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Yabghu
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Yabghu (Old Turkic: 𐰖𐰉𐰍𐰆, romanized: yabɣu,[1] simplified Chinese: 叶护; traditional Chinese: 葉護; pinyin: Yèhù), also rendered as jabgu, djabgu or yabgu, was a title early Turkic states, roughly equivalent to viceroy. The title carried autonomy in different degrees, and its links with the central authority of khagan varied from economical and political subordination to superficial political deference. The title had also been borne by Turkic princes in the upper Oxus region in post-Hephthalite times.[2]
The position of yabghu was traditionally given to the second highest ranking member of a ruling clan, with the first highest ranking being the kagan. Frequently, the yabghu was a younger brother of the ruling khagan, or a representative of the next generation, called shad (blood prince). Mahmud Kashgari defined the title as "position two steps below Kagan", listing an heir apparent shad a step above yabghu.[3]
As the khaganate[clarification needed] decentralized, the yabghu gained more autonomous power within it, and historical records name a number of independent states with "yabghu" being the title of the supreme ruler. One prominent example was the Oghuz Yabgu State in Middle Asia, which was formed after the fragmentation of the Second Turkic Khaganate in the 740s. Another prominent example was the Karluk Yabghu, the head of the Karluks which, in the 766, occupied Suyab in the Jeti-su area, and eventually grew into a powerful Karakhanid state.[4]
Etymology
[edit]There are at least several proposals regarding the origin of yabghu:
- Yabghu might be a derivation from native Turkic root *yap- "to do, to carry out; to come nearer to help" and so might mean "the assistant (of the khagan)".[1]
- Others suggest that the word is a derivation of the early Turkic davgu;[5] however, the d /ð/ to y /j/ sound change happened late (e.g. not before Sui period (561–618).[6]
- It is believed by some scholars to be of Kushan (Chinese: Guishuang 貴霜) political tradition, borrowed by the Göktürks from an Indo-European language, and preserved by the Hephtalites.[7] For example, Harold Bailey reconstructs *yavuka ~ *yāvuka, which means "gatherer of troops" or "troop-leader" and is from base yau-, yū-, and yu- "to bring together", cognate with Avestan yavayeiti, yūta and Old Indian yú- "companion" and yūthá- "group";[8]
- Others, such as Sims-Williams, considered that the word yabghu in Turkic languages had been borrowed from Old Chinese i̯əp-g’u > xīhóu,[9] rendered in Chinese characters as 翕侯[10][11] or 翖侯[3] Conversely, Friedrich Hirth suggested that yabghu was transcribed literary Chinese, with regard to Kushan and Turkic contexts, as *xiap-g’u > xīhóu.[12] It was equivalent to the title yavugo found on Kushan coins from Kabul, and the yabghu on ancient Turkic monuments. The second part of this compound Chinese word, hou ("g’u"), referred to the second-ranking of five hereditary noble ranks. Chinese sources do not make clear whether the title was a descriptive term used only in reference to foreign leaders, or whether it indicated an ally or subject of a Chinese empire;
- Another theory postulates a Sogdian origin for both titles, "yabghu" and "shad". The rulers of some Sogdian principalities are known to have title "Ikhshid";[13]
- Yury Zuev considered yabghu to be a "true Tocharian" title.[14]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b Entry "𐰖𐰉𐰍𐰆 [yabγu йабғұ"] in "Ethno-Cultural Dictionary" Türik Bitig
- ^ Encyclopaedia Iranica, 2007, p. 316
- ^ a b Golden P.B., "Khazar studies", Budapest, Vol. 2, 1980, pp. 188–190, ISBN 963-05-1548-2
- ^ W. Barthold, "Four Studies In History Of Central Asia", Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1962, Vol.1 p. 87
- ^ Temporini, Hildegard; Haase, Wolfgang; "Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt", 1972, ISBN 3-11-001885-3.
