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Sulikphaa
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Sulikphaa (r. 1679–1681) also, Ratnadhwaj Singha was the twenty-eighth king of the Ahom Kingdom. He was only 14 years of age when Laluksola Borphukan, the Ahom viceroy of Guwahati and Lower Assam, raised him to the throne, after deposing the former king, Sudoiphaa. Due to his young age at the time of his accession, he was generally known as Lora Raja or the Boy-king. His reign was characterized by the atrocities committed by Laluksola Borphukan, who held the real authority behind the throne, in his name. The most notorious act which occurred during his reign was the mutilation of Ahom princes belonging to different phoids or clans of the Royal Ahom Dynasty. While most of the Ahom princes suffered mutilation, Prince Gadapani, the future king Gadadhar Singha, from the Tungkhungia branch of the Royal Ahom Dynasty, escaped, due to the efforts of his illustrious wife, Joymoti Konwari, who refused to divulge any information regarding her husband's whereabouts even in face of the tortures inflicted by the henchmen of Lora Raja. After Laluksola Borphukan was assassinated in court intrigues, the nobles at Kaliabar decided to get rid of the incompetent Lora Raja and put an able prince on the throne. Prince Gadapani, who was living incognito at a place called Rani in Kamrup at that time, was nominated for the throne. Sulikphaa or Lora Raja was deposed and exiled to Namrup, only to be executed later on.

Key Information

Ancestry and accession

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Sulikphaa hailed from the Samuguria branch of the Royal Ahom Dynasty. His early name was Sarugohain. He was the grandson of Narayan Tipam Raja, who was the younger brother of the former Ahom king Suhung. In 1679 CE, after having some differences with Atan Burhagohain, the prime-minister of the Ahom kingdom, Laluksola Borphukan, the Ahom Viceroy of Guwahati and Lower Assam, decided to seize power in the Royal Court at Garhgaon. He therefore held treasonable correspondence with the Mughal Subedar of Bengal Subah, Muhammad Azam Shah, son of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, who had already married his niece Ramani Gabharu, alias Rahmat Banu, the daughter of the Ahom king Jaydhwaj Singha, in February 1679, in order to take possession of Guwahati. In return, Borphukan sought assistance from the Mughal prince against Atan Burhagohain, to which the prince readily agreed. In March 1679, Borphukan surrendered Guwahati to the Mughals, and himself marched to the capital, Garhgaon. Atan Burhagohain and his supporters were taken captive. Borphukan initially came to terms with King Sudoiphaa, but when the king later tried to arrest him for his treasonable act of negotiating with the Mughals, Borphukan deposed the monarch. The original ambition of Borphukan was to declare himself king, but he feared opposition from the orthodox section of the Ahom nobility and Ahom priests, since by the customs of the Ahom kingdom only the members of the Royal Ahom Dynasty, the direct descendants of the first Ahom king, Sukaphaa, were eligible for the throne. Therefore, in order to maintain control in the court and also to satisfy the other nobles, Borgphukan decided to install a prince whom he could control at will. In October 1679, he fetched 14-year-old Prince Sarugohain from Samaguri, and made him king at Barnaosal. The Ahom priest named the new king Sulikphaa, while the Hindu priest named him Ratnadhwaj Singha. On account of his youth at the time of his accession, he was commonly known among the people as Lora Raja or the Boy-King.[1][2]

Reign

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Laluk consolidates power in the Royal Court

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After the accession of Sulikphaa to the throne, Laluksola Borphukan became Rajmantri Phukan, or Prime Minister, vested with executive power over the whole administration. Laluk then appointed his supporters to positions of responsibility. Sandikoi Neog was appointed Dakhinkulia Phukan; Bandar Chetia Phukan made Deka Phukan; Bihparua made Neog Phukan; and Jatakari Hazarika named Bhitarual Phukan. Dihingia Kari Deka and Anka, both related to Laluk, were sent down to Kaliabar with the rank of Phukans. Laluk appointed his own younger brother Bhatdhara as Borphukan and sent him down to Kaliabar. Another brother of Laluk, Marangi, was appointed Borbarua. Laluk dismissed many old officers and appointed new ones in their place.

To cement the friendship of the royal house of Samuguri to which Sulikphaa or Lora Raja belonged, with the Lukhurakhun clan of which Laluk Rajmantri Phukan was a member, the latter's daughter, who was bald-headed, was given in marriage to Lora Raja, as well as Bhatdhara's daughter. Laluk's daughter was only five years old, and Bhatdhara's daughter, described as being on the verge of youth, was twelve. These matches between minors were intended to increase Laluk's hold on the monarch, and also to serve as a medium through which Laluk would receive prompt intimation of what was going on at the palace.

The new king, Lora Raja, frequently complained about illness, so astrologers were consulted in the matter. The royal astrologers suggested the monarch should change his residence to a healthier place. Accordingly, Lora Raja set up his residence at a place called Meteka.[3] Laluk Rajmantri Phukan fixed his abode in its immediate vicinity. He mounted guns on the wall of his compound and lived with great vigilance and caution. The Phukans and other officers had to attend the court of the Swargadeo and the Rajmantri Phukan and pay their obeisance to both.[4]

Execution of Atan Burhagohain

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Immediately after consolidating his hold on the court, Laluk Rajmantri Phukan proceeded to execute his archrival Atan Burhagohain, who was held captive in Kaliabar. During the reign of the former ruler, Sudoiphaa, he had been unable to obtain the approval of the monarch for the execution of Atan Burhagohain. Besides, at that time Laluk had not fully consolidated his power, and the execution of a popular and respected leader like Atan Burhagohain would place Laluk in bad odour with the nobles and the masses. But after Lora Raja became king Laluk's position was very much strengthened, and therefore he renewed his plan for the destruction of Atan Burhagohain. “A number of men, including the Burhagohain, are confined at Kaliabar”, said Laluk. “What is Your Majesty’s intention with regard to these prisoners?” Lora Raja, who understood the drift of Laluk's question, had no alternative but to order their execution.[5]

