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BC United (BCU), known from 1903 until 2023 as the British Columbia Liberal Party or BC Liberals, is a provincial political party in British Columbia, Canada. The party has been described as conservative, neoliberal, and occupying a centre-right position on the left–right political spectrum.[b] The party commonly describes itself as a "free enterprise coalition" and draws support from members of both the federal Liberal and Conservative parties.[19][20][21][22] From 1991 to 2024, BC United was the main centre-right opposition to the centre-left New Democratic Party (NDP). Once affiliated with the Liberal Party of Canada, the British Columbia Liberal Party became independent in 1987.[23] The party changed its name to BC United on April 12, 2023.[24]

Key Information

Until the 1940s, British Columbia politics were dominated by the Liberal Party and rival Conservative Party. The Liberals formed government from 1916 to 1928 and again from 1933 to 1941. From 1941 to 1952, the two parties governed in a coalition (led by a Liberal leader) to counter the ascendant Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. The coalition was defeated in the 1952 election by the new Social Credit Party, and the party went into decline, eventually losing its presence in the legislature in the 1979 election. It returned to the legislature in the 1991 election, coming in second and forming the Official Opposition, through the efforts of leader Gordon Wilson. Wilson lost a leadership challenge to Gordon Campbell in 1994. Under Campbell's leadership, the BC Liberals began to shift rightwards and distance themselves from the federal party. In the 2001 election, the Liberals won an overwhelming majority, which they held under Campbell and his successor Christy Clark until shortly after the 2017 election. The party remained in Opposition after losing the 2020 election. After a notable decline in polls and floor-crossings to a resurgent Conservative Party, BC United opted to not contest the 2024 election and formally endorsed the Conservatives.

Eight party leaders have served as premier of British Columbia: Harlan Brewster, John Oliver, John MacLean, Duff Pattullo, John Hart, Boss Johnson, Gordon Campbell, and Christy Clark. Since the 2022 leadership election, the party has been led by Kevin Falcon.[25]

History

[edit]

First government: 1916–1928

[edit]

The divided Conservatives faced the Liberals in the election of 1916 and lost. The Liberals formed a government under Harlan Carey Brewster. Brewster had become leader of the Opposition and was elected party leader in March 1912. He lost his seat a few weeks later in the 1912 election, which returned no Liberals at all. In 1916, he won election to the legislature again through a by-election and led his party to victory in a general election later that year by campaigning on a reform platform. Brewster promised to end patronage in the civil service, end political machines, improve workman's compensation and labour laws, bring in votes for women, and other progressive reforms.

The government brought in women's suffrage, instituted prohibition, and combated political corruption before his unexpected death in 1918. He is interred in the Ross Bay Cemetery in Victoria, British Columbia. John Oliver succeeded Brewster as premier when Brewster died in 1918. Oliver's government developed the produce industry in the Nanook Valley,[clarification needed] and tried to persuade the federal government to lower the freight rate for rail transport. The party managed a bare majority win in the 1920 election and only managed to govern after the 1924 election with the support of the two Independent Liberals.

Opposition and the Great Depression: 1928–1933

[edit]

The Liberals managed to increase their vote in the 1928 election but lost close to half their seats. With the onset of the Great Depression and the implosion of the government of Simon Fraser Tolmie, the Liberals won the 1933 election.

Duff Pattullo: 1933–1941

[edit]

The 1933 election brought into power Duff Pattullo and introduced into the legislature the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), a new social-democratic and democratic socialist opposition party. Pattullo wanted an activist government to try to deal with the depression through social programs and support of the unemployed. Canada has been recognized as the hardest hit by the Great Depression, and western Canada the hardest hit within Canada. Pattullo's attempts were often at odds with the federal government in Ottawa. Pattullo was also an advocate for British Columbia, and suggested the annexation of Yukon by BC, and the construction of the Alaska Highway to reduce the power of eastern Canada over BC. In the 1937 general election, his government was re-elected running on the slogan of "socialized capitalism".[26]

"The Coalition": 1941–1951

[edit]

The alternating government with the Conservatives came to an end with the rise of the CCF, who managed to be the Official Opposition from 1933 to 1937 and were one seat less than the Conservatives in the 1937 election. In the 1941 election, the CCF came second. The election did not give the Liberals the majority they hoped for. John Hart became the premier and Liberal leader in 1941 when Pattullo refused to go into coalition with the Conservatives. The Liberal members removed Patullo as leader and Hart formed a Liberal–Conservative coalition government, known in BC history as "the Coalition". From 1941 to 1945, Hart governed at a time of wartime scarcity, when all major government projects were postponed. The coalition government was re-elected in the 1945 election. In that contest, Liberals and Conservatives ran under the same banner.

After 1945, Hart undertook an ambitious program of rural electrification, hydroelectric and highway construction. Hart's most significant projects were the construction of Highway 97 to northern British Columbia (of which the Prince GeorgeDawson Creek segment is now named in his honour) and the Bridge River Power Project, which was the first major hydroelectric development in British Columbia. He established the BC Power Commission, a forerunner of BC Hydro, to provide power to smaller communities that were not serviced by private utilities. In December 1947, Hart retired as premier. The Conservative Party agitated for its leader, Herbert Anscomb, to succeed Hart as premier. Still, the Liberals outnumbered the Tories in the coalition caucus. Hart was followed by another Liberal, Boss Johnson, with Anscomb as deputy premier and minister of finance.

