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Yunsi
Yunsi
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Key Information

Yunsi
Chinese name
Chinese允禩
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinYǔnsì
Yinsi
Chinese胤禩
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinYìnsì
Manchu name
Manchu scriptᠶᡡᠨ ᠰᡟ

Yunsi (29 March 1680 – 5 October 1726), born as Yinsi, was a Manchu prince of the Qing dynasty in China. The eighth son of the Kangxi Emperor, Yunsi was a pivotal figure in the power struggle over the succession to his father's throne. Yunsi was believed to be favoured by most officials in the imperial court to be the next emperor but ultimately lost the struggle to his fourth brother Yinzhen, who became the Yongzheng Emperor.

After the Yongzheng Emperor ascended the throne in 1723, Yunsi was named a top advisor to the new emperor and imperial chancellor, the head of the Lifan Yuan, in addition to being awarded the title "Prince Lian of the First Rank". He was removed from office four years later, his titles stripped, then he was banished from the imperial clan. He was charged with a litany of crimes and sent to prison, where he died in disgrace. He was posthumously restored to the imperial clan during the Qianlong Emperor's reign.

Early life

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Yunsi was born to the Kangxi Emperor and Consort Liang, a Manchu woman of the Plain Yellow Banner, and raised by the Consort Hui, mother of Yinzhi, the first son of the Kangxi Emperor. Consort Liang was seen by some historians as coming from a disadvantaged background, because she was a member of the "sin jeku"[note 1] slave caste before she became the Kangxi Emperor's consort.[3] While the low status of her mother's family affected Yinsi's prestige within the ranks of the princes,[3] it also gave Yinsi the impetus to overcome the odds through hard work and cultivating moral character. Over time, Yinsi became one of the Kangxi Emperor's favourite sons. He was popular with officials at court, and his uncle Fuquan would often praise him in front of his father, the Kangxi Emperor.[4] At the age of only 18, Yinsi was granted the rank of doroi beile, the third highest rank of nobility.[4]

Succession struggle

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The Kangxi Emperor had initially chosen Yinreng, his second son to survive into adulthood, as crown prince. However, towards the later years of the emperor's reign, Yinreng engaged in increasingly licentious activities and also established a strong political base revolving around his own authority, causing him to rapidly lose favour. In 1708, during a hunting trip to Rehe, the Kangxi Emperor grew suspicious that the crown prince was conspiring to oust him in a coup. Yinreng was stripped of his position as crown prince and then placed under house arrest. Four days later, in an apparent sign of trust, the Kangxi Emperor commissioned Yinsi to oversee the imperial household department to 'clean house' and remove some vestiges of Yinreng's influence. However, Yinsi used this unique vantage point as an opportunity to curry favour with those previously loyal to Yinreng. Yinsi, widely known to have a strong base of support among the officials of court due to his moral character and wide range of talents, emerged as a serious contender for crown prince. The breadth of his support was his downfall, as it aroused suspicion from the emperor that Yinsi was competing for influence not against other princes but against the emperor himself.[3]

Yinsi's support network, which included many top-ranking officials, the Ninth Prince Yintang, Tenth Prince Yin'e, and the 14th Prince Yinti, became a formidable clique in imperial affairs, bound together by their desire to see Yinsi become the next emperor. Collectively, this group became known as the Baye Dang, or the Eighth Lord Party (八爺黨). The Baye Dang often saw itself at odds with the Crown Prince Party (太子黨), a similarly influential group bound by their interest of maintaining the position of the crown prince. Once Yinreng was removed as heir apparent, some supporters of Yinsi engaged in conspiracies to murder Yinreng.[3]