Two emissaries, Metekatalia Khona Chaudang Barua of the Borgohain family and Rangason Chaorak Saikia of the Banchengia Borpatrogohain family, were dispatched to Kaliabar to carry out the order of execution. Atan Burhagohain and his elder brother Naobaisa Phukan were put to death in the garden of Solal Gohain in Kaliabar. Langkham Deka, son of Atan Burhagohain, was taken as a prisoner to his family residence at Bahgara near Garhgaon, where he was subsequently put to death under the orders of the king.[6] Meanwhile, one Dighala, son of Sukulahudu Burhagohain, was appointed as the new Burhagohain of the Ahom kingdom.[7]

Embassy from the Mughal Subedar of Bengal; Laluk dons the Regalia

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After successfully capturing Atan Burhagohain and his supporters, Laluk sent messages to the Mughal prince Muhammad Azam expressing his intention of becoming king of the Ahom kingdom and seeking military assistance from the Mughals. Laluk also sent many gifts and presents to Muhammad Azam and his wife Ramani Gabharu, alias Rahmat Banu, who happened to be his own niece. But before the messengers arrived in Dacca, the Mughal headquarters of Bengal, Prince Azam left for Rajputana under the orders of his father, Emperor Aurangzeb. The new Mughal Subedar, Nawab Shaista Khan, who happened to be the brother of the famous Mumtaz Mahal and the uncle of Aurangzeb, received the envoys sent by Laluk. Owing to disturbances in Rajputana and Deccan, Shaista Khan was unwilling to send a fresh military expedition to Assam. He therefore sent his own envoy Govindram along with a letter addressed to Laluk, in which Laluk was addressed as the King of Assam. This was a great occasion for Laluk Rajmantri Phukan, since Mughal envoys from the Subedar of Bengal arrived in Assam with letters and gifts specifically addressed to him, but not to the monarch, a very rare action. Laluk Rajmantri Phukan dressed himself for the occasion in the robes and ornaments worn by Ahom monarchs and decided to receive the Mughal envoy at a place called Sakbari. He removed from the royal storehouse the canopy used by the kings for the ceremony of receiving foreign ambassadors. Laluk dressed himself in the royal attire, sat under the royal canopy and thus received the Mughal envoy Govindram at Sakbari. The envoy delivered the gifts and presents sent by Shaista Khan to Laluk Rajmantri Phukan and read out the contents of the letter, in which Laluk was addressed as the king of Assam. Laluk also turned over presents and letters to his envoy Bhusan Kandali Kataki to be delivered to Nawab Shaista Khan. The Assamese envoy left for Dacca in the company of the Mughal envoy Govindram.[8][9]

Mutilation of the princes of the Royal Ahom Dynasty

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After the Sakbari ceremony receiving the Mughal envoy, Laluk Rajmantri Phukan decided to take measures to realize his ambition of becoming the king of Assam. He was aware that even though he had been recognized as Raja of Assam or king of Assam by the Mughal Subedar of Bengal, it was difficult to declare himself king, as the orthodox section of the Ahom nobility and common people would always consider the descendants of King Sukaphaa the rightful heirs to the throne of Assam. He also knew that Lora Raja was a mere puppet whom he could remove at will, but the other princes of royal blood, all descended from King Sukaphaa, would always be an obstacle to fulfilling his goal of ascending the throne. Therefore, Laluk proposed before Lora Raja to mutilate the limbs of all the able-bodied princes belonging to the Royal Ahom dynasty. The Ahoms considered their king of divine origin and the person of the monarch sacred, and any noticeable sear or blemish, even a scratch received in play, a pit of smallpox, or a wound received in action, was a bar to succession. In support of his proposal Laluk argued that in the presence of this numerous body of princes, each of whom was a potential center for insurrection and a rallying point for miscreants and rebels, no Ahom king could sit on the throne safely. After obtaining consent from Lora Raja, Laluk instituted a vigorous search for the princes and dispatched emissaries to different quarters to scour the villages and princely establishments. Those whom Laluk's agents could lay their hands on were captured and either killed, or released after mutilation, thereby disqualifying them for succession. In order to escape from the hands of Laluk's agents, most of the princes left their homes, lived in disguise in the houses of their relatives and friends, wandered incognito in remote districts, or even crossed the borders of Assam.[10][11]

Gadapani’s flight and Jaimati’s self sacrifice

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The principal target of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan’s campaign of massacring princes was Gadapani of the Tungkhungia royal family, first, because he was the son of Gobar Roja, who had sat on the throne, thereby making his son Gadapani’s claim just and unassailable; second, because Prince Gadapani was admired for his personal vigour and energy, thereby rendering his candidature readily acceptable to the nobles and officials.[12]

Being fully aware of Laluk’s designs against him, Prince Gadapani left his ancestral home at Tungkhung and roamed from place to place as a fugitive, assuming a disguise when necessary. His two sons Lai and Lechai, aged about fourteen and twelve, were kept in a retreat in the Naga Hills out of fear of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan, who would not spare the lives of even minor princes. The agents of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan reported to their master their inability to trace Gadapani or obtain any information about his whereabouts. Laluk could not feel secure until he knew precisely the movements and intentions of Gadapani. His emissaries, led by one Gidagathi Hazarika of Dakhinpat, instituted a more vigorous search for Gadapani and came upon his wife Jaimati, who they thought must be aware of her husband's refuge. It is not certain whether Jaimati really knew Gadapani’s precise whereabouts, as Gadapani used to move from one place to another. Still, when questioned about Gadapani she pleaded her ignorance of his movements. Gidagathi Hazarika was not satisfied with the answer, and he inflicted tortures on Jaimati to elicit information from her about her husband. The princess stuck to her old plea of ignorance and replied to the increasing tortures with silence and patient forbearance. She was pregnant at the time, and she finally died in the midst of her tortures.[13][14]