Johnson's government introduced universal hospital insurance and a 3% provincial sales tax to pay for it. It expanded the highway system, extended the Pacific Great Eastern Railway, and negotiated the Alcan Agreement, which facilitated construction of the Kenny Dam. The government also coped with the 1948 flooding of the Fraser River, declaring a state of emergency and beginning a program of diking the river's banks through the Fraser Valley. Johnson is also noted for appointing Nancy Hodges as the first female Speaker in the Commonwealth. The Liberal-Conservative coalition government won the 1949 election – at 61% the greatest percentage of the popular vote in BC history. Tensions had grown between the coalition partners and within both parties. The Liberal Party executive voted to terminate the coalition and Johnson dropped his Conservative ministers in January 1952,[27] resulting in a short-lived minority government which soon collapsed.

1952 election

[edit]

In order to prevent the CCF from winning in a three-party competition, the government introduced instant-runoff voting, with the expectation that Conservative voters would list the Liberals as their second choice and vice versa. Voters, however, were looking for alternatives. More voters chose British Columbia Social Credit League ahead of any other party as their second choice. Social Credit went on to emerge as the largest party when the ballots were counted in the 1952 general election. Social Credit's de facto leader during the election, W. A. C. Bennett, formerly a Conservative, was formally named party leader after the election.

At the 1953 general election, the Liberals were reduced to four seats, taking 23.36% of the vote. Arthur Laing defeated Tilly Rolston in Vancouver Point Grey. Although Social Credit won a majority of seats in the legislature, their finance minister Einar Gunderson was defeated in Oak Bay by Philip Archibald Gibbs of the Liberals. Gordon Gibson Sr, a millionaire timber baron, nicknamed the "Bull of the Woods",[28] was elected for Lillooet as a Liberal.

Third party status: 1953–1979

[edit]

During the early period of this time, the Liberals' most prominent member was Gordon Gibson Sr. He was a cigar-smoking and gregarious logging contractor who could have been premier but for a major political error. He was elected in 1953 for the Lillooet riding. In 1955, the Sommers scandal surfaced, and he was the only leader in the legislature to make an issue of it. W. A. C. Bennett and his attorney general tried many tactics to stop the information from coming out.[citation needed] In frustration, Gibson resigned his seat and forced a by-election, hoping to make the Sommers scandal the issue. The voting system had changed, and he came a close second after Social Credit.

In the 1956 election, with the Sommers scandal still not resolved, the Liberals fared worse than in 1953. Arthur Laing lost his seat, and the party was reduced to two MLAs and 20.9% of the vote. In the 1960 election, the party won four seats with the same 20.9% of the popular vote as in 1956. In the 1963 election, the party's caucus increased by one more MLA to five, but their share of the popular vote fell to 19.98%. In the 1966 election, the party won another seat, bringing its caucus to six, and had an increase in the vote to 20.24%. In the 1969 vote, the party lost one seat, and its share of the vote fell to 19.03%.

In 1972, the party was led into the election by a new leader, David Anderson, who had been elected in the 1968 federal election as an MP for the Liberal Party of Canada. He and four others managed to be elected to the legislature, but with the lowest vote in party history at 16.4%. After the British Columbia New Democratic Party (BC NDP) won the 1972 election, many supporters of the Liberal and Conservative parties defected to the Social Credit League. This coalition was able to keep the New Democrats out of power from 1975 until the 1990s. MLAs Garde Gardom, Pat McGeer and Allan Williams left the Liberals for Social Credit along with Hugh Curtis of the suddenly rejuvenated Tories. All of them became members of Social Credit Cabinets after 1975. In the 1975 election, the only Liberal to be elected was Gordon Gibson Jr. as the party scored a dismal 7.24%. David Anderson was badly defeated in his Victoria riding, placing behind the New Democrats and Social Credit.

In the wilderness: 1979–1991

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The 1979 election was the party's lowest point. For the second time in party history, it was shut out of the legislature. Only five candidates ran, none were elected, and the party got 0.5% of the vote. The 1983 election saw a small recovery as the party came close to a full slate of candidates, but won 2.69% of the vote. The 1986 vote was the third and last election in which the party was shut out. Its share of the popular vote improved to 6.74%.

In 1987, Gordon Wilson became the leader of the provincial Liberal Party when no one else was interested. Wilson severed formal links between the provincial Liberal party and its federal counterpart.[23] Since the mid-1970s, most federal Liberals in BC had chosen to support the British Columbia Social Credit Party at the provincial level. For the provincial party, the intent of this separation was to reduce the influence of Social Credit members of federal party. From the federal party's perspective, this move was equally beneficial to them, as the provincial party was heavily in debt.[citation needed]

Wilson set about to rebuild the provincial party as a credible third party in British Columbia politics. During the same period, the ruling Social Credit party was beset by controversy under the leadership of Bill Vander Zalm. As a result, multiple Social Credit scandals caused many voters to look for an alternative. By the time of the 1991 election, Wilson lobbied to be included in the televised Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) debate between Vander Zalm's successor, Premier Rita Johnston and BC NDP leader Michael Harcourt. The CBC agreed, and Wilson impressed many voters with his performance. The Liberal campaign gained momentum and siphoned off much support from the Social Credit campaign. While the BC NDP won the election, the Liberals came in second with 17 seats. Wilson became leader of the Opposition.