- ^ Golden, Peter B. (1992) An Introduction to the History of Turkic Peoples. p. 155
- ^ Klyashtorny S.G., Sultanov T.I., "States and peoples of Eurasian steppe", PB, SPb, 2004, ISBN 5-85803-255-9
- ^ Bailey, Harold (1978) "The Orbit of Afghan Studies"[permanent dead link] in Hammond, Norman (ed.) Afghan Studies 1. p. 3
- ^ Bosworth, C. Edmund, ""Jabğuya"" at Encyclopædia Iranica in Encyclopædia Iranica
- ^ Hou Hanshu "Vol. 88: Greater Yuezhi nation" text "初，月氏為匈奴所滅，遂遷於大夏，分其國為休密、雙靡、貴霜、駙頓、都密，凡五部翕侯。" translation "Formerly, the Yuezhi were defeated by the Xiongnu. They then moved to Daxia (Bactria) and divided up this kingdom between five xihou (‘Allied Princes’), which were those of Xiumi (Western Wakhān and Zibak), Shuangmi (Shughnān), Guishuang (Badakhshān and the adjoining territories north of the Oxus), Xidun (the region of Balkh), and Dumi (the region of Termez)." by John E. Hill.
- ^ The Western Regions according to the Hou Hanshu, Section 13
- ^ Hirth F. Nachworte zur Inschrift des Tonjukuk // ATIM, 2. Folge. StPb. 1899, pp. 48–50.
- ^ W. Barthold, "Four Studies In History Of Central Asia", Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1962, Vol.1 p.10
- ^ Zuev Yu.A., Early Türks: Essays of history and ideology, Almaty, Daik-Press, 2002, p.31, OCLC 52662897
Yabghu
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Etymology and Origins
Linguistic Derivation
The term yabghu (variants: yabgu, jabgu, yavuga) originates from pre-Turkic Central Asian linguistic contexts, with its earliest attestations linked to Iranian-influenced nomadic elites rather than native Proto-Turkic forms. In the Kushan Empire, during the reign of Kujula Kadphises (circa 30–80 CE), the title appears as yavuga in Gandhari Prakrit inscriptions and coin legends, rendered in Greek script as ēiaos or zaoos, denoting a high-ranking viceroy or allied prince subordinate to the supreme ruler.[3] Chinese dynastic histories transliterate it as xihou (護國 or similar), a term for "prince of the left" or "garrison prince," reflecting its use among Yuezhi confederates in Bactria and Transoxiana, regions dominated by Eastern Iranian languages like Bactrian and Sogdian.[3] This predates Turkic expansions by centuries, suggesting derivation from Middle Iranian yabγu-, possibly connoting a tribal overseer or deputy, akin to Indo-Iranian roots for administrative roles without direct ties to Avestan sacral terminology but aligned with Sogdian elite nomenclature.[4] By the 5th–6th centuries CE, amid Hephthalite (White Hun) dominance in the same regions, the title persisted in compound forms like Persian-derived srčypwk ("Lord Yabghu"), indicating continuity in Iranian-speaking or hybrid nomadic courts before Turkic adoption.[5] Turkic peoples incorporated it phonetically around the 6th century, adapting the fricative γ to gh or g in Old Turkic, as evidenced in the Bugut inscription (circa 584 CE), where it appears in a Turkicized form uninfluenced by Iranian orthography.[4] This borrowing pattern is confirmed in 8th-century Orkhon runic texts, which record yabγu as a noble rank, with Chinese annals consistently transliterating it as ye-hu or jabgu in Turkic khaganate contexts from the Sui dynasty onward (581–618 CE).[3] Scholarly consensus favors Iranian precedence due to these earlier epigraphic and numismatic traces, coupled with the absence of a reconstructible Proto-Turkic cognate—proposed native derivations like yap- ("to do") lack phonological or semantic fit with pre-Turkic usages.[4] Turkic nativist interpretations, often emphasizing Altaic endogeny, overlook comparative philology showing clear substrate influence from Iranian languages in Inner Asian titulature, as the term's distribution aligns with Hephthalite-Sogdian intermediaries rather than indigenous steppe etyma.[5] Alternative Sogdian hypotheses reinforce this, positing yabghu as part of a shared Eastern Iranian lexicon for viceregal authority, later diffused via trade and conquest.[4]Pre-Turkic Attestations
The title yabghu (variously transcribed in Chinese as xihou or qihou) first appears in records associated with the Yuezhi confederation, where it denoted subordinate tribal leaders or allied princes managing semi-autonomous territories under the overarching authority of a central chieftain, as documented in Han dynasty annals describing five such yabghus among the Great Yuezhi tribes in Bactria during the 1st century BCE to 1st century CE.[6] [7] These yabghus, including the Xiumi yabghu based near fortified settlements in the region, handled frontier administration and tribute relations with Han China, functioning as governors of satrapies rather than independent sovereigns, a role evidenced by coinage bearing variants like yavuga under Kushan rulers such as Kujula Kadphises, who unified the Yuezhi principalities around 30–80 CE.