Shortly after Yinreng was deposed as crown prince, Yinzhi, the eldest son of Kangxi, had run afoul of the emperor for casting sorcery spells against Yinreng. Yinzhi, seeing his own hopes of attaining the crown prince position evaporate, gave his backing to Yinsi, who had been raised in the household of his mother. At the behest of Yinzhi,[5] a fortune teller by the name of Zhang Mingde was sent to Yinsi. Zhang foretold that Yinsi was predestined for greatness. Yinzhi, long pre-occupied with supernatural ways to influence temporal affairs, relayed Zhang's seemingly auspicious predictions about Yinsi's future to the emperor in an attempt bolster Yinsi's case for becoming crown prince. In response, the emperor, rather than rewarding Yinsi, sentenced Zhang to death by lingchi in order to discourage others from becoming involved in the struggle for succession. The Zhang Mingde episode was a huge blow to Yinsi politically and resulted in his own house arrest.[6]

The Kangxi Emperor, disillusioned by the ambitions of his remaining sons and the ferocity with which they were plotting against one another, reinstated Yinreng in the crown prince position in 1709. However, the latter was once again stripped of his Crown Prince title in 1711. After the second removal, Kangxi became determined to select another prince as his successor. He issued an order for officials at court to divulge their own preferences on which of his sons should be the next crown prince. In what became essentially a straw-poll vote, the majority of court officials petitioned to the Kangxi Emperor that Yinsi should assume the position of Crown Prince.[3] The breadth of support for Yinsi had ostensibly caught the Kangxi emperor off guard. The emperor, in a stark about-face, declared the results of the mandarin vote tally invalid. The emperor became incensed at Yinsi's self-promotion in the struggles that ensued, and stripped him of his doroi beile title and stipend (later restored). Many other princes also became disgraced in the lengthy battle for succession. According to some historians, the Kangxi emperor had sensed that Yinsi had amassed greater clout than himself, ultimately pushing him to suppress any further ambition by Yinsi for the throne.[3] Thereafter, Yinsi threw his weight behind the 14th Prince Yinti, who was seen by most observers as being destined for the throne.

Yongzheng reign

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After his fourth brother, Yinzhen, succeeded their father and became known as the Yongzheng Emperor in 1722, Yinsi changed his name to "Yunsi" to avoid using the same character as the Yongzheng Emperor's personal name, considered taboo.

A few weeks after the death of the Kangxi Emperor, the Yongzheng Emperor enfeoffed Yunsi as "Prince Lian of the First Rank" (Chinese: 和碩廉親王; Manchu: hošoi hanja cin wang) and he sat on the emperor's top advisory board along with Yinxiang, Maci, and Longkodo. Yinsi was charged with overseeing the Lifan Yuan, the bureaucratic organ in charge of the affairs of the Qing dynasty suzerain lands such as Mongolia. Despite bestowing Yunsi with the highest honors, the Yongzheng Emperor targeted those court officials who were Yunsi allies. The Yongzheng Emperor frequently criticised Yunsi for not performing his duties properly. In 1724, for example, the emperor ordered Yunsi to kneel in the inner reaches of the Forbidden City for an entire night, ostensibly for an infraction committed during his oversight of the Lifan Yuan. In early 1725, the emperor forcibly exiled Yunsi's wife to the interior, and forbid all communication between the two. By 1725, Yunsi had completely lost favour with the emperor, and became the target of trumped-up charges and accusations that eventually led to the stripping of Yunsi's princely title, along with his banishment from the imperial clan.[3]

After his banishment, Yunsi was forced to rename himself "Akina" (Manchu: ᠠᡴᡳᠨᠠ; Chinese: 阿其那; pinyin: Āqínà).[7][3] His only son, Hongwang, was also forced to rename himself "Pusaboo".[7]

Yunsi died in captivity, four years after the Yongzheng Emperor's coronation.[3]

Hongwang was rehabilitated by the Qianlong Emperor, who had succeeded the Yongzheng Emperor in 1735. In 1778, Yunsi was posthumously restored to the imperial clan and had his name changed back from "Akina" to "Yunsi". However Yunsi was neither rehabilitated nor had his title restored.[7]

Meaning of "Akina"

[edit]