Official Opposition under Wilson: 1991–1993

[edit]

Wilson's policies did not coincide with many other Liberals both in the legislature and in the party who wanted to fill the vacuum left by the collapse of Social Credit. The Liberals also proved themselves to be inexperienced, both in the legislature and in building a broad-based political movement. They had a difficult time to build a disciplined organization that could mount an effective opposition against the New Democratic Party provincial government.[citation needed]

In 1993, Wilson's leadership was further damaged by revelations of his affair with fellow Liberal MLA Judi Tyabji. By this time, most of the caucus was in open revolt against his leadership. Wilson agreed to call for a leadership convention, at which he would be a candidate. Delta South MLA Fred Gingell became the leader of the Opposition while the Liberal leadership race took place.

Soon, former party leader Gordon Gibson and Vancouver mayor Gordon Campbell entered the leadership race. Campbell won decisively on the first ballot, with former party leader Gordon Gibson placing second and Wilson third. The leadership election was decided on a one-member, one-vote system through which Liberals voted for their choices by telephone. Wilson and Tyabji then left the Liberals and formed their own party, the Progressive Democratic Alliance.

Official Opposition under Campbell: 1993–2001

[edit]

Once Campbell became leader, the Liberals adopted the moniker "BC Liberals" for the first time, and soon introduced a new logo and new party colours (red and blue, instead of the usual "Liberal red" and accompanying maple leaf). The revised name and logo was an attempt to distinguish itself more clearly in the minds of voters from the federal Liberal Party of Canada.

In early 1994, Campbell was elected to the legislature in a by-election. Under his leadership, the party began moving to the right, gaining support from members of the former Social Credit Party and, later, the provincial Reform Party.[11][verification needed] Some moderate Socreds had begun voting Liberal as far back as the Vander Zalm era. The Liberals won two former Socred seats in by-elections held in the Fraser Valley region, solidifying their claim to be the clear alternative to the existing BC NDP government. The Liberal party also filled the vacuum created on the centre-right of the BC political spectrum by Social Credit's collapse.

In the 1996 election, the BC Liberals won the popular vote. However, much of the Liberal margin was wasted on large margins in the outer regions of the province; they only won eight seats in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland. In rural British Columbia, particularly in the Interior where the railway was the lifeblood of the local economy – the BC Liberals lost several contests because of discomfort that the electorate had with some of Campbell's policies, principally his promise to sell BC Rail. The net result was to consign the Liberals to opposition again, though they managed to slash the NDP's majority from 13 to three.

After the election, the BC Liberals set about making sure that there would be no repeat of 1996. Campbell jettisoned some of the less popular policy planks in his 1996 platform, most notably a promise to sell BC Rail, as the prospect of the sale's consequences had alienated supporters in the Northern Interior ridings.

Campbell government: 2001–2011

[edit]
Party logo during the 2001 and 2005 elections

After a scandal-filled second term for the BC NDP government, the BC Liberals won the 2001 election with the biggest landslide in BC history, taking 77 of 79 seats. They even managed to unseat Premier Ujjal Dosanjh in his own riding. Gordon Campbell became the seventh premier in ten years, and the first Liberal premier in almost 50 years. Campbell introduced a 25% cut in all provincial income taxes on the first day he was installed to office. The BC Liberals also reduced the corporate income tax and abolished the corporate capital tax for most businesses (a tax on investment and employment that had been introduced by the New Democrats).

Campbell's first term was also noted for fiscal austerity, including reductions in welfare rolls and some social services, deregulation, the sale of some government assets (in particular the "Fast ferries" built by the previous government, which were sold off for a fraction of their price). Campbell also initiated the privatization of BC Rail, which the Liberals had promised not to sell in order to win northern ridings which had rejected the party in 1996 but reversed this promise after election, with criminal investigations connected with the bidding process resulting in the 2003 British Columbia Legislature raids and the ensuing and still-pending court case. There were several significant labour disputes, some of which were settled through government legislation but which included confrontations with the province's doctors. Campbell also downsized the civil service, with staff cutbacks of more than fifty percent in some government departments, and despite promises of smaller government the size of cabinet was nearly doubled and parliamentary salaries raised. Governance was also re-arranged such that Deputy Ministers were now to report to the Chief of Staff in the premier's office, rather than to their respective ministers. In the course of the cuts, hospitals, courthouses and extended care facilities around the province were shut down, particularly in smaller communities, and enforcement staff such as the BC Conservation Service were reduced to marginal levels. Various provincial parks created during the previous NDP regime were also downgraded to protected area status, meaning they could be opened for resource exploitation, and fees for use of parks were raised.

In 2003, a drug investigation known as Operation Everwhichway led to raids on government offices in the British Columbia Parliament Buildings in relation to suspect dealings concerning the sale of BC Rail to CN in a scandal which became known as "Railgate" and the trial of four former ministerial aides for influence peddling, breach of trust and accepting bribes.

Party logo during the 2009 campaign[29]

The Liberals were re-elected in the 2005 election with a reduced majority of 7 seats (46–33). The Liberals were again re-elected in the 2009 election.