[6] [8] By the 5th century CE, the title reemerges in Hephthalite contexts in Tokharistan and Bactria, where it signified regional overlords or viceroys overseeing nomadic and sedentary populations under Hephthalite high kings, as seen in Bactrian inscriptions and seals from the late 5th to early 6th centuries, predating the Göktürk ascendancy in 552 CE.[6] In these Iranianized steppe and oasis hierarchies, yabghus administered peripheral domains—such as those in the Oxus River basin—collecting revenues and maintaining military garrisons on behalf of supreme rulers, a subordinate position distinct from full regal authority, akin to satrapal functions in Kushano-Sassanid interactions where Hephthalite vassals buffered Sasanian frontiers.[6] Chinese chronicles, including later compilations drawing on pre-Tang sources, corroborate this usage among western nomadic groups, portraying yabghus as intermediaries in confederations rather than paramount leaders.[6]Hierarchical Role and Functions
Position Relative to Khagan
In the hierarchical structure of Turkic khaganates, the yabghu occupied the role of second-highest authority within the ruling clan, positioned immediately below the khagan, who embodied supreme sovereignty over the nomadic confederation.[9] This arrangement stemmed from the practical necessities of governing expansive steppe territories, where centralized control risked collapse under logistical strains; thus, the yabghu, often a khagan's brother or designated successor akin to the shad (prince-heir), exercised delegated oversight, particularly in peripheral regions, balancing nominal fealty with operational independence to sustain tribal cohesion.[9] The dual-khagan system prevalent in entities like the Göktürks exemplified this dynamic, with the senior khagan in the east retaining ritual and symbolic primacy—rooted in ancestral legitimacy and sacral duties—while the yabghu or junior counterpart managed distant western domains, fostering de facto autonomy amid vast distances that inherently diluted direct enforcement from the core.[9] Such power distribution mitigated risks of overextension, as evidenced by the recurrent pattern where geographic separation enabled yabghus to adapt to local alliances and threats without constant khaganate micromanagement, reflecting a causal logic of decentralized resilience in nomadic polities prone to fission. As khaganates fragmented due to internal rivalries or external pressures, yabghus commonly transitioned to semi-independent rulers, capitalizing on weakened central bonds to consolidate regional authority; this evolution underscored the title's adaptability, where initial subordination yielded to pragmatic self-rule when the khagan's overreach eroded unifying mechanisms.[9] In advisory frameworks like the Göktürk bilge (wise) councils, yabghus contributed to deliberative processes, reinforcing their integral yet auxiliary status in preserving hierarchical stability without supplanting the khagan's apex position.Powers and Responsibilities
Yabghus wielded authority over military mobilization within their designated western territories, enabling them to conduct raids, defend frontiers, and support broader khaganate objectives. Tong Yabghu Qaghan, ruling from 618 to 628 or 630 CE, exemplified this by deploying Turkic forces to ally with Byzantine Emperor Heraclius, contributing to the 627–628 CE siege of Tbilisi and the defeat of Sassanid forces in the Third Perso-Turkic War, which temporarily expanded Turkic influence into Caucasian borderlands.[10][11] This military role extended to oversight of tribute extraction from subjugated sedentary populations and nomadic vassals, ensuring resource flows that sustained khaganate operations, as reflected in the economic dependencies documented in Chinese annals for yabghu-governed regions like Tokharistan.[12] In diplomatic capacities, yabghus negotiated alliances with external powers to secure borders and counter rivals, often leveraging their frontier positions for strategic pacts. Tong Yabghu forged a formal alliance with Heraclius in 627 CE, involving mutual military aid against the Sassanids and a marital tie—his son wed to Heraclius's daughter Eudoxia Epiphania—demonstrating yabghu-level initiative in interstate relations without direct khagan oversight.[10] Such engagements stabilized trade routes like the Silk Road under yabghu control but were calibrated to avoid encroaching on central authority. These powers remained subordinate, with yabghus accountable to the khagan for declarations of major wars or territorial expansions, a dynamic that preserved khaganate cohesion until autonomy bred factionalism. Revolts frequently arose when yabghus exceeded delegated bounds, as after Tong Yabghu's murder in 630 CE, which triggered Karluk rebellions and the schism of the Western Turkic Khaganate into southwestern Nushibi and northeastern branches, underscoring the causal fragility of over-delegated frontier command in nomadic hierarchies.[13]Historical Contexts