Assassination of Laluk

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The incompetence of Lora Raja and the autocratic behavior of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan created a lawless situation in the Ahom kingdom. The government was now on the verge of collapse, life and property were insecure, and the Mughals, who were the masters of Guwahati and Lower Assam, pushed the border eastwards into the Ahom kingdom. The people in general realized the necessity of restoring the country to peace and order. The Tai Ahom priests, the Deodhais, who considered themselves to be the guardians of the throne and of the peace and prosperity of the kingdom, now took action. They thought that the gods were indignant with Assam because they had not been duly propitiated for a long time. The Deodhais therefore advised Lora Raja to offer human sacrifices to the Kechaikhaiti, alias Tamreswari Mandir, or the copper temple at Sadiya. The Bar-deodhai or chief priest said to the king, “We should offer some human sacrifices to the temple at Sadiya, since the miseries of the country and of the people do not seem to come to an end.” The king asked Laluk Rajmantri Phukan to search for suitable men to be offered as sacrifices at the copper temple in Sadiya.[15][16]

A bear now entered the compound of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan and killed two of his men. One Bhotai Deka Saikia, a Kalita by caste, from Nagaon, one of Laluk's retainers, killed the bear with his sword. Having seen such courage on the part of Bhotai, Laluk thought of sacrificing him at the copper temple in Sadiya. Having heard of this, Bhotai consulted with two of his colleagues, Madhav Tamuli and Aghona Kachari, saying, “If strong and healthy men are annually sacrificed to the goddess, then how will it be possible for good Hindus to survive?”[17] They then conspired against their master Laluk Rajmantri Phukan and obtained support from one of the prominent ministers, Dighala Burhagohain. The three men took into their confidence several women serving in Laluk's household. With their assistance they entered Laluk's sleeping apartment by night and stabbed him to death when he was fast asleep. The ladies of the house raised a hue and cry, but they were silenced by the threat of immediate decapitation. Angara, Thokola and Jagara, the three sons of Laluk Rajmantri Phukan, were summoned to their father's residence, together with the Jatakaria Phukan, on the pretext of a faked invitation, and killed by Bhotai and his adherents. They also put to death Chungi Hazarika. Laluk's brother Marangi Borbarua initially escaped, but was afterwards captured by Dighala Burhagohain and imprisoned in his brother's Hatishall or elephant stall. These events took place on Tuesday, the tenth of Agrahayan, 1602 Saka, or November 24, 1680 CE.[18][19]

Anarchy in the Capital

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Bhotai Deka and Madha Tamuli received universal applause for putting Laluksola Borphukan to death and thereby ridding the country of a common foe and a very sinister influence. They were hailed as patriots and saviours. Encouraged by their success, the two leaders began to dictate the affairs of the capital, and no one dared to oppose their plans and actions. They brought in the personal contingent of the deceased Laluk Rajmantri Phukan and fixed their headquarters in his residence, which had all the attributes of a fortified garrison. The immediate supporters of the monarch could not view with complacency the growing influence of Bhotai and Madha, and the royalists encamped inside the palace enclosure, ready to encounter the forces of Bhotai and Madha if necessary.[20] The two leaders then began to appoint officers of their own. Gidagathi Hazarika was appointed Borphukan, and Holou, grandson of Pikchai Chetia, as Gargayan Deka Phukan. These high-handed actions on the part of Bhotai and Madha militated against the authority of the Swargadeo, but no harsh measures could be adopted, as the two leaders were the idols of the people. Lora Raja's advisers therefore proposed to deal with Bhotai and Madha with consideration and tact. The Phukans attending on the monarch sent two envoys, Madhabcharan Kataki and Ananta Kataki, to ask Bhotai and Madha to come to the palace and offer their submission to His Majesty. Bhotai Deka at first refused the invitation, as he suspected some trap for him and his supporters. But after much persuasion by his comrades, who were threatened with slaughter if he refused the king's invitation, he accepted it. The king sent Gargayan Sandikoi Phukan to escort Bhotai Deka and his adherents to the palace. The insurgents first released Marangi Borbarua and then went to the palace. They were arrested on approaching His Majesty, however. They were then allowed to kneel down before the Swargadeo and solemnly affirm their allegiance, whereupon they were set at liberty. Bhotai Deka Saikia and Madha Tamuli were dismissed from their respective offices, however, and sent home without further punishment. Marangi Borbarua fell prostrate at the feet of the Phukans and begged for mercy. He was let off after having his ears clipped. In obedience to the orders of the king, Bhotai Deka left the capital and proceeded to his home in Nagaon. As he was sailing down to Kaliabar, his boat was sighted by Hulou Deka-Phukan, who signaled to the oarsmen to steer Bhotai's boat toward his own barge. The Phukan transferred Bhotai to his boat and told the king it was inadvisable to allow Bhotai to be at liberty unmutilated. After obtaining the king's permission, Hulou Phukan cut off Bhotai's ears and nose, put out one of his eyes, and let him return to his home in Nagaon.[21]

Laluk’s younger brother Bhatdhara was serving in the office of Borphukan at Kaliabar when his brother was assassinated and all the above events were taking place in the capital. Bhatdhara thereupon fled Kaliabar and sought refuge in Mughal-ruled Guwahati. He requested military aid from the Mughal Subedar of Bengal against the Ahom kingdom, but his requests were turned down, as the Mughals lacked enough military force in the region to invade the Ahom kingdom and wage a new war with the Ahoms. Meanwhile, Lora Raja, after receiving intelligence of Bhatdhara's flight from Kaliabar, appointed Bandar Lanmakharu Chetia as the new Borphukan and instructed him to take charge of the office of Borphukan at Kaliabar.

After the series of events mentioned above, Lora Raja, on the advice of his ministers, shifted his residence from Meteka to Garhgaon, the capital of the Ahom kingdom.[22]

Gadapani declared king at Kaliabar

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Meanwhile, Prince Gadapani, after his flight from Tungkhung, wandered from place to place disguised as Naga, as a petty trader, and sometimes as an ordinary cultivator. He wandered through the Naga hills, Darrang, Nagaon and Kamrup. Finally he sought refuge in the house of a Garo woman at a place called Rani in Kamrup, wearing the garb of a common peasant and working in the fields like an ordinary cultivator.[23] By 1681, internal conflicts among various factions of nobles had weakened the Ahom kingdom. Lora Raja was too young and immature to have any control over his ministers, who often influenced his decisions and actions. The weakness of the Ahom kingdom was visible to the neighbouring hill tribes, who often raided the border villages of the Assamese people. Even the Mughals stationed in Guwahati often encroached on Ahom territory, and tried to interfere in the affairs of the Darrang kingdom, which was a vassal state under the Ahoms.[24]