Shortly after this election the introduction of the HST was announced, contrary to promises made during the election campaign.[30]

On November 3, 2010, facing an imminent caucus revolt over his management style and the political backlash against the Harmonized Sales Tax (HST) and the controversial end to the BC Rail corruption trial and with his approval rating as low as 9% in polls, Gordon Campbell announced his resignation.[31]

Clark government: 2011–2017

[edit]

The party's 2011 leadership convention was prompted by Gordon Campbell's request to the party to hold a leadership convention "at the earliest possible date".[32] The convention elected Christy Clark as its new leader of the party on February 26, 2011.[33] Clark and her new Cabinet were sworn in on March 14.[34]

Party logo during the Clark premiership

Under Clark, the party charted a more centrist outlook while continuing its recent tradition of being a coalition of federal Liberal and federal Conservative supporters. She immediately raised the minimum wage from $8/hour to $10.25/hour and introduced a province-wide Family Day similar to Ontario's. Clark became premier during the aftermath of the 2008–09 recession and continued to hold the line on government spending, introducing two deficit budgets before a balanced one for the 2013–14 fiscal year, which included a tax hike on high-income British Columbians. She also sought to take advantage of BC's liquified natural gas (LNG) reserves, positioning the budding LNG industry as a major economic development opportunity over the next decade. While the final years of Gordon Campbell's administration had seen far-reaching and progressive environmental legislation enacted, Clark was more measured in her approach to environmental policy. While continuing with BC's first-in-North-America carbon tax, she promised to freeze the rate during the 2013 election and her LNG development aspirations seemed to contradict greenhouse gas emissions targets set by the Campbell government in 2007. She also announced in 2012 that any future pipeline that crosses BC would have to meet five conditions that included environmental requirements and Indigenous consultation. Controversially, she indicated that one of her five conditions would be that BC receives its "fair share" of any revenues that accrue from increased pipeline and tanker traffic. This has put her in direct conflict with the province of Alberta, who sought increased market access for its bitumen through BC ports, yet adamantly refuse any arrangement which would see BC receive any royalties.

In 2011, Colin Hansen proposed the party change its name in order to avoid confusion with the unrelated Liberal Party of Canada and to better reflect its status as a coalition of many federal Conservative and Liberal voters.[29] He did not propose an alternative name. Clark said she would consider a name change but was not in "any rush to do it".[29] During the 2013 election, Clark entered the campaign low in public opinion polls and trailing her main rival, Adrian Dix of the NDP, by as much as 20 points. The BC Liberals campaign slogan was "Strong Economy, Secure Tomorrow" and highlighted a balanced budget and strong development opportunities in the LNG sector as a reason for voters to elect them for a fourth term in office. Clark brought in strategists affiliated with the Ontario Liberal Party, such as Don Guy and Laura Miller, and federal Liberal figures, such as Mike McDonald, to run her office and campaign. The BC Liberals came from behind to secure a fourth term in office; however, Clark was defeated in her Vancouver riding but won a subsequent by-election in the Okanagan riding of Westside-Kelowna. After the election, she sought a thawing of relations between BC and Alberta over future pipeline projects, signing onto former Alberta premier Alison Redford's National Energy Strategy. In early 2014, the Liberals brought down a second straight balanced budget and introduced legislation to change BC's liquor laws to allow liquor sales in some grocery stores and allow children to sit with adults in pubs and restaurants where liquor is served.

In the 2017 election, the BC Liberals' seat count was reduced to 43, one seat short of a majority.[35] On May 29, 2017, after final vote counting had completed, the BC NDP and the BC Green Party agreed to a confidence and supply agreement to ensure a stable minority government.[36] Their combined 44 seats give them an advantage over the BC Liberals' 43, which was sufficient to defeat Clark's government on a confidence vote on June 29, 2017, after which Clark resigned as premier (effective July 18, 2017) and the lieutenant governor asked NDP leader John Horgan to form a government.[37] Rich Coleman became the party's interim leader following Clark's resignation.

Official Opposition under Wilkinson and Bond: 2018–2022

[edit]
Party logo 2018–2023, the final logo under the BC Liberals name

Andrew Wilkinson was elected party leader on February 3, 2018.[38] He served as leader of the Opposition for two years.[39] During the 2020 general election, Wilkinson was criticized by party members, including the membership chair, for his delay in removing Laurie Throness, a candidate and former MLA who had made anti-LGBTQ statements.[40] After the party was defeated in the election, he resigned.[41] Shirley Bond served as the party's interim leader until the 2022 leadership contest.[42]

Falcon leadership, name change, and campaign suspension: since 2022

[edit]

Kevin Falcon, deputy premier under Clark, was elected leader of the BC Liberals on February 5, 2022.[25] During his leadership campaign, Falcon pledged to rename and rebrand the party. At the 2022 party convention, delegates passed a resolution to move forward with the name-change process, beginning with consultations with the party membership before putting it to a vote by the end of the year.[43][44] After a province-wide survey, "BC United" was put forward as the potential new name for the party.[45] The name was then put to party members on November 13,[46] and on November 16, it was announced that the name change had been approved by roughly 80 per cent.[47] The name change was later ratified and took effect on April 12, 2023.[24][48]