Early Adoption in Central Asia
Following the collapse of the Hephthalite empire around 565 CE, after its defeat by a Göktürk-Sassanid alliance, Central Asia experienced a transitional power vacuum that enabled the yabghu title's incorporation into emerging polities blending Iranian and early Turkic elements. Göktürk expansion under Istemi (Istämi), Bumin Qaghan's brother and designated western ruler, subjugated remnants of Hephthalite territories from the Aral Sea to the Oxus River, where local Iranian-speaking groups like Sogdians coexisted with Turkic nomads and displaced Juan-Juan (Rouran) factions fleeing eastward defeats. In this context, the yabghu title, previously attested among Hephthalite nobility, transitioned to denote semi-autonomous governors managing these hybrid confederations, facilitating Göktürk oversight without full displacement of indigenous structures.[14][1] Under Bumin Qaghan's immediate successors—Muqan Qaghan (r. 553–572 CE) in the east and Istemi as yabghu in the west—the title was strategically assigned to administer the Onoq confederation's expansive western wing, comprising ten tribal divisions (five per flank) for effective divide-and-rule across vast steppes. Istemi, holding the yabghu designation, coordinated these Onoq units to consolidate control over post-Hephthalite domains, extending Göktürk influence toward the Caspian and Black Seas while integrating local levies and tribute systems. This arrangement underscored the title's role in decentralizing authority geographically, allowing yabghus to handle frontier diplomacy and military mobilization independently of the eastern khaganate core.[14][15] Byzantine historian Menander Protector provides empirical attestation of the yabghu's early prominence through accounts of diplomatic exchanges in the 570s CE. In 568 CE, envoys dispatched by Istemi Yabghu reached Constantinople, proposing an anti-Sassanid alliance and affirming the title's recognition in western Eurasian courts; a reciprocal Byzantine mission under Zemarchus in 569 CE further engaged the western Göktürk leadership, highlighting the yabghu's authority in interstate relations. These interactions, preserved in Menander's fragments, reflect the title's utility in projecting Göktürk power amid transitional instabilities, prior to the Onoq system's maturation into distinct khaganates.[16][15]Usage in Turkic Khaganates
In the Western Turkic Khaganate (603–657 CE), the yabghu title designated governors of the Dulu and Nushibi confederations, the primary tribal divisions under the Onoq system of ten tribes that enabled decentralized control over Central Asian steppes and oases.[1][17] This structure distributed authority from the central khagan, with yabghus administering semi-autonomous wings separated by geographic markers like the Chui River.[17] The title's prominence escalated under Tong Yabghu Qaghan (r. 618–630 CE), whose leadership unified the khaganate's factions for territorial expansion, including a 627 CE alliance with Byzantine Emperor Heraclius that facilitated invasions of Sassanid-held Transcaucasia, culminating in the capture of Derbent and Tbilisi.[17] These campaigns extended Turkic reach toward Persia, leveraging cavalry mobility and federated tribal levies to challenge Sassanid dominance.[17] The yabghu's role in this federal framework mitigated risks of over-centralization across heterogeneous tribes but incentivized factional ambitions, as evidenced by the civil wars ignited after Tong Yabghu Qaghan's assassination in 630 CE, pitting Dulu against Nushibi forces and fragmenting cohesion amid external pressures from the Tang dynasty.[17] Eastern adaptations persisted in the Uyghur Khaganate (744–840 CE), where yabghus served as viceroys ranking immediately below the khagan, per 8th-century Orkhon inscriptions that outline hierarchical duties in administrative and military oversight.[1] In Oghuz contexts, the yabghu evolved into the chief executive of the 24-tribe confederation by the mid-8th century, as when the Oghuz yabghu pledged submission to Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdi (r. 775–785 CE), sustaining the title's use from Aral Sea bases like Yengi-kent until intensified 8th–9th-century Islamic engagements gradually supplanted it with Persianate terms amid conversions and dynastic realignments.[1]Later Developments and Decline