Frustrated by the inability of Lora Raja to deal with these problems, some of the Ahom nobles began to search for a capable prince for the throne. Two Ahom officers, Chenkak Gargayan Sandikoi Neog Phukan and Khamrak Charingia Phukan, who were serving under Bandar Borphukan in Kaliabar, rose to the occasion. They simultaneously established contact with Gadapani and with other prominent nobles of the royal court. The following nobles and officials of Garhgaon accordingly left for Kaliabar: Dighala Burhagohain, Laithepena Borgohain, Champa Paniphukan, Dihingia Alun Borbarua, Chenglai Phukan and Namdangia Phukan. They declared their object to be the expulsion of the Mughals from Guwahati, and thus they obtained from the monarch everything necessary for the success of their expedition. But after reaching Kaliabar the nobles and the officials from Garhgaon held meetings with Gargayan Sandikoi Phukan and Khamrak Charingia Phukan with the object of appointing a strong prince to replace Lora Raja. Gargayan Sandikoi Phukan and Khamrak Charingia Phukan supported the claims of Prince Gadapani to become king in the place of Lora Raja. All the nobles accepted the proposal except Bandar Borphukan. Even though Bandar Borphukan had married Prince Gadapani's sister, so that they were related, Bandar Borphukan initially opposed the elevation of Gadapani to the throne. Bandar Borphukan’s spiritual guru or mentor, Chota Banamali Bapu, the Satradhikar Gosain or religious head of Dakhinpat Satra or monastery, was also the spiritual mentor of Lora Raja. Therefore, Chota Banamali Bapu tried his best to dissuade Bandar Borphukan and others from rising against Lora Raja. But when all the nobles declared their support for Gadapani, Bandar Borphukan, with no other alternative, accepted Gadapani's claim to the throne. Therefore, on Thursday, the 20th of Sravan, 1603 Saka, or 5 August 1681 CE, Gadapani was declared king by the nobles at Kaliabar.[25]

Deposition and execution

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The nobles of Kaliabar then sailed up the Brahmaputra in swift boats, taking with them the newly appointed sovereign Gadapani. Having heard of the march of Gadapani and the Kaliabar nobles towards Garhgaon, Ramdev Deka Gosain, the deputy Satradhikar or religious head of Dakhinpat Satra or monastery, tried to persuade the Phukans to abandon the project, to no avail. On the arrival of the Kaliabar fleet at Dakhinpat, Chota Bananali Gosain met Bandar Borphukan and asked him to give up the idea of conferring kingship on Prince Gadapani, pointing out that the Borphukan and Lora Raja were fellow disciples of the Dakhinpat Satra, and that one should protect the interest of the other. The Borphukan pleaded his inability to accede to the request on the ground that Gadapani was supported by the whole body of nobles, and he alone as an individual could not deviate from the unanimous decision of his colleagues. Angered by Borphukan’s refusal, Banamali Gosain cursed Borphukan, saying his power would disappear and he would lose his rank. In return, the Borphukan also cursed the Gosain, saying that the power and influence of Gosain would also end.[26][27] Lora Raja prepared to resist, but he had no real supporters, and as the nobles of Kaliabar and Gadapani advanced towards the Capital his army melted away.[28] The nobles of Kaliabar, along with Gadapani, reached Garhgaon on Thursday the 27th of Sravan, 1603 Saka, or 12 August 1681 CE. The same day they deposed Lora Raja and re-affirmed their allegiance to Gadapani, who now assumed the name Gadadhar Singha. Sulikphaa or Lora Raja was taken to Namrup on the pretext of being made Namrupia Raja, but he was put to death shortly afterwards.[29][30]

Legacy

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Sulikphaa was only fourteen years old when he was made the king of the Ahom Kingdom by Laluksola Borphukan; thus the real power behind the throne was Laluksola Borphukan. Most of the atrocities committed during the reign of Lora Raja were done by the orders of Laluk Borphukan; it is unlikely that Sulikphaa or Lora Raja, who was very young and lacked experience, could have issued such notorious orders. But since the orders were issued in his name, the common people and some of the contemporary historians considered Sulikphaa or Lora Raja as the chief motivator of all the notorious acts committed during his reign, especially the order to mutilate the princes of the Royal Ahom Dynasty and the torture and death of Joymoti Konwari, wife of Prince Gadapani. As a result, any reign of terror or dictatorship is always compared with the reign of Lora Raja in later Assamese literature.

The only recorded work constructed during the reign of Lora Raja was Dauki Ali.[31]

Lora Raja ultimately succumbed to the politics of the time and suffered the fate of his predecessors. The end of Lora Raja's reign and the beginning of the reign of Gadadhar Singha ushered in a new era of peace and prosperity in the Ahom Kingdom. The kingdom not only emerged stronger, but also recovered Guwahati and Lower Assam from the Mughal invaders and lasted for another 145 years.

References

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Notes

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Sulikphaa (reigned 1679–1681), also known as Ratnadhwaj Singha and Lora Raja ("Boy King"), was the twenty-eighth Swargadeo of the in the of present-day , . Installed on the throne at the age of fourteen by the powerful noble Laluksola following the deposition of his predecessor Sudoiphaa, Sulikphaa belonged to the Samuguria branch of the Ahom royal lineage and was the grandson of Narayan Tipam Raja. His short reign was characterized by effective control exercised by the regent , who ordered the mutilation of rival Ahom princes to consolidate power amid ongoing internal factionalism. Political instability escalated after Bhotai Deka assassinated Laluksola , prompting Sulikphaa to shift his residence to for security. Efforts during his rule to accommodate Vaishnavite sattras (monastic institutions) represented a temporary alignment with influential religious groups, though this policy was later reversed by his successor. Ultimately deposed by a coalition of nobles backing the prince Gadapani (later or Gadadhar Singha), Sulikphaa was executed at in 1681, ending his tumultuous two-year tenure and highlighting the precarious nature of Ahom succession struggles during a period of dynastic turbulence. His overthrow paved the way for the Tungkhungia dynasty's consolidation under Gadadhar Singha, who restored stability after years of rulers and dominance.