The name change preceded a significant drop in polling numbers for the party, with the BC Conservatives – led by former Liberal MLA John Rustad, who defected shortly before the name change was finalized – surpassing them as the second most popular party in the province according to polls. After polling at 33 percent in the immediate aftermath of the name change, BC United suffered a further MLA defection as BC United MLA Bruce Banman crossed the floor to the Conservatives, as the party dropped to 19 percent in the polls, 6 points behind the Conservatives by that September. In 2024, two more BC United MLAs, Lorne Doerkson and Elenore Sturko, defected to the BC Conservatives. In the second quarter of 2024, the BC Conservatives surpassed United in terms of money gained from donations.[49] In the lead-up to the 2024 election, BC United suffered further defections from members and candidates.[50] Some thought that the name change led to voters not knowing that BC United was a continuation of the BC Liberals;[51] a Léger poll released in October 2023 found that a third of voters did not know about the name change.[52] Another poll by Léger in August 2024 suggested that the party was primarily losing its traditional faction of voters who support the Conservative Party of Canada federally to the BC Conservatives.[53]

On August 28, 2024, Falcon announced that BC United would suspend its political campaigning, with Falcon endorsing the BC Conservatives, saying "John Rustad and I haven't always agreed on everything, but one thing is clear: our province cannot take another four years of the NDP." Falcon said this was done to prevent vote splitting in competitive ridings.[54][55] While 18 nominated BC United candidates, including five incumbent BC United MLAs, ran for re-election as independent or unaffiliated candidates in the 2024 British Columbia general election, none were successful.[56] Falcon remained as leader following the election. In February 2025, former BC United MLA Karin Kirkpatrick called for him to resign, saying that his continued presence was preventing the party from rebuilding and raising funds to pay its debts.[57] Falcon refused to resign, however, stating that a leadership contest would further drain the party's financial resources. Consequently, Kirkpatrick left the party and founded the CentreBC party with several other former BC United MLAs.[58]

Party leaders

[edit]
BC Liberal / BC United party leaders[59]
# Party leader Highest position Tenure Notes
1 Joseph Martin Premier September – October 1903 Martin was premier for 107 days in 1900, prior to the establishment of the Liberal Party
2 James Alexander MacDonald Leader of the Opposition October 1903 – October 1909
3 John Oliver Leader of the Opposition October 1909 – March 1912 First of two periods as leader
4 Harlan Carey Brewster Premier March 1912 – March 1, 1918 Liberal party shut out of the legislature 1912–1916
(3) John Oliver Premier March 1, 1918 – August 17, 1927 Second of two periods as leader
5 John Duncan MacLean Premier August 17, 1927 – October 1928
6 Thomas Dufferin Pattullo Premier October 1928 – December 9, 1941 Interim leader, October 1928 – January 1929
7 John Hart Premier December 9, 1941 – December 29, 1947
8 Byron Ingemar Johnson Premier December 29, 1947 – April 1953
9 Arthur Laing Leader of the third party April 1953 – May 1959
10 Ray Perrault Leader of the third party May 1959 – October 1968
11 Patrick Lucey McGeer Leader of the third party October 1968 – May 22, 1972
12 David Anderson Leader of the third party May 22, 1972 – September 28, 1975
13 Gordon Gibson Leader of the third party September 28, 1975 – February 19, 1979
14 Jev Tothill Party leader February 19, 1979 – May 25, 1981 Liberal party shut out of the legislature
15 Shirley McLoughlin Party leader May 25, 1981 – March 31, 1984 Liberal party shut out of the legislature
16 Art Lee Party leader March 31, 1984 – October 30, 1987 Liberal party shut out of the legislature
17 Gordon Wilson Leader of the Opposition October 30, 1987 – September 11, 1993
18 Gordon Campbell Premier September 11, 1993 – February 26, 2011
19 Christy Clark Premier February 26, 2011 – August 4, 2017
* Rich Coleman Leader of the Opposition August 4, 2017 – February 3, 2018 Interim leader
20 Andrew Wilkinson Leader of the Opposition February 3, 2018 – November 21, 2020[c]
* Shirley Bond Leader of the Opposition November 23, 2020 – February 5, 2022 Interim leader
21 Kevin Falcon Leader of the Opposition February 5, 2022 – present Last BC Liberal leader and first BC United leader