The yabghu title persisted among the Karluk and Oghuz confederations into the 9th and 10th centuries, denoting tribal leaders in post-khaganate steppe polities. In the Oghuz Yabgu State, which spanned regions between the Syr Darya River, Aral Sea, and Ural River, the supreme ruler held the title yabghu, maintaining nomadic oversight amid alliances and conflicts with neighboring groups like the Karluks and Kimaks.[1][18] Arab traveler Ahmad ibn Fadlan, documenting his 921–922 journey, identified the king of the Ghuzz (Oghuz) Turks as yabghu, a designation extended to subordinate authorities within the tribe, underscoring its role in decentralized beylik-like structures.[19] Karluk yabghus similarly retained the title following the 8th-century fragmentation of the Turkic khaganates, adapting it to semi-independent rule in Central Asia.[18] With Oghuz migrations southward in the early 11th century, the title integrated into emerging Islamic-Turkic hierarchies under the Seljuks and Ghaznavids, reflecting a transition from steppe nomadism to sedentary administration. Seljuk forebears, originating as subordinates to the Oghuz yabghu, initially employed the title—Musa, son of Seljuk Bey, bore yabghu—before conflicts led to its supplantation by sultanate structures and auxiliary roles like atabeg, which combined military tutelage with governorship.[20][21] This absorption aligned with causal pressures: Islamization favored centralized caliphal-persianate models over viceregal tribal offices, while conquests in Khorasan and Transoxiana imposed fiscal and urban governance incompatible with pure nomadic yabghu autonomy.[22] Ghaznavid expansions similarly subsumed yabghu holders into sultanate vassalage, eroding the title's distinct steppe connotations by the mid-11th century.[23] The yabghu's obsolescence intensified under Mongol influences from the 13th century, as khanate impositions and subsequent Timurid centralization rendered it largely honorary or archaic in chronicles. Post-Oghuz Yabgu State collapse around 1042, driven by internal strife and Seljuk ascendance, the title faded amid the dissolution of tribal confederations; Mongol invasions further fragmented steppe polities, privileging khan and ulus hierarchies over subordinate yabghu roles.[20] By the 14th–15th centuries, Timurid-era references invoked yabghu sparingly as a vestigial honorific, supplanted by gunpowder-enabled absolutism that centralized authority in sultans and mirs, diminishing the need for decentralized viceroys in vast, fortified domains.[24] This empirical decline stemmed from structural shifts: the erosion of khaganate legacies through Islamic titular evolution and Mongol disruptions, culminating in bureaucratic empires where tribal titles yielded to fiscal-military states.[25]Notable Holders and Dynasties
Tokhara Yabghus
The Tokhara Yabghus constituted an early dynasty of Turkic rulers who governed Tokharistan as semi-independent yabghus subordinate to the Western Turkic Khaganate, establishing control around 625 CE following the expansion of Tong Yabghu Qaghan into the region south of the Oxus River.[26] This polity emerged from the integration of Western Turkic military authority with local Hephthalite administrative structures, marking a transitional phase where yabghus exercised viceregal powers over Bactria and adjacent territories without full khaganate oversight.[27] Their rule persisted until approximately 651 CE, when Arab forces under Abdallah ibn Amir overran key centers like Balkh amid the broader Muslim conquests of Persia and Transoxiana.[26] The dynasty's territorial extent spanned from the Amu Darya (ancient Oxus River) northward and southward across the Hindu Kush, encompassing urban strongholds such as Balkh and Bamiyan, which served as bases for defense and tribute collection.[26] Chinese annals record the first confirmed yabghu, identified as Wu-shih-po of the A-shih-na clan, who dispatched envoys and tribute to the Tang court around 640 CE, signaling alignment with Tang interests against lingering Western Turkic factions and affirming the polity's diplomatic reach.[28] This pro-Tang orientation, driven by geographic vulnerabilities to Arab incursions from the west and Chinese influence from the east, facilitated trade along Silk Road routes but also exposed the yabghus to shifting great-power dynamics.[26] In military terms, the Tokhara Yabghus fortified Bactrian positions, including Balkh, to counter Arab advances, often in coordination with Sassanid remnants who shared anti-Arab objectives post-636 CE.[29] Their governance blended Turkic nomadic hierarchies with sedentary Iranian traditions, fostering a cultural milieu where Buddhist monastic centers coexisted with Zoroastrian fire temples, as evidenced by bilingual coinage and inscriptions reflecting hybrid iconography.[26] Yet, this synthesis proved fragile; the dynasty's heavy dependence on Sassanid military aid unraveled after the Persian defeat at Qadisiyyah in 636 CE, which crippled coordinated resistance and enabled Arab penetration by 652–653 CE, culminating in the yabghus' loss of sovereignty.[26] [27] This overreliance, rather than indigenous fortifications or alliances with eastern powers like Tang China, contributed decisively to the polity's rapid disintegration, highlighting the perils of auxiliary status in a multipolar Central Asian theater.[29]Karluk Yabghu
