYC for virtual asset service providers, elicited industry critiques of overregulation potentially stifling and prompting firm relocations. While the legislative process followed standard committee reviews and plenary votes without formal challenges, stakeholders like Zondacrypto's CEO warned that provisions for unilateral regulatory shutdowns by the Polish Financial Supervision Authority could erode market confidence, though no court challenges to the procedure emerged by October 2025. Electoral districting has faced periodic allegations, particularly claims of PiS-favoring boundary adjustments post-2015 to maximize seat efficiency, but the National Electoral Commission and have upheld configurations absent evidence of invalidating irregularities. Similarly, 2015 parliamentary accusations, including opposition assertions of manipulated absentee and , were investigated but dismissed without triggering recounts or annulments by electoral authorities.

Ideological and Partisan Conflicts

Ideological divisions in the Sejm have intensified over media independence, with the (PiS) government's 2021 proposal to limit non-EU ownership in broadcasters to 49% targeting U.S.-owned TVN, Poland's largest , prompting accusations of curbing critical journalism. The bill passed the Sejm on September 9, 2021, by a narrow margin but was vetoed by President on December 27, 2021, amid domestic protests and international pressure from the U.S. and . Public broadcasters like TVP faced partisan battles, as PiS appointees from 2015 to 2023 shaped content to favor the ruling party while attacking opposition figures, contributing to Poland's press freedom ranking drop. Following Donald Tusk's coalition victory in 2023, the government dismissed TVP leadership on December 20, 2023, halting TVP Info broadcasts for restructuring, which PiS lawmakers contested as unlawful politicization in reverse, leading to protests and legal challenges. Cultural and social policies sparked clashes, exemplified by the 2020 Constitutional Tribunal ruling—backed by PiS-aligned judges—invalidating abortions for fetal defects on October 22, 2020, effectively imposing a near-total ban except for threats to maternal life or , which fueled nationwide protests and Sejm debates on versus fetal protections. In 2024, the Sejm approved reforms on June 28, expanding the definition to include sex without explicit and raising penalties to up to 15 years, though PiS critics argued it risked presuming guilt without sufficient evidence thresholds. Far-right actions highlighted tensions over LGBT visibility, as MP vandalized an LGBT exhibition in the Sejm on June 11, 2025, destroying displays and spray-painting anti-propaganda messages, resulting in his temporary ban from the chamber and a police probe, with defenders framing it as resistance to state promotion of contested ideologies. Migration debates polarized the chamber, particularly on the Belarus border hybrid threats, where Sejm extended asylum suspensions on May 24, 2025, viewing orchestrated migrant pushes—facilitated by Belarusian authorities since 2021—as destabilization tactics backed by Russia, prioritizing border security over humanitarian claims amid over 20,000 attempted crossings in 2024. Ukrainian integration stirred controversy in October 2025, with far-right leaders opposing any non-citizen representation in the Sejm despite no legal pathway existing, as debates amplified fears of diluting Polish sovereignty amid hosting over 1 million refugees.

References

  1. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/sejm/sejm.htm
  2. https://www.gov.pl/web/civilservice/basic-information-about-poland
  3. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/prawo/konst/angielski/konse.htm
  4. http://libr.sejm.gov.pl/file/history_sejm.pdf
  5. https://www.v4dplplus.eu/history-400
  6. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Poland_1997?lang=en
  7. http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/CtrlParlementaire/2255_F.htm
  8. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/prace/lp7.htm
  9. https://www.refworld.org/legal/legislation/natlegbod/1997/en/94667
  10. https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-REF%282024%29037rev-e
  11. http://constitutionnet.org/news/voices/restoring-integrity-poland-judicial-appointments-venice-commission
  12. https://www.britannica.com/place/Poland/Government-and-society
  13. https://epthinktank.eu/2025/01/08/the-polish-parliament-and-eu-affairs/
  14. https://biblioteka.sejm.gov.pl/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/folder-GB.pdf
  15. https://academic.oup.com/book/32707/chapter/271970764
  16. https://www.historyworld.net/history/Poland/74
  17. https://academic.oup.com/book/32707/chapter/271974874
  18. https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/3/oa_edited_volume/chapter/3056997
  19. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2639139
  20. https://polishfreedom.pl/en/parliamentary-resolution-re-dethronement-of-nicholas-i/
  21. https://russiasperiphery.pages.wm.edu/western-borderlands/poland/general/1863-uprising/
  22. https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774594.001.0001/upso-9781874774594-chapter-007
  23. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:214737/FULLTEXT01.pdf
  24. https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/618849