Election results

[edit]
Election Leader Candidates Votes % Seats +/− Position Legislative role Notes
1903 Joseph Martin 39 22,715 37.78%
17 / 42
N/A Increase 2nd Opposition Conservative majority
1907 James Alexander MacDonald 40 234,816 37.15%
13 / 42
Decrease4 Steady 2nd Opposition
1909 36 33,675 33.21%
2 / 42
Decrease11 Steady 2nd (tied) Opposition
1912 Harlan Carey Brewster 19 21,443 25.37%
0 / 42
Decrease 2 Decrease no seats No seats Conservative majority
1916 45 89,892 50.00%
36 / 47
Increase 36 Increase 1st Majority
1920 John Oliver 45 134,167 37.89%
25 / 47
Decrease 11 Steady 1st Majority
1924 46 108,323 31.34%
23 / 48
Decrease 2 Steady 1st Minority
1928 John Duncan Maclean 45 144,872 40.04%
12 / 48
Decrease 11 Decrease 2nd Opposition Conservative majority
1933 Duff Pattullo 47 159,131 41.74%
34 / 47
Increase 23 Increase 1st Majority
1937 48 156,074 37.34%
31 / 48
Decrease 3 Steady 1st Majority
1941 48 149,525 32.94%
21 / 48
Decrease 10 Steady 1st Minority
Coalition majority[d] Coalition with Conservative Party
1945 John Hart 47 261,147 55.83%
37 / 48
N/A Steady 1st Coalition majority[e] Coalition with Conservative Party
1949 Boss Johnson 48 428,773 61.35%
39 / 48
Increase 1 Steady 1st Coalition majority[e] Coalition with Conservative Party
1952[f] 48 180,289 23.46%
6 / 48
N/A Decrease 3rd Third party Social Credit minority
1953[f] Arthur Laing 48 171,671 23.59%
4 / 48
Decrease 2 Steady 3rd Third party Social Credit majority
1956 52 177,922 21.77%
2 / 52
Decrease 2 Steady 3rd No status
1960 Ray Perrault 50 208,249 20.90%
4 / 52
Increase 2 Steady 3rd Third party
1963 51 193,363 19.98%
5 / 52
Increase 1 Steady 3rd Third party
1966 53 152,155 20.24%
6 / 55
Increase 1 Steady 3rd Third party
1969 Patrick Lucey McGeer 55 186,235 19.03%
5 / 55
Decrease 1 Steady 3rd Third party
1972 David Anderson 53 185,640 16.40%
5 / 55
Steady Steady 3rd Third party NDP majority
1975 Gordon Gibson 49 93,379 7.24%
1 / 55
Decrease 4 Steady 3rd (tied) No status Social Credit majority
1979 Jev Tothill 5 6,662 0.47%
0 / 57
Decrease 1 Decrease no seats No seats
1983 Shirley McLoughlin 52 44,442 2.69%
0 / 57
Steady Steady No seats
1986 Art Lee 55 130,505 6.74%
0 / 69
Steady Steady No seats
1991 Gordon Wilson 71 486,208 33.25%
17 / 75
Increase 17 Increase 2nd Opposition NDP majority
1996 Gordon Campbell 75 661,929 41.82%
33 / 75
Increase 16 Steady 2nd Opposition NDP majority
2001 79 916,888 57.62%
77 / 79
Increase 44 Increase 1st Majority
2005 79 772,945 46.08%
46 / 79
Decrease 31 Steady 1st Majority
2009 85 751,792 45.83%
49 / 85
Increase 3 Steady 1st Majority
2013 Christy Clark 85 723,618 44.41%
49 / 85
Steady Steady 1st Majority
2017 87 735,104 40.85%
43 / 87
Decrease 6 Steady 1st Minority
Opposition NDP minority with Green Party confidence and supply
2020 Andrew Wilkinson 87 636,759 33.77%
28 / 87
Decrease 15 Decrease 2nd Opposition NDP majority
Changed name from BC Liberals to BC United in 2023
2024 Kevin Falcon Withdrew candidates from election.
0 / 93
Decrease 28 Decrease (No seats) No seats[g] NDP majority with Green Party confidence and supply

Source: Elections BC

BC United Youth

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BC United Youth (formerly BC Young Liberals before the 2022 rebrand) is the youth wing of the party. The executive board is elected at an annual general meeting and is composed of five youth members: president, vice president outreach, vice president events, vice president operations, and vice president communications. As of 2024, these positions are held by Harman Khosa, James Lehmann, Olivia Bray (formerly Olivia Wankling), Mark Dhillon, and Teddy O'Donnell, respectively.[61]

See also

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Notes

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
BC United, formerly the British Columbia Liberal Party, was a centre-right provincial political party in British Columbia, Canada, that operated from 1903 until its effective collapse following the 2024 general election. Despite bearing the "Liberal" name historically associated with classical liberalism, the party pursued neoliberal economic policies, fiscal conservatism, and resource development priorities, distinguishing itself from the federal Liberal Party's centre-left orientation. It achieved significant governance periods, notably under leaders Gordon Campbell (2001–2011), who introduced reforms like the harmonized sales tax and hosted the 2010 Winter Olympics, and Christy Clark (2011–2017), maintaining power until a narrow defeat to the New Democratic Party. The party's rebranding to BC United in April 2023 under Kevin Falcon aimed to broaden appeal amid voter confusion with federal Liberals but coincided with declining support, culminating in zero seats won in the October 2024 election after suspending its campaign in a failed merger attempt with the surging Conservative Party. This outcome reflected strategic missteps, including the rebrand's perceived dilution of its established identity, enabling Conservatives to consolidate the right-wing vote in a province facing economic pressures and policy dissatisfaction.

History

Formation and early provincial dominance (1903–1928)