"Āqínà" (阿其那) is a Chinese transliterating words of a Manchu term which has traditionally been translated as "pig" in Chinese.[8] However it is a false rumour. Some scholars have speculated that the original Manchu term is "Acina" (ᠠᠴᡳᠨᠠ), which means "to carry (with your crime)".[9] But according to Hetu Dangse (Chinese: 黑圖檔), a thematic archive of historical documents from the Qing Dynasty now preserved in the Archives of Liaoning Province (辽宁省档案馆), the original term is "Akina" (ᠠᡴᡳᠨᠠ).[7] There is some dispute as to whether that is an accurate translation: "frozen fish",[5] "fish on the chopping block",[3] or "meat on the chopping block".[10][11][12][5]

Location of residence

[edit]

According to the Jingshi Fangxiang Zhigao (京师坊巷志稿), the Prince Lian family compound was located near Taijichang Road southeast of the Forbidden City, due west of the family compound of Fuquan, the Prince Yu. Its interior structure was altered shortly after Yunsi's expulsion from the imperial clan in 1725, and converted to a storehouse during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor. Nevertheless, some parts of the original structure may have survived to the present day. Its approximate location is near the present-day Wangfujing Station of the Beijing Subway, near the Ministry of Commerce of the People's Republic of China.

Family

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Primary Consort

  • Primary consort, of the Gorolo clan (嫡福晉 郭絡羅氏; d. 1726)

Concubine

  • Mistress, of the Zhang clan (張氏)
    • Hongwang (弘旺; 27 January 1708 – 16 December 1762), first son
  • Mistress, of the Mao clan (毛氏)
    • Princess of the Third Rank (郡主; 24 June 1708 – 11 January 1776), first daughter
      • Married Sun Wufu (孫五福) in July/August 1724
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See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Yunsi (允禩; 29 March 1680 – 5 October 1726), born Yinsi (胤禩), was a Manchu prince of the in . As the eighth son of the , he was born to Consort Liang of the Wei clan. Yunsi emerged as a prominent figure in the intense succession struggles among the 's sons, often referred to as the "Nine Sons' Contention for the Throne," where he allied with other princes against frontrunners like the future . His political maneuvering and support from court factions positioned him as a serious contender, leveraging his administrative roles and favor from his father. Following the 's death in 1722 and the ascension of the (Yinsi's full brother), Yunsi was initially appointed as one of four chief advisors and granted the title Prince Lian of the First Rank. However, lingering suspicions from his prior ambitions led to his rapid fall from grace under Yongzheng; by 1726, he was demoted, expelled from the imperial household, and humiliatingly renamed "Akina" (a Manchu term evoking a pig or dog). Yunsi died later that year amid this disgrace, his legacy marked by the perils of imperial politics rather than substantive administrative achievements.

Early Life

Birth and Parentage

Yunsi, originally named Yinsi (胤禩), was born on 29 March 1681 as the eighth son of the (1654–1722). His mother was Consort Liang (良妃; 1662–1711) of the Manchu Wei clan (衛氏), a woman of relatively low imperial status who had risen from palace service. The , whose personal name was Xuanye, fathered numerous children, with Yunsi among those born during the emperor's middle reign amid expanding imperial family dynamics.

Childhood Education and Initial Appointments

Yunsi, born in 1681 as the eighth son of the , commenced his formal at approximately age six, adhering to the standardized regimen for Qing imperial princes. This involved extended daily sessions from predawn until mid-afternoon, focusing on Confucian classics, and script, historical texts, poetry composition, and ancillary skills such as , , and martial training including and . The curriculum emphasized moral cultivation, loyalty to the , and practical competencies, with Kangxi personally exemplifying scholarly rigor through his own pursuits in , , and administration to guide his sons' development. The emperor's approach to princely education prioritized early discipline and holistic formation, viewing youthful malleability as optimal for instilling virtues like frugality, diligence, and impartiality—qualities Kangxi reinforced via direct instruction and excursions demonstrating imperial duties. Yunsi's proficiency in these areas reportedly set him apart, fostering a reputation for erudition that later influenced his standing among officials, though contemporary records attribute such traits more to observed conduct than specific pedagogical innovations tailored to him. Regarding initial appointments, Yunsi entered official service amid Kangxi's mid-reign efforts to distribute responsibilities among his adult sons following vicissitudes in the heir apparent's status. In , concomitant with the reinstatement of the crown prince Yinti, Kangxi conferred noble ranks on several princes, including Yunsi, who received a beile title and attendant administrative prerogatives within the imperial household and bureaucracy. These roles involved oversight of routine palace affairs and advisory functions, aligning with the emperor's strategy to test princely aptitude through incremental duties rather than precipitous elevation. Yunsi's early engagements thus centered on leveraging his education for internal court management, predating his prominence in broader political deliberations.