  25. https://www.benasta.si/prussian-poland/
  26. https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9781400854950.144/html
  27. https://www.crteducazione.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Constitution-of-the-Republic-of-Poland-1921.pdf
  28. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/rural-history/article/land-reform-in-the-second-polish-republic/18C9269C7467331E0E9B8E72F90DE1B6
  29. https://www.dpceonline.it/index.php/dpceonline/article/download/1394/1371/2399
  30. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1855&context=etd
  31. https://minds.wisconsin.edu/bitstream/handle/1793/94218/Kozon_uwm_0263m_11021.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
  32. https://www.jstor.org/stable/193633
  33. http://constitutionnet.org/country/poland
  34. https://www.britannica.com/place/Poland/Communist-Poland
  35. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2108857
  36. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/document/cia-rdp01-00707r000200070029-7
  37. https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/europe/pl-history-peoples-republic.htm
  38. https://eng.ipn.gov.pl/en/brief-history-of-poland
  39. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP01-00707R000200070029-7.pdf
  40. https://enrs.eu/article/the-consequence-of-the-system-transformation-of-1989-in-poland
  41. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/concise-history-of-poland/new-republic-1989/BC609419FBE5EEC3C04AB618D0EC9B5D
  42. https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-PI%282015%29029-e
  43. https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Poland_1997
  44. https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/declassified_223582.htm
  45. https://orka.sejm.gov.pl/wydbas.nsf/LiczOpen?OpenAgent&4AFE9D000C04F862C12589F3002B8A37&lang=PL
  46. https://polish-presidency.consilium.europa.eu/en/news/21-years-together-poland-in-the-european-union/
  47. https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/03/17/polands-ongoing-rule-of-law-crisis-explained/
  48. https://www.iwp.edu/articles/2025/08/01/eu-legal-hypocrisy-in-weaponizing-the-rule-of-law/
  49. https://www.statista.com/statistics/1059104/poland-electoral-turnout-in-parliamentary-elections/
  50. https://abcnews.go.com/International/huge-turnout-poland-decisive-elections/story?id=104004666
  51. http://archive.ipu.org/parline/reports/2255_b.htm
  52. https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-PI(2015)006-bil
  53. https://www.idea.int/node/154339
  54. https://www.geoportalwyborczy.pl/electoral-system-in-the-2011-2019-polish-parliamentary-election-for-sejm
  55. https://www.geoportalwyborczy.pl/electoral-threshold
  56. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11127-025-01286-1
  57. https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/9/9/548257_0.pdf
  58. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/09/23/polish-elections-demonstrate-the-limitations-of-gender-quotas-as-a-tool-for-increasing-female-representation/
  59. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/ineffective-and-counterproductive-the-impact-of-gender-quotas-in-openlist-proportional-representation-systems/3E54172B029C4F1E6F98EBE3AB530D3A
  60. https://data.ipu.org/election-summary/HTML/2255_93.htm
  61. http://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/images/pliki/rop/31/rop3103.pdf
  62. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2492379
  63. https://ejournals.eu/pliki_artykulu_czasopisma/pelny_tekst/dc5d9f1c-fe15-4bce-b165-31c81d33c4a6/pobierz
  64. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2494439
  65. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/357561888_Were_Elections_in_the_Socialist_Countries_Elections_at_All_The_Case_of_Elections_to_the_Sejm_in_Communist-Ruled_Poland
  66. https://repozytorium.uni.wroc.pl/Content/141712/PDF/12_M_Siedziako_The_elections_and_legitimation_of_Communist_rule_in_Poland_after_the_Second_World_War.pdf
  67. https://www.csmonitor.com/1991/1029/29051.html
  68. https://www.jstor.org/stable/45301843
  69. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00198.x
  70. https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/CBP-10300/CBP-10300.pdf
  71. https://notesfrompoland.com/2023/10/17/polish-election-result-ruling-pis-party-top-but-opposition-have-majority/
  72. https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-9951/
  73. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67381267
  74. https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/polands-tusk-seeks-fresh-start-after-presidential-election-blow-2025-06-11/
  75. https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/06/18/polands-third-way-alliance-confirms-split-but-remains-within-tusks-ruling-coalition/
  76. https://data.unwomen.org/country/poland
  77. https://www.senat.gov.pl/en/about-the-senate/konstytucja/chapter-iv/
  78. https://oide.sejm.gov.pl/oide/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=14798:the-standing-orders-of-the-sejm-of-the-republic-of-poland&catid=7&Itemid=361
  79. https://biblioteka.sejm.gov.pl/tek01/txt/regulamin/esejm1-01.html
  80. https://countrystudies.us/poland/74.htm
  81. https://biblioteka.sejm.gov.pl/tek01/txt/regulamin/esejm4.html
  82. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/prace/okno3.htm
  83. https://data.ipu.org/parliament/PL/PL-LC01/working-methods/structure