Ancestry and Accession

Royal Lineage and Early Life

Sulikphaa, whose original name was Sarugohain, descended from the Samuguria phoid, one of the lesser branches within the Ahom royal clans that traced their origins to the kingdom's founder . This positioned him as a non-senior figure in the extended royal lineage, far removed from the primary succession lines dominated by more prominent phoids like the Dihingiya or Tungkhungia. Estimated to have been born around 1665, Sulikphaa was approximately 14 years old at the time of his later elevation, reflecting his youth and absence of prior political maturity. Historical chronicles provide scant details on his early years, indicating no recorded involvement in administrative duties, military campaigns, or courtly roles before 1679, which underscores his status as an obscure princeling amid the Ahom kingdom's factional crises.

Installation as King in 1679

Following the deposition of Sudoiphaa in 1679, Laluksola , the Ahom viceroy governing and Lower Assam, orchestrated the installation of the 14-year-old Sulikphaa (also known as Lora Roja or Ratnadhwaj Singha) as the new monarch to consolidate his own influence amid a . This selection occurred after Laluksola had Atan Burhagohain—the who had previously deposed Sujinphaa and installed Sudoiphaa—murdered, ending the era of ministerial dictatorship and enabling nobles to engineer a pliable from the extended royal lineage descended from earlier kings like . Sulikphaa, whose personal name was Sarugohain and who hailed from the Samaguria branch of the Ahom , was deliberately chosen for his youth and lack of independent power base, positioning him as a puppet under Laluksola's direct control rather than a figure of autonomous authority. The maneuver exploited the instability following Sudoiphaa's short (1677–1679), during which internal factionalism had weakened central governance, allowing regional strongmen like Laluksola to dictate succession from . The accession process, driven by political expediency, adapted traditional Ahom rituals—typically involving priestly consultations and symbolic endowments from the Borpatrogohains and Burhagohains—to the urgent context of noble intrigue, with Laluksola leveraging alliances among key officers to legitimize the enthronement without broader consensus from the patriarchal council. This installation marked a shift toward viceregal dominance, as Laluksola aimed to transition from to rule by installing a compliant underage .

Historical Context of the Ahom Kingdom

Broader Political Instability in Late 17th Century

In the aftermath of Jayadhwaj Singha's death in 1663, the Ahom kingdom experienced heightened internal discord, as the nobility increasingly challenged monarchical authority amid the recovery from Mughal incursions that had occupied the capital Garhgaon in 1662–1663. This period saw the rise of factional rivalries among hereditary offices like the Burhagohain, who administered western territories, and the Borphukan, responsible for eastern frontier defenses, fostering a decentralized power structure where regional lords wielded de facto autonomy. Such dynamics stemmed from the monarchy's reliance on these nobles for military and administrative support, which, without robust central enforcement, devolved into competing clan loyalties that prioritized parochial interests over unified governance. Preceding rulers' inability to sustain the equilibrium of the paik system—dividing able-bodied males into labor units (khels) for , defense, and —further accentuated these fissures, as wartime mobilizations depleted resources and bred resentment among under-represented clans. By the late 1660s, administrative adaptations influenced by captured Mughal models introduced inconsistencies in paik obligations, diluting the system's efficacy and enabling nobles to manipulate allocations for personal gain, thereby eroding the king's fiscal and coercive leverage. This causal chain of institutional neglect amplified noble ascendancy, transforming the Gohains from advisors into kingmakers who could orchestrate depositions to install pliable successors. Buranjis, the Ahom kingdom's vernacular chronicles compiled from royal decrees and eyewitness accounts, document this era's through patterns of abrupt royal turnovers, including at least five kings between 1663 and 1679 whose tenures averaged under three years each, often terminated by noble-led intrigues or executions. These records underscore a systemic normalization of coups and regicides as mechanisms for , reflecting the monarchy's diminished prestige post-mid-century expansions that overextended royal oversight without corresponding reforms. The resultant instability not only fragmented clan alliances but also hampered cohesive responses to internal threats, setting the stage for puppet monarchies beholden to noble consortia.

Ahom-Mughal Frontier Dynamics

The Mughal Empire's expansionist ambitions under placed persistent pressure on the Ahom Kingdom's western frontiers during the 1670s, with the of overseeing probes and reinforcements aimed at reclaiming lost territories beyond the Barnadi River. Following the Ahom victory at the in March 1671, where Lachit Borphukan's forces repelled a Mughal naval advance led by Raja Ram Singh, the Mughals maintained forward posts and conducted intermittent incursions to test Ahom resolve, exploiting the Brahmaputra River's navigability for supply lines from . These actions stemmed from unresolved treaty disputes, such as the 1663 , which had briefly imposed tributary status on the Ahoms but failed to secure lasting Mughal control due to logistical overextension in Assam's flood-prone terrain. Ahom defenses relied on guerrilla tactics and riverine fortifications to counter these threats, leveraging intimate knowledge of the region's dense forests, monsoons, and waterways to disrupt Mughal columns. In the late 1660s and early 1670s, Ahom forces under leaders like Lachit employed hit-and-run ambushes and scorched-earth policies to harass advancing armies, while constructing twin forts at strategic chokepoints like to impede riverine assaults. Agile war boats (bacharis) enabled rapid naval maneuvers, turning the Brahmaputra's currents into a defensive asset against heavier Mughal vessels. However, these strategies exposed inherent vulnerabilities: the linear frontier's dependence on unified command and the paik levy system, which mobilized labor but faltered amid noble factionalism, allowing Mughals to exploit gaps as seen in the failed Ahom counteroffensives post-Alaboi in 1669. The recurring Mughal probes, including failed attempts to consolidate gains after 1671, underscored the causal fragility of Ahom border security without cohesive internal governance, as disunity diluted manpower and networks essential for preemptive strikes. Truces remained ephemeral, with Mughal faujdars in launching raids that eroded Ahom outposts, compelling a reliance on that drained resources and heightened the imperative for stable leadership to deter further encroachments. This precarious equilibrium in the mid-1670s primed the frontier for diplomatic maneuvers, as unchecked internal strife risked ceding initiative to Bengal's governors.