Involvement in Succession Politics

Factional Alliances and the Nine Sons' Strife

Yunsi, the eighth son of the Kangxi Emperor, played a central role in the factional rivalries of the Nine Sons' Strife (九子夺嫡), a protracted succession contest among the emperor's adult sons that escalated after the first deposition of Crown Prince Yinfeng in 1708 and intensified following the second deposition in 1712, culminating in Kangxi's death on December 20, 1722. This struggle pitted princely factions against one another through court lobbying, strategic appointments, and petitions for heir designation, with Yunsi emerging as a focal point due to his administrative competence and perceived amiability, which garnered support from Han Chinese officials wary of Manchu dominance. Official Qing records, compiled under the succeeding Yongzheng Emperor (Yunsi's rival), portray Yunsi as overly ambitious and disloyal, a depiction that aligns with Yongzheng's efforts to legitimize his rule by discrediting competitors, though contemporary petitions indicate broader elite backing for Yunsi as a stabilizing alternative to the disgraced crown prince. Yunsi's faction, often termed the "Eighth Prince's party" in later historiography, coalesced around alliances with younger half-brothers, including the ninth prince Yuntang (允禟), the tenth prince Yunti (允禟), and crucially the fourteenth prince Yinti (允禵), who commanded military prestige from frontier campaigns against the Dzungars starting in 1696. The group strategically backed Yinti's potential ascension—Yinti, born in 1679 and dispatched to lead northwestern forces in 1710—anticipating that his reliance on familial counsel would elevate Yunsi's influence, as Yinti lacked Yunsi's court networks but held Kangxi's favor for martial exploits. This alliance formed a counterweight to the fourth prince Yinzhen's (later Yongzheng) more insular faction, which emphasized fiscal reforms and imperial trust; tensions peaked in 1712 when ministers, including Grand Secretary Wang Doxi, petitioned Kangxi to name Yunsi crown prince, prompting the emperor's rebuke of Yunsi for "harboring intentions to seize the throne" and his demotion from key Inner Court roles. The strife's dynamics reflected deeper Manchu-Han divides and administrative rivalries, with Yunsi's supporters—drawn from elites and southern officials—leveraging his oversight of hydraulic projects and relief in the 1710s to build goodwill, contrasting Yinzhen's reputation for . Yet Kangxi's repeated evaluations, as recorded in edicts from 1717 onward, faulted Yunsi for faction-building, leading to his exclusion from core power circles by 1720; Yinti's recall from in 1722 and confinement further unraveled the bloc, exposing its dependence on leverage amid Kangxi's health decline. Post-succession under Yinzhen, Yongzheng's purges targeted this network, executing or demoting affiliates like Longkodo and , underscoring the faction's defeat but also its prior organizational depth, evidenced by coordinated defenses during Yunsi's 1724 imprisonment.