The British Columbia Liberal Party was established in 1903 as provincial politics transitioned from non-partisan elections to organized party competition modeled on federal lines. Prior to this, governments had operated without formal party affiliations since British Columbia's entry into Confederation in 1871, with alignments often shifting based on individual leaders or regional interests. The party's formation aligned it with the federal Liberal Party's principles of reform and anti-corruption, positioning it as the primary opposition to the Conservative Party. In the inaugural partisan provincial election on October 15, 1903, the Liberals secured 17 seats in the 42-member Legislative Assembly, falling short of the Conservatives' 22 seats under Richard McBride, who formed the first party-based government. The Liberals, drawing support from urban reformers, labor elements, and federal Liberal sympathizers, criticized McBride's administration for favoritism in railway contracts and fiscal management but remained in opposition through subsequent elections in 1907 and 1912, where Conservatives maintained majorities. During this period, the party focused on advocating for resource development regulations, electoral reforms, and opposition to monopolistic corporate influences, though internal divisions and weak leadership limited its electoral gains. The Liberals achieved provincial dominance in the December 1916 general election, winning 34 of 47 seats amid widespread disillusionment with the Conservative government over wartime exemptions favoring businesses, railway project failures like the Canadian Northern Pacific, and corruption scandals. Harlan Carey Brewster, a Delta and since 1912, became , emphasizing practical governance, agricultural support, and infrastructure expansion such as the Pacific Great Eastern Railway completion. Brewster's sudden death from complications of on March 1, 1918, elevated John Oliver, his minister of agriculture and railways, to the premiership; Oliver was confirmed as and on March 6, 1918. Under Oliver, the Liberal government solidified its control through the 1920 and 1924 elections, securing majorities of 43 seats in 1920 and 34 in 1924, driven by policies promoting , highway construction (including the Trans-Canada Highway precursors), and settler incentives via the Soldier Settlement Board. Oliver's administration prioritized fiscal prudence post-World War I, rejecting while advancing resource extraction under regulated conditions, earning him the moniker "Honest John" for his straightforward agrarian focus and resistance to urban socialist influences. By the 1928 election, the Liberals retained power with 35 seats against 34 for Conservatives and one for the Provincial Party, maintaining dominance through coalition-like pragmatism despite emerging third-party challenges. This era marked the party's shift from opposition to entrenched governance, rooted in appeals to British Columbia's resource-dependent economy and rural base.

Economic challenges and leadership transitions (1928–1952)

In the 1928 provincial election, the Liberal Party, led by interim premier John Duncan MacLean following John Oliver's death in 1927, suffered a decisive defeat to the Conservatives under Simon Fraser Tolmie, securing only 12 seats out of 48 amid voter fatigue with the long-governing Liberals. Thomas Dufferin "Duff" Pattullo, who had assumed party leadership in 1928, became leader of the opposition as British Columbia entered the Great Depression, which devastated the province's export-dependent economy reliant on forestry, mining, and fisheries. Net production and export values plummeted by nearly 60% from 1929 levels, with unemployment peaking at 31% by 1931, exacerbating social tensions and prompting the Conservative government's establishment of relief camps for unemployed workers to undertake infrastructure projects like road-building. Pattullo's Liberals capitalized on widespread discontent with the Tolmie government's handling of , winning a majority in the 1933 election with 34 seats and 41.74% of the popular vote, allowing Pattullo to form a focused on recovery measures. His administration enacted progressive reforms including the Male and Female Minimum Wage Acts (), the Hours of Work Act limiting weeks to 48 hours, and expanded programs to combat and stimulate demand, though these faced resistance from business interests and were constrained by federal fiscal policies. The Liberals retained power in 1937 with 31 seats, but the rise of the (CCF) signaled growing left-wing appeal amid lingering economic hardship, including restrictions on relief aid to non-residents that sparked the 1938 "" protests and Vancouver riots. The outbreak of shifted economic dynamics toward wartime production, boosting employment and resource exports, but the 1941 election reduced the Liberals to a minority with 21 seats despite Pattullo's leadership. To counter the surging CCF, which captured 43.51% of the vote, Pattullo's entered a with the Conservatives in December 1941; Pattullo's refusal to fully embrace the arrangement led to his ouster, with John Hart assuming the premiership and leadership. Hart's , emphasizing fiscal prudence and war mobilization, secured a strong mandate in 1945 with 37 seats, overseeing post-war infrastructure like highways and hospitals funded by resource revenues. Hart retired in December 1947, paving the way for Byron Ingemar Johnson to become Liberal leader and of the continuing , which won 39 seats in the amid economic expansion from reconstruction demands. Johnson's tenure focused on stabilizing finances through balanced budgets and resource development, but internal tensions over policy differences—particularly Conservatives' push for freer enterprise—eroded unity by 1952. The 's dissolution ahead of the 1952 vote, where Liberals under Johnson won only 6 seats under the alternative voting system, marked the end of their dominant phase and highlighted the perils of prolonged alliances in a diversifying political landscape.

Marginalization amid social democratic rise (1953–1991)