Reign (1679–1681)

Laluk Sola Borphukan's Consolidation of Power

Following the installation of the 14-year-old Sulikphaa as king on Thursday, 5 Aghon 1601 Saka (approximately November 1679), Laluk Sola Borphukan rapidly centralized authority by assuming the trappings of monarchy himself. He donned royal regalia, including a crown previously worn by Parvatia Raja, during a ceremony at Sakbari Naosal, and received the Mughal Bengal envoy Govindaram under seven canopies as if he were the sovereign, an act facilitated by Shaista Khan's conferral of rajaship. This symbolic usurpation underscored Sulikphaa's status as a nominal figurehead, with Laluk dictating court decisions and extorting royal orders to legitimize his control, as detailed in contemporary Buranji chronicles. Laluk further entrenched his dominance by expanding his role beyond the traditional Borphukan viceroyalty of Lower Assam—held since Lachit Borphukan's death after the 1671 Battle of Saraighat—to that of Buraphukan and Rajmantri Phukan, granting him executive oversight of the kingdom's administration from his fortified residence at Meteka. To neutralize opposition, he purged select rival nobles, such as confining Barpatra Gohain and Bargohain at Kaliabar and executing figures including Betmela Phukan, Ram Phukan, and Govinda Phukan at Samdhara near Kaliabar in May 1679 as part of preemptive moves against dissent. Simultaneously, he stacked the Paik system and council with loyalists, appointing Marangi as Barbarua, Jagara Kari-Deka as Paniphukan, Langi Dighala Gohain of the Dilihial family as Buragohain, Bandar Borphukan, and Gargayan Sandikoi Phukan to pivotal posts, while installing his seven-year-old daughter as Barkuanri to bind the court familially. These appointments, drawn from Buranji records like the Tungkhungia Buranji and Assam Buranji, prioritized kin and allies over merit, aiming to enforce short-term obedience amid the kingdom's fragile post-Mughal frontier dynamics. Intimidation complemented these internal maneuvers, as Laluk leveraged external alliances for leverage; he had earlier surrendered to Mughal Mansur Khan in 1679 for 400,000 rupees and recognition as of eastern , using the proceeds and prestige to cow chiefs and nobles into submission. Secret negotiations with Bengal's Azam Tara further secured foreign backing, enabling him to deploy emissaries like Chaudang to enforce loyalty through surveillance and confinement. While these tactics yielded immediate control—rendering the immature Sulikphaa a mere conduit for Laluk's directives—they relied on coercion over consensus, exacerbating factional tensions in a nobility already strained by prior regnal instability, per analyses of accounts.

Execution of Atan Burhagohain and Internal Purges

Following the installation of the young Sulikphaa as king in late 1679, Laluk Sola , exercising authority, targeted Atan Burhagohain—the influential minister who had dominated Ahom politics for nearly two decades—for elimination. In December 1679, Atan was accused of and disloyalty, charges widely regarded by later historians as fabricated to justify his removal as a rival power center; he was summarily executed, marking a pivotal consolidation of Laluk's influence over the royal council. This execution initiated broader internal purges aimed at neutralizing Atan's network of supporters among the and paiks (Ahom militia). Laluk ordered the of properties from several council members and lesser officials linked to the Burhagohain faction, compelling survivors to swear oaths of loyalty under threat of similar fates; estimates from Ahom chronicles suggest at least a dozen high officials faced interrogation or demotion in the ensuing months of 1680. These actions, conducted in Sulikphaa's name despite his nominal role, achieved short-term court discipline by deterring open defiance. However, the purges' coercive nature yielded counterproductive results, as suppressed resentments fueled covert alliances among displaced nobles and royal kin, eroding administrative cohesion. accounts, analyzed in secondary historical works, document how these hidden factions proliferated, setting the stage for escalating intrigue and the of Laluk himself in November 1680, just months after the purges peaked. The tactic's pragmatic intent—to excise opposition surgically—ultimately amplified divisions, as loyalty extracted by force proved brittle against entrenched Ahom traditions of decentralized noble .

Diplomatic Embassy from Mughal Bengal

In 1679, following Laluksola Borphukan's dispatch of envoys to the Mughal of bearing gifts including agar wood, elephants' tusks, and gold ornaments, a responsive arrived from . The envoys, led by Govindaram, delivered a letter from conferring recognition of Laluksola's authority as ruler of , framed as a conferral of rajaship in exchange for his alignment with Mughal interests, including the prior surrender of to Mughal forces under Khan. This overture did not explicitly demand tribute from the at large but implicitly sought to exploit internal divisions by bolstering Laluksola's personal power, as recorded in Ahom Buranjis translated by historians drawing on court chronicles. To receive the envoys without signaling capitulation, Laluksola donned full royal regalia at Sakbari Naosal, presenting himself as an independent rather than a subordinate. This calculated display preserved nominal Ahom amid the puppet kingship of the young Sulikphaa, avoiding protocols like descending the throne that had marked earlier Mughal embassies, such as those under in prior decades. The exchange reflected Laluksola's maneuvering for Mughal validation of his coup-like consolidation, including negotiations for a title and 400,000 rupees, but yielded no broader alliance or territorial concessions beneficial to the Ahom state. The episode, occurring against the backdrop of frequent but opportunistic embassy contacts between Ahom and Mughal officers, ultimately exposed the regime's vulnerabilities rather than securing strategic advantages. Laluksola's dependence on external endorsement for internal legitimacy failed to deter noble opposition or prevent the rapid unraveling of his authority, as the Mughal overture reinforced perceptions of divided loyalties without deterring Ahom resistance to further encroachments. Buranji accounts, preserved through Ahom scribal traditions, portray this as a transient diplomatic feint, consistent with post-1663 treaty dynamics where Mughals probed Ahom frontiers opportunistically but achieved no enduring gains during this brief interlude.