Kangxi Emperor's Evaluations and Favoritism Debates

The Kangxi Emperor initially demonstrated confidence in Yinsi's abilities by appointing him to key administrative roles, including supervision of the Imperial Clan Court (zongrenfu) in 1699 and oversight of grain transport logistics along the Grand Canal during the early 1700s, tasks requiring logistical competence amid ongoing flood control efforts. These assignments reflected Yinsi's demonstrated proficiency in bureaucratic matters, as Kangxi noted his son's effectiveness in managing clan affairs without major reported failures during this period. However, Kangxi's evaluations turned sharply critical by the late 1700s, particularly after the deposition of Yinreng, when Yinsi's supporters—including princes Yinsi (ninth son) and Yintang (tenth son)—campaigned for his elevation, prompting Kangxi to denounce Yinsi as outwardly respectful and virtuous but inwardly ambitious and manipulative. In an that year, Kangxi accused Yinsi of cultivating favor among officials through and faction-building to position himself for the , declaring him unfit for succession due to this "deceitful" nature that risked dynastic instability. Kangxi reiterated these concerns in 1712 and 1715, stripping Yinsi of titles temporarily and warning that his popularity masked a threat akin to historical usurpers, emphasizing that true merit lay in selfless service rather than courtly alliances. Debates over Kangxi's favoritism toward Yinsi center on the discrepancy between his early trust and later rebukes, with contemporaries perceiving Yinsi as a leading contender due to his charisma and alliances—evidenced by endorsements from over a dozen high officials and princes—yet Kangxi's consistent rejections indicate deliberate restraint to curb factionalism. Some accounts suggest Kangxi viewed Yinsi's competence as overshadowed by his low-born mother (a Xinzheku maid), a point he invoked harshly in later scoldings to underscore character flaws over talent. Historians note potential in post-Kangxi records compiled under Yongzheng, who vilified Yinsi, but Kangxi's contemporaneous edicts align with a pattern of favoring less faction-prone sons like Yinti (fourteenth) for roles while excluding Yinsi from core heir considerations. This tension fueled perceptions of inconsistent favoritism, though Kangxi's actions prioritized dynastic caution over personal affinity.

Treatment Under Yongzheng

Post-Succession Promotions and Subsequent Demotions

Upon Yongzheng's ascension on 20 December 1722, Yunsi—previously known as Yinsi—was renamed to avoid the posthumous of the new emperor's name and was promptly enfeoffed as Heshuo Lian Qinwang (Prince Lian of the First Rank) in January 1723. He received appointments to oversee the Ministry of Works (Gongbu) and serve as assistant minister (shangshu) of the Lifan Yuan, positioning him among the emperor's key advisers despite their prior rivalry in the succession struggle. These honors were part of Yongzheng's initial strategy to consolidate power by integrating potential opponents into administrative roles under close imperial oversight. Yunsi's tenure in these roles proved short-lived, as Yongzheng grew suspicious of his loyalty and diligence. By , imperial s accused Yunsi of neglecting assigned duties, fostering discontent among officials, and undermining state affairs through incompetence and covert opposition—charges framed within the context of his earlier factional alliances against Yongzheng. On 2 July (Yongzheng 4th year, 6th month, 3rd day), a detailed enumerated approximately 40 offenses, including disloyalty that allegedly endangered dynastic stability. Consequently, Yunsi was stripped of his princely title, removed from the Aisin Gioro clan registry (xizongji), demoted to commoner status (shuren), and forcibly renamed "Aqina" (阿其那), a Manchu term connoting "pig" as a mark of degradation. He was placed under house confinement in , where he died on 5 October 1726 amid ongoing investigations into his conduct. These measures reflected Yongzheng's broader campaign to neutralize perceived threats from imperial siblings, though the emperor's emphasize Yunsi's personal failings over any acknowledgment of political motivations rooted in the succession disputes.