  84. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/organy/sc1.htm
  85. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/cmsdata/292331/EPRS_BRI%282025%29766274_EN.pdf
  86. https://asgp.co/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/SPXUTXRXDPREMBBSUDRYPHADGHSNIJ.rtf
  87. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/prace/lp1.htm
  88. https://www.sejm.gov.pl/english/prace/ps4.htm
  89. https://www.gov.pl/web/usa-en/230th-anniversary-of-the-may-3rd-constitution
  90. https://www.president.pl/archives/bronislaw-komorowski/freedom-day/1989
  91. https://constitutionnet.org/country/poland
  92. http://oide.sejm.gov.pl/oide/en/images/files/uchwaly4/RESOLUTION_17.04.2003.pdf
  93. https://przeglad.amu.edu.pl/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/pp-2023-2-11.pdf
  94. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/1990/06/1990b_bpea_lipton_sachs_summers.pdf
  95. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/24085881_Privatisation_in_Poland_Ten_Years_After
  96. https://www.macrotrends.net/global-metrics/countries/pol/poland/gdp-gross-domestic-product
  97. https://www.statista.com/topics/8976/economy-of-poland/
  98. https://www.euronews.com/2025/10/16/polands-president-signs-off-on-new-zero-income-tax-law-for-parents-with-two-children
  99. https://www.gov.pl/web/mswia-en/changes-to-rules-concerning-supporting-ukrainian-war-refugees-effective-as-of-1-july
  100. https://www.lawfirmpoland.com/mica-in-poland-update-october-2025/
  101. https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_24_1222
  102. https://utrechtlawreview.org/articles/10.36633/ulr.673
  103. https://cepa.org/article/the-struggle-over-polands-judiciary-is-also-about-history/
  104. https://judicature.duke.edu/articles/the-collapse-of-judicial-independence-in-poland-a-cautionary-tale/
  105. https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/polish-reforms-under-nationalist-pis-government-2023-09-19/
  106. https://www.euractiv.com/news/human-rights-body-slams-poland-for-lack-of-judicial-independence/
  107. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11753342/
  108. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/article-7-procedures/
  109. https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2024/02/29/breaking-down-the-137-billion-in-eu-funds-that-brussels-has-unfrozen-for-poland
  110. https://verfassungsblog.de/blinded-by-legality/
  111. https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/04/13/polish-parliament-passes-bill-to-reverse-previous-governments-reform-of-judicial-council/
  112. https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/05/29/eu-closes-article-7-rule-of-law-proceedings-against-poland-after-seven-years/
  113. https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD%282024%29035-e
  114. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/dec/17/protesters-block-polands-parliament-as-political-crisis-escalates
  115. https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2016/12/19/pola-d19.html
  116. https://notesfrompoland.com/2023/12/23/polish-speaker-faces-criticism-for-posing-with-belarus-border-crossers-in-parliament/
  117. https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/04/12/court-orders-far-right-candidate-to-correct-false-claim-that-rival-invited-illegal-migrants-to-parliament/
  118. https://finance.yahoo.com/news/poland-passes-controversial-crypto-law-172741393.html
  119. https://news.bitcoin.com/zondacrypto-ceo-warns-polands-crypto-law-could-stifle-innovation/
  120. https://www.gmfus.org/news/how-integrity-polands-elections-undermined
  121. https://freedomhouse.org/country/poland/nations-transit/2015
  122. https://notesfrompoland.com/2021/12/27/president-vetoes-media-law-that-threatened-polands-biggest-private-broadcaster/
  123. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/12/27/poland-president-vetoes-controversial-media-bill-tvn24
  124. https://apnews.com/article/business-europe-television-media-poland-9166c561fd2d0422a2b16852985b3b52
  125. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67772070
  126. https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/polish-public-media-chiefs-dismissed-news-channel-stops-broadcasting-2023-12-20/
  127. https://freedomhouse.org/country/poland/freedom-world/2024
  128. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9079218/
  129. https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/06/28/polish-parliament-approves-new-rape-law-making-sex-without-consent-a-crime/
  130. https://www.polskieradio.pl/395/7789/artykul/3346732%2Crape-to-be-an-indictable-offence-zbrodnia-sejm-considers-new-bill
  131. https://www.polskieradio.pl/395/7789/artykul/3536749%2Cfarright-mep-banned-from-polish-parliament-over-lgbt-display-vandalism
  132. https://www.lets-learn.eu/polish/news/grzegorz-braun-destroys-lgbt-exhibition-in-polish-parliament
  133. https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2025/05/24/in-poland-parliament-extends-suspension-of-asylum-rights-at-the-belarusian-border_6741605_4.html
  134. https://www.gov.pl/web/primeminister/pm-tusk-poland-must-seal-entire-border-with-russia-and-belarus
  135. https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/10/07/ukrainians-cannot-be-allowed-representation-in-polish-parliament-says-far-right-leader/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.