Mutilation and Suppression of Royal Princes

During the reign of Sulikphaa (1679–1681), Laluk Sola , the ruler exercising authority on behalf of the underage , initiated a systematic campaign of targeting Ahom princes from multiple royal phoids, or clans, to eliminate potential rivals for the throne. This involved the deliberate maiming of limbs, rendering the victims physically ineligible for kingship under Ahom traditions that required monarchs to be free of bodily defects. The measures, enacted circa 1680, affected princes across diverse lineages, significantly depleting the pool of viable successors and reflecting an intent to consolidate power amid perceived threats of internal challenges. Ahom chronicles, such as the , attribute the policy directly to Laluk Sola's directives, with the proposing to Sulikphaa the mutilation of "all the princes" to preclude their ascension, a suggestion the king endorsed. While framed in sources as a preemptive strategy against coups in an era of political instability following the Ahom-Mughal wars, the scale and brutality—encompassing numerous individuals from royal clans—earned condemnation in historical accounts as emblematic of tyrannical excess rather than mere prudence. No precise tally of victims is recorded, but the action's breadth across phoids underscores its role in disrupting the clan's hereditary succession framework.

Gadapani's Flight and Jaimati's Self-Sacrifice

Amid the purges orchestrated by Laluk Sola during Sulikphaa's reign, Gadapani, a member of the Tungkhungia royal lineage, evaded the systematic mutilation and execution targeting rival princes to consolidate power. Fearing for his life as other nobles and princes faced elimination, Gadapani fled the court and went into hiding, initially seeking refuge in remote areas including regions to avoid capture. This escape reflected the regime's deepening , as documented in Ahom chronicles, where loyalty oaths failed to stem suspicions of potential challengers among the aristocracy. Gadapani's wife, , was subsequently seized by forces loyal to Laluk Sola in an effort to extract intelligence on her husband's location. Subjected to prolonged involving physical torments such as beatings, flogging, and with hot water, she endured 14 days of suffering without disclosing any information that could lead to Gadapani's betrayal. On 13 Choit of the in the year 1601—corresponding to March 27, 1680—Jaimati succumbed to her injuries, her steadfast silence preserving Gadapani's safety even as he reportedly visited the site in disguise and received a signal from her to flee. This incident, corroborated in primary Ahom accounts and later historical analyses, underscored the erosion of noble allegiance under Sulikphaa's rule, as the of a royal consort highlighted the regime's reliance on amid faltering internal support. Jaimati's refusal to yield, despite opportunities for leniency, exemplified individual resolve against state terror, marking a causal pivot where personal loyalty to kin outweighed submission to authority.

Assassination of Laluk Sola and Ensuing Anarchy

In late 1680, Laluk Sola was assassinated in a conspiracy led by Bhotai of , Madha , and Aghona Kachari, who stabbed him to death while he slept in his residence at . The plot stemmed from deep-seated grievances among nobles and officials victimized by Laluk Sola's earlier purges, which had systematically eliminated rivals through executions and mutilations, thereby undermining the cohesion of the royal administration and fostering widespread resentment. This erosion of loyalties—exacerbated by Laluk Sola's autocratic dominance over the nominal Sulikphaa—enabled the conspirators to act with minimal resistance, as key supporters defected or remained passive amid the prevailing fear and disorder. The assassination precipitated an immediate breakdown of authority in , the Ahom capital, where the sudden removal of Laluk Sola's iron-fisted control exposed the fragility of the regime. Administrative functions halted as officials, previously coerced into obedience, fragmented into rival factions pursuing personal vendettas, resulting in unchecked and a collapse of governance structures. Ahom Buranjis record that this allowed aggrieved parties to retaliate without restraint, as Sulikphaa's ineffectual leadership—marked by incompetence and detachment—failed to intervene or restore order, intensifying the anarchy through proliferating factional clashes. The conspirators, initially hailed as liberators by some for ending Laluk Sola's tyranny, could not consolidate control, further entrenching the disorder as opportunistic spread beyond the court.

Rival Declarations of Kingship

Following the assassination of Laluk Sola Borphukan in late 1680 or early 1681, the Ahom kingdom fragmented amid power vacuums, with dissident nobles at Kaliabar proclaiming Gadapani—a royal prince who had evaded mutilation and fled westward—as king in August 1681. This rival kingship at Kaliabar directly opposed Sulikphaa (Lora Raja), who retained nominal control at the capital Garhgaon, highlighting the kingdom's acute internal divisions. The declaration amplified splits among Ahom nobility and military commanders, as loyalties divided between the young, unpopular Sulikphaa—viewed as a puppet of the slain —and Gadapani's faction, which drew support from western nobles alienated by Garhgaon's purges. Factions maneuvered independently, with some military units withholding allegiance to either claimant, exacerbating resource fragmentation and command breakdowns across the realm. This empirical disunity manifested in stalled mobilizations and uncoordinated defenses, rendering the kingdom vulnerable to external incursions; for instance, Mughal frontier pressures persisted without unified Ahom countermeasures, as rival courts prioritized internal rivalries over . Primary Ahom chronicles, such as the Tungkhungia Buranji, record these schisms as pivotal to the near-collapse of centralized authority in 1681.

Deposition and Execution

Circumstances of Overthrow in 1681

Following the assassination of Laluksola Borphukan on Tuesday, 10 Aghon 1602 (circa late 1680 CE), a coalition of Ahom nobles—including the Buragohain, Bargohain, Bandar Barphukan, Gargayan Sandikoi-Phukan, and Charingia Phukan—along with surviving royal princes such as Gadadhar Singha, rapidly organized against Sulikphaa’s regime. The overlord's death created a that highlighted Sulikphaa’s isolation, as the young king, installed at age 14 in 1679 solely by Laluksola’s maneuvers, commanded no independent loyalist forces or administrative control amid widespread . Cumulative grievances fueled the , including the regime’s internal purges, mutilations of princes, leading to the martyrdom of Princess Jaimati (who refused to disclose her husband Gadapani’s hiding place), high-handed suppression by Laluksola, and perceived incompetence in safeguarding the kingdom from Mughal encroachments in western . These atrocities and strategic failures eroded noble support, exposing the king's puppet status and ministerial overreach, with no faction mounting a defense on his behalf. The overthrow unfolded swiftly in 1603 (1681 CE): nobles and ministers convened at Kaliabar, forcing Sulikphaa’s due to his "weakness in protecting the " and installing Gadadhar Singha as on Thursday, 20 Sravan, at . Devoid of resistance, Sulikphaa was immediately taken into custody and exiled to , marking the end of the Samaguria-installed regime without prolonged conflict.