Imprisonment, "Akina" Epithet, and Death

In the fourth year of the Yongzheng Emperor's reign (1726), Yunsi was formally indicted on forty counts of , encompassing allegations of fostering factionalism, undermining imperial authority during the Kangxi Emperor's final years, and persistent disloyalty post-succession. These charges culminated in his deprivation of noble titles, expulsion from the Aisin Gioro clan registry, and confinement within the Imperial Clan Court in , where oversight by Yongzheng loyalists ensured rigorous isolation. As part of this degradation, Yunsi was mandated to assume the name "Akina" (Manchu: ᠠᡴᡳᠨᠠ; Chinese: 阿其那), a term devoid of familial honor and laden with deliberate ; historical interpretations vary, with some equating it to "" in Manchu vernacular, others to "shameless" or "frozen fish" implying worthlessness and entrapment, underscoring Yongzheng's intent to publicly vilify him as subhuman or treacherous. His sole surviving son, Hongwang, faced analogous renaming and demotion, extending the punitive measures to his lineage. Imprisonment conditions involved seclusion in guarded quarters, denial of privileges, and subjection to interrogations that exacerbated physical decline, as documented in edicts enumerating his offenses on July 2, 1726. Yunsi perished on October 5, 1726, at age 46, with the official verdict citing acute illness marked by profuse vomiting; Yongzheng attributed the demise to rather than natural causes alone. Skepticism persists among analysts, who cite the abrupt onset, symptomatic resemblance to , and Yongzheng's pattern of neutralizing rivals—evident in parallel fates of allies like the ninth prince—as indicators of orchestrated elimination to forestall any residual threat.

Controversies Surrounding Yongzheng's Legitimacy Claims

The primary controversy regarding Yongzheng's legitimacy centered on the circumstances of Kangxi's succession declaration on December 20, 1722, the day of his death at age 68. Yinzhen (Yongzheng) announced his ascension based on an oral testament reportedly given in the presence of only one witness, Longkodo, a Manchu official and Yongzheng ally, who affirmed that Kangxi had verbally designated Yinzhen as heir without a written . Yinsi, Kangxi's 12th , and other princes such as the 14th Yinti rejected this account, asserting that Kangxi had shown no such intent and that the process bypassed established protocols for imperial succession, which typically involved public evaluations or documented preferences among the emperor's 35 surviving s. Yinsi's faction amplified claims of usurpation, arguing that Kangxi had long favored Yinsi for his administrative competence and popularity among Han officials, as evidenced by repeated imperial praises in court records from onward, including appointments to key River Conservancy roles. Skeptics alleged Yongzheng manipulated the edict's phrasing from "transmit the position to the fourteenth son" (傳位十四子, referring to Yinti, then campaigning in the northwest) to "fourth son" (四子) by altering the character for "ten" (十)—a single horizontal stroke addition or erasure in —exploiting potential ambiguities in Kangxi's . This theory, propagated in unofficial histories and 19th-century anti-Qing narratives, gained traction due to Yongzheng's swift purges: within months, he confined Yinsi and executed or exiled supporters like , interpreting their doubts as treason. Official Qing annals, compiled under Yongzheng's successor Qianlong, counter these claims by citing Kangxi's private evaluations favoring Yinzhen's over Yinsi's perceived ambition, and archaeological such as a 1723 inscription affirming the oral will without forgery traces. However, the lack of contemporaneous written documentation—unusual for a reign emphasizing bureaucratic precision—and Longkodo's later under in 1728 have perpetuated scholarly , with some attributing the disputes to factional rivalries rather than provable deceit. Yinsi's repeated petitions denying disloyalty, preserved in memorials, underscore how his demotion from Prince Lian to the derogatory epithet "Akina" (阿其那, implying "stupid") was framed by Yongzheng as punishment for undermining imperial authority, yet it inadvertently highlighted the fragility of the legitimacy narrative. Historians note that while forgery lacks forensic corroboration from surviving edicts, the opacity of Kangxi's final days—amid illness and without naming a since 1712—enabled post-facto interpretations favoring Yongzheng's narrative, as reflected in revised histories that minimized Yinsi's prior stature. These debates persisted into modern scholarship, where official Manchu records are viewed as potentially self-serving, contrasting with fragmented Jesuit accounts from the era that describe intrigue without endorsing usurpation.