The Karluk Yabghu polity formed circa 756 CE as a tribal confederation known as Üç Karluk, comprising the Bulak, Chigil, and Tashlyk tribes, which rebelled against Uyghur dominance following their role in the Second Turkic Khaganate's collapse.[30] This uprising enabled the Karluks to overrun Türgesh territories in the Jetisu (Semirechye) region by 766 CE, resettling there and establishing Suyab as a key center under a yabghu ruler whose title reflected the three-tribe structure, rendered in Chinese annals as Sanxing Yabghu.[18] The federation's loose structure emphasized collective tribal authority, with elteber chiefs managing semi-autonomous districts and militias, fostering mobility but sowing seeds of internal discord through competing loyalties.[30] Post-Battle of Talas in 751 CE, where Karluk forces defected from Tang alliances, the yabghu maintained pragmatic ties with China, submitting tribute in 753 CE and cooperating against Tibetan incursions into Central Asia during the 760s–770s, as recorded in Tang records.[31] This positioning allowed the Karluks to secure eastern approaches to Transoxiana, capturing Kashgar by 766–775 CE and extending influence to Fergana by the late 8th century, thereby stabilizing Silk Road commerce disrupted by Abbasid campaigns.[30] The yabghu's oversight promoted trade security and nomadic-pastoral integration, yet tribal fractures—exacerbated by rivalries among the three core groups—hindered unified governance, leading to episodic fragmentation.[18] By 840 CE, coinciding with the Uyghur Khaganate's fall to Kyrgyz assaults, the Karluk Yabghu transitioned into the more centralized Karluk Khanate, with Chinese annals attesting yabghu titles persisting until this shift amid escalating internal divisions and external pressures.[30] The federation's dynamics underscored the yabghu's role as a fragile coordinator of nomadic coalitions, prioritizing consensus over hierarchy, which ultimately yielded to khanal consolidation for survival in a volatile steppe environment.[31]Tong Yabghu Qaghan and Western Turkic Examples
Tong Yabghu Qaghan, a member of the Ashina clan, succeeded his brother Sheguy as ruler of the Western Turkic Khaganate in 618 CE, holding power until his death in 628 CE and exemplifying the elevation of yabghu status to full qaghan authority amid the Onoq confederation's tribal structure.[32][33] Under his leadership, the khaganate expanded westward to the Aral Sea region, consolidating control from the Tarim Basin to the Caspian Sea and reaching its territorial zenith.[34] This period marked the peak of the Onoq system, a tribal federation of ten divisions (five Dulu and five Nushibi) that balanced eastern and western wings under Ashina oversight, enabling coordinated military and administrative functions.[10] Tong Yabghu forged a strategic alliance with Byzantine Emperor Heraclius in 627 CE, dispatching Turkic forces to support the Byzantine counteroffensive against Sassanid Persia during the Perso-Turkic War of 627–629 CE, which included campaigns penetrating Transcaucasia and threatening Sassanid holdings in Derbent.[35] Concurrently, he maintained amicable ties with the Tang dynasty, facilitating cultural exchanges such as the visit of the Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang and possible marital links to the Chinese imperial family, which bolstered trade along the Silk Road without immediate territorial conflict.[34] However, these expansive efforts strained internal cohesion, as overreach into distant fronts exacerbated tensions between the Dulu and Nushibi tribal factions.[36] Tong Yabghu's assassination in 628 CE, reportedly by a relative amid escalating Dulu-Nushibi rivalries, triggered khaganate fragmentation and invited Tang military interventions by 630 CE, which exploited the power vacuum to subdue western territories.[37] This familial succession pattern—from Sheguy to Tong—highlighted yabghu roles as precursors to qaghanate inheritance within the Ashina lineage, contrasting with more rigid eastern khaganate hierarchies by allowing lateral brother-to-brother transitions that prioritized charismatic leadership over strict primogeniture.[38] In other Western Turkic instances, such as subordinate yabghus under Onoq oversight, similar kin-based elevations occurred, though often yielding to qaghan dominance, as seen in post-Tong factional khagans who briefly held power before Tang conquests eroded autonomy.[39]References
- https://handwiki.org/wiki/Place:Western_Turkic_Khaganate