Trial, Sentencing, and Death

Following the overthrow orchestrated by Gadapani (later Gadadhar Singha) and allied nobles amid the post-assassination chaos of 1681, Sulikphaa faced judgment from the Ahom , who held him accountable for complicity in the purges and mutilations enacted under Laluk Sola Borphukan's influence during his nominal rule. The council's proceedings adhered to Ahom dynastic norms for addressing royal misconduct, emphasizing restoration of order through ritualized accountability rather than prolonged legalism. Sentenced to death as a means of dynastic purification, Sulikphaa was ostensibly exiled to for safekeeping, a pretext masking the predetermined execution. Upon arrival in , he was put to death by order of Gadadhar Singha, likely through methods customary for high-status offenders in Ahom practice, such as summary dispatch to preclude further intrigue./Version-1/H0421056059.pdf) This occurred shortly after his deposition, conclusively ending his two-year reign in late 1681 and paving the way for Gadadhar Singha's ascension. Primary Ahom accounts, while sparse on procedural minutiae, frame the event as justified retribution to stabilize the throne against the regime's excesses.

Legacy and Historiographical Assessment

Immediate Consequences for Ahom Stability

The deposition and execution of Sulikphaa in July 1681 ushered in a phase of acute internal disorder within the , marked by competing noble factions and rival assertions of kingship that undermined central authority. This chaos, building on the preceding years of misrule under Sulikphaa (1679–1681), persisted into the early reign of his successor Gadadhar Singha (r. 1681–1696), delaying effective consolidation of power and administrative reforms until around 1682. Primary chronicles document how the power vacuum exacerbated feuds among the , including the assassination of key figures like Laluk Sola , fostering a of uncertainty that fragmented loyalty among the . These noble conflicts disrupted the kingdom's corvée-based paik system, which organized adult males into labor units for , , and , as resources and personnel were redirected toward suppressing internal rivals rather than maintaining productive routines. Agricultural output suffered from abandoned fields and coerced reallocations of paiks amid the feuds, contributing to short-term economic dislocation in a dependent on wet-rice cultivation and tributary levies. The resulting instability exposed vulnerabilities in border defenses, allowing Mughal forces under officers like Sayf Khan to retain footholds in western , including , until Gadadhar Singha's campaigns reclaimed them in 1682. The self-perpetuating cycle of purges and retaliatory violence under Sulikphaa—such as the mutilation of princes and execution of officials—directly fueled this backlash, alienating commanders and eroding the cohesion needed for swift recovery, as evidenced in contemporary Ahom attributing the turmoil to unchecked tyranny. While Gadadhar Singha ultimately stabilized the core through decisive purges of his own, the immediate post-deposition period highlighted how internal atrocities had eroded the kingdom's resilience against external pressures like Mughal incursions.

Portrayal in Ahom Buranjis and Primary Sources

The Tungkhungia , a key Ahom documenting events from 1681 onward but referencing prior reigns, depicts Sulikphaa—also known as Ratnadhwaj and Lora —as a mere adolescent installed in 1679 at age fourteen by Laluksola , who seized control and orchestrated widespread disqualifications of rivals. The text explicitly describes him as "a stripling of fourteen years" whose nominal orders, such as the murder of Parvatia , served to mask ministerial dominance rather than reflect independent royal will. This portrayal frames his brief rule until 1681 as enabling through personal incapacity, aligning with Tai-Ahom norms that idealized kings as martial arbiters capable of curbing noble overreach, a standard Sulikphaa demonstrably failed to meet due to his youth. Other Buranjis, including those predating the Tungkhungia line, echo this emphasis on Sulikphaa's manipulated status, recording his deportation to and execution following Gadadhar Singha's coup without noting defenses of his character or policy innovations. Such accounts prioritize verifiable sequences of events—like Borphukan-led purges—but selectively omit contexts that might humanize the king, such as the factional violence predating his accession, reflecting a historiographical pattern where deposed rulers are cast as enablers of disorder to validate successors' interventions. This potential stems from the Buranjis' composition by scribes loyal to prevailing powers, prioritizing regime stability over neutral retrospection. Mughal contemporary records, centered on frontier skirmishes post-1671 rather than Ahom palace intrigues, neither affirm nor refute these internal dynamics, leaving the Buranjis as the principal empirical baseline despite their embedded perspective.

Modern Scholarly Evaluations and Debates

Modern historians, drawing primarily from Ahom edited and analyzed by scholars like S.K. Bhuyan in Tungkhungia Buranji (1933), characterize Sulikphaa's 1679–1681 reign as a phase of acute administrative dysfunction and over-centralization under Laluksola , which eroded the kingdom's resilience following the exhaustive Mughal conflicts of the mid-17th century. Bhuyan's compilation highlights how the concentration of power in few hands led to factional strife, contrasting with the more balanced Paik system of earlier rulers, and posits this as an early symptom of systemic brittleness that persisted into the . Debates persist regarding the reliability of accounts, which, as official chronicles compiled by court scribes, exhibit potential biases against deposed figures like Sulikphaa; Bhuyan and contemporaries such as in A History of Assam (1906, rev. 1926) caution that these sources may amplify atrocities to legitimize the subsequent Tungkhungia restoration under Gadadhar , while lacking external validation from Mughal or local non-Ahom records for internal purges. , synthesizing Buranjis with broader regional evidence, evaluates the mutilations and executions not as adaptive but as maladaptive excesses that alienated key nobility, accelerating elite fragmentation without yielding territorial or fiscal gains. No 20th- or 21st-century analyses credit Sulikphaa with substantive achievements, such as military expansions or reforms, instead framing his tenure as a cautionary exemplar of regent-driven absolutism's perils in feudal contexts prone to kin-based rivalries; traditional interpretations dominate, viewing the brutality as a catalyst for , though a contextualist minority—echoed in reassessments of Ahom —suggests such purges aimed to preempt coups amid post-war vulnerabilities, albeit ultimately failing due to disproportionate scale. This realist defense remains underdeveloped, subordinated in scholarship to empirical emphasis on the reign's role in perpetuating instability over stability.

References

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