Residences and Personal Affairs

Primary Dwellings in Beijing

Yunsi's primary residence in Beijing was the Mansion of Prince Lian (廉親王府), located in the Taijichang Toutiao area off East Chang'an Street in Dongcheng District. This site positioned the mansion in the central-eastern inner city, adjacent to the west of the Mansion of Prince Yu and near landmarks such as the Zhaozhong Ancestral Hall (昭忠祠) and Huacheng Temple (化成寺). The dwelling was assigned following Yunsi's elevation to princely status amid Kangxi Emperor's late-reign appointments of his sons, likely around 1709 when he received the title of Beile, with upgrades accompanying his 1723 conferral as Prince Lian of the First Rank. As a standard Qing princely mansion (wangfu), the structure adhered to imperial architectural norms, comprising a rectilinear layout with sequential courtyards, a central axis featuring grand audience halls (such as a yimen and zhengdian for receiving officials), family living quarters, and service areas for retainers and eunuchs. These residences symbolized the prince's rank, with allocations of and resources scaled to title; Yunsi's, as a first- , would have encompassed substantial grounds, though exact acreage or unique features like gardens or pavilions are not detailed in preserved records. The mansion served as the hub for Yunsi's household, political activities, and factional dealings during the succession struggles. No physical remnants of the original survive today, as the location was redeveloped and repurposed, latterly housing the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation before further modern alterations. Historical maps and Qing administrative records confirm the site's integration into Beijing's evolving urban fabric, with princely mansions often subdivided or demolished post-dynasty. During Yunsi's demotions under the , the residence remained his nominal base until confinement measures restricted access and use.

Conditions During Confinement

Following his demotion and removal from the imperial clan registry in , Yunsi was confined under strict imperial , stripped of all princely titles, stipends, and privileges associated with Gioro lineage status. This effectively reduced his sustenance to levels afforded ordinary subjects, exacerbating physical decline amid restricted movement and isolation from court circles. Historical records indicate Yunsi was held in custody on 40 enumerated charges of factional intrigue and acts threatening dynastic stability, with conditions harsh enough to precipitate severe illness. Denied medical intervention or clemency despite reported entreaties, he languished without access to former attendants or resources, his epithet "Akina" reflecting official contempt that precluded humane considerations. Yunsi died in on 5 October 1726 at age 45, officially attributed to natural illness rather than direct mistreatment, though contemporary accounts vary on whether privations hastened his end or foul play occurred. Posthumous rehabilitation under Qianlong in 1776 restored his clan status, implying Yongzheng-era records may have understated confinement rigors to justify punitive measures.

Family

Consorts and Marriages

Yunsi's primary consort was a lady of the Gorolo clan (郭絡羅氏), daughter of Heshuo Prince Consort Mingshang (明尚). She held the title of di fu jin (嫡福晉) and died in 1726, the same year as Yunsi. He also maintained a concubine surnamed Zhang (張氏), who bore him a son, Hongwang (弘旺; b. 27 January 1708). No records indicate additional secondary consorts (ce fu jin, 側福晉) or other formal marriages, consistent with Yunsi's fluctuating status under the Kangxi Emperor, which limited expansions of his household.

Children and Descendants' Fates

Yunsi fathered two children: a son named Hongwang (弘旺), born on the fifth day of the first lunar month in the 47th year of the Kangxi Emperor's reign (5 January 1708), by his concubine Zhang shi, and a born on the eighth day of the fifth lunar month that same year, by a serving concubine of the Mao clan. His primary consort, Guo luo luo shi, produced no offspring. Hongwang, initially favored by his grandfather Kangxi and granted the rank of under Yongzheng in the early 1720s, faced demotion following Yunsi's death and in 1726; Yongzheng ordered him confined and reportedly shackled with nine iron chains as for his father's perceived disloyalty. Released after Yongzheng's death in 1735, Hongwang was restored to under Qianlong but plotted a in the 13th year of Qianlong's reign (), known as the Hongxi coup; he was executed for , with his own descendants implicated and punished, resulting in the extinction of Yunsi's male line. Yunsi's daughter's fate remains sparsely recorded in historical accounts, with no prominent roles or punishments noted, though the broader family's under Yongzheng and Qianlong curtailed any potential or status for female descendants. The paucity of Yunsi's progeny—unusual among Kangxi's sons—had been a point of imperial dissatisfaction during Kangxi's lifetime, reflecting poorly on his viability in succession considerations.

Historical Legacy

Assessments in Qing Records and Later Scholarship

In the official histories of the , particularly those reflecting the Yongzheng Emperor's perspective, Yunsi was portrayed as a scheming figure whose ambitions undermined imperial harmony. The Qing Shi Gao, drawing from Yongzheng-era edicts, characterized him as exhibiting "cunning and insidious traits, arrogance and , with intentions harboring disaster," emphasizing his alleged role in factional intrigues during the late Kangxi period. These assessments justified his 1725 demotion from Prince Lian, renaming to the derogatory "Akina" (implying a dog-like or lowly status), and expulsion from the imperial clan registry, measures framed as necessary to curb his purported disloyalty. Qianlong Emperor's later reevaluation marked a partial reversal. In 1778, Qianlong issued a restoring Yunsi's original name and status for entry into the imperial genealogy (yudie), while denying restoration of his princely title. This action stemmed from Qianlong's determination that Yunsi lacked concrete evidence of outright , aiming to safeguard the Kangxi Emperor's reputation against implications of nurturing rebels among his sons; Qianlong explicitly stated no "real " (wu beige zhi shi) had occurred. The rehabilitation extended to Yunsi's , such as his Hongwang, who also regained privileges, though it stopped short of full to avoid challenging Yongzheng's authority. Subsequent historiography, informed by archival scrutiny of secret palace memorials and factional dynamics, has tempered these dynastic judgments by highlighting political motivations over personal villainy. Scholars note Yunsi's proven administrative competence—evidenced by his oversight of the Lifan Yuan and famine relief efforts under Kangxi—as countering the , interpreting his downfall as collateral to Yongzheng's consolidation of power amid the "nine sons' struggle for the ." This view posits the severe Qing-era condemnations as instruments of , with Qianlong's adjustments reflecting pragmatic dynastic continuity rather than a wholesale reevaluation of character.

Representations in Fiction and Media

Yunsi, known historically as the Kangxi Emperor's eighth son and a contender in the succession struggle, has been frequently depicted in Chinese historical novels and television dramas centered on the late Kangxi and early Yongzheng periods, typically as an ambitious and charismatic prince whose rivalry with Yinzhen (later Yongzheng Emperor) drives much of the narrative conflict. These portrayals often emphasize his intelligence, administrative talents, and alliances with other princes, drawing from Qing records of his "Eight Wise King" reputation among some officials, though dramatized to heighten intrigue and moral contrasts. In the 1999 television series Yongzheng Dynasty (Yongzheng Wangchao), adapted loosely from historical events, Yunsi is portrayed as the primary antagonist to Yinzhen, scheming through factional politics and personal betrayals to claim the throne, a depiction that amplifies his historical involvement in opposition groups while fictionalizing specific plots for dramatic effect. The series presents him as eloquent and ideologically driven but ultimately undermined by overambition, aligning with Qing narratives of his demotion but exaggerating interpersonal enmities. The 2011 time-travel drama (), based on a novel by Tong Hua, casts Yunsi (as the Eighth Prince) in a more sympathetic light, played by as a refined, romantically appealing figure who balances princely duties with personal loyalties amid the succession battles. This interpretation romanticizes his historical poise and scholarly pursuits, incorporating fictional romantic subplots that humanize him beyond adversarial roles in other works, contributing to his popularity among audiences despite deviations from verified Qing accounts. Appearances in novels such as Er Yue He's Kangxi Emperor series further shape these media images, portraying Yunsi as a capable administrator favored by Kangxi for governance reforms but thwarted by fraternal rivalries, influencing adaptations by blending empirical details from imperial edicts with speculative motivations. Such representations, while rooted in primary sources like the Veritable Records of Kangxi, prioritize narrative tension over strict chronology, often critiqued for simplifying complex factional dynamics.

References

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