Following the Social Credit Party's upset victory in the 1952 provincial election, which ended decades of Liberal-Conservative coalition dominance, the BC Liberal Party transitioned to a marginal third-party status, unable to capitalize on its historical base amid the reconfiguration of BC's political landscape. The Liberals, previously a centrist force emphasizing free enterprise and moderate reform, faced vote fragmentation as the anti-socialist Social Credit under consolidated right-leaning support, while the (CCF)—rebranded as the (NDP) in 1961—advanced social democratic policies appealing to labor and rural constituencies. This polarization left the Liberals squeezed, with their popular vote hovering around 20% in the and but translating into minimal legislative representation, often 0 to 4 seats in the 52-seat assembly. Election outcomes underscored this decline: in the 1953 vote using alternative voting, Liberals fielded 48 candidates but secured no seats and 23.6% of the vote, third behind 's 26 seats and the CCF's 19. By 1960, despite a steady 20.9% share, they won only 4 seats under leader Ray Perrault, dwarfed by 's 32 and the CCF/NDP's 16. Subsequent contests in 1963, 1966, and 1969 yielded 5-6 seats at peak but no breakthroughs, as Bennett's infrastructure-driven growth and resource development policies entrenched rule until 1972. The brief NDP interlude under (1972-1975) further highlighted Liberal irrelevance, with their 1972 vote dipping to 16.4% and zero seats amid the left's temporary surge on public investment platforms. The 1975 return of under , emphasizing fiscal restraint and deregulation, intensified Liberal erosion, as their vote plummeted to 7.2% and one seat in 1975, recovering modestly to 12.7-14.1% but still one seat by 1979 and 1983. By 1986, amid scandals plaguing the Bennett regime, Liberals managed just 6.7% and no seats despite fielding 51 candidates, reflecting internal disarray and failure to attract defectors from the faltering or NDP's organized base. Throughout, the party's inability to mount effective opposition—lacking charismatic leadership or distinct policy edges—allowed social democratic ideas, from resource nationalization to expanded welfare, to gain traction via NDP gains, even as blocked their governance until the late . Signs of revival emerged in , as leader Gordon Wilson, a former broadcaster, leveraged voter fatigue with Social Credit's austerity and corruption—exemplified by Premier Bill Vander Zalm's 1991 resignation over conflicts of interest—to surge the Liberals to 34% of the vote, 17 seats, and official opposition status for the first time since the , narrowly behind the NDP's 47 seats. This breakthrough, fueled by Wilson's debate performances critiquing both major parties' fiscal mismanagement, marked the end of four decades of obscurity, though it stemmed more from centrist protest than ideological renewal.

Revival as Official Opposition (1991–2001)

In the October 17, 1991, provincial election, the British Columbia Liberal Party, led by Gordon Wilson since 1987, achieved a breakthrough by capturing 17 seats and 33.1 percent of the popular vote (937,167 votes), forming Her Majesty's Official Opposition for the first time since 1952. This result marked a revival from the party's prior marginalization, where it held just two seats entering the contest, as voters rejected the long-governing amid economic recession and policy fatigue, while the (NDP) secured a with 47 seats and 40.7 percent of the vote. Wilson's leadership emphasized moderate policies, including fiscal restraint and environmental measures, which broadened the party's appeal beyond its traditional base in urban and rural ridings. Wilson's tenure ended amid controversy in early 1993, when revelations of his extramarital affair with deputy leader Judi Tyabji—both of whom were married at the time—sparked internal revolt, including caucus defections and public backlash that eroded party unity. Wilson resigned as leader in February 1993, prompting a leadership convention where former mayor Gordon Campbell, who had served from 1986 to 1993, emerged victorious on September 26, 1993, defeating Art Lee with 81 percent of delegate support. Campbell, a business executive with no prior legislative experience, focused on unifying the fragmented centre-right vote by recruiting former and Conservative members disillusioned after their parties' collapse, while shifting the Liberals toward pro-business stances on taxation, deregulation, and resource development. Under Campbell's direction, the party professionalized its operations, expanding membership to over 100,000 by the late and mounting aggressive critiques of the NDP government's fiscal deficits and fast-ferry project overruns. In the May 28, 1996, election, the Liberals increased their seats to 33 with 42.4 percent of the vote (745,756 votes), narrowly trailing the NDP's 39 seats and 39.5 percent, thus retaining official opposition status amid voter concerns over NDP scandals, including Premier Glen Clark's residence controversy. This gain reflected Campbell's strategy of positioning the party as a credible government-in-waiting, emphasizing and economic recovery, though and vote-splitting with the upstart Party prevented a Liberal majority. By 2001, sustained opposition pressure and NDP governance failures had elevated the Liberals' polling lead, culminating in their that year.

Governments under Campbell and Clark (2001–2017)

The BC Liberal Party, led by Gordon Campbell, formed government following a landslide victory in the May 16, 2001 provincial election, capturing 77 of 79 seats amid widespread backlash against the preceding NDP administration's fiscal mismanagement and scandals. The new government prioritized fiscal restraint, implementing tax reductions including a cut in personal income taxes by approximately 25% over its first term, alongside spending controls that enabled the province to achieve its first balanced operating budget since 1994 in the 2002–03 fiscal year. These measures contributed to per-person provincial debt falling to a low of $8,389 (inflation-adjusted) by 2008, with real GDP growth averaging 2.8% annually from 2001 to 2008. Campbell's administration pursued neoliberal reforms, including partial of public services, in sectors like and , and the introduction of a revenue-neutral on July 1, 2008, starting at C$10 per tonne of CO2 equivalent emissions, which was designed to incentivize efficiency without net revenue increase through offsetting tax cuts. The government also oversaw the successful hosting of the in Vancouver-Whistler, which boosted infrastructure development and despite initial cost overruns estimated at C$900 million beyond projections. However, policies such as the 2010 (HST) implementation—merging the 7% provincial sales tax with the 5% federal GST into a 12% rate effective July 1, 2010—sparked significant public opposition over increased costs for consumers, leading to a from June 13 to August 5, 2011, where 55% voted to repeal it, with the transition back to separate taxes completed by April 1, 2013. Labor disputes, including a prolonged 2002 teachers' strike resolved after federal intervention, highlighted tensions over contracts. Facing fallout from the HST reversal, Campbell announced his resignation as premier on November 3, 2010, and was succeeded by , who won the party leadership on February 26, 2011, and was sworn in on March 14, 2011. Clark's government maintained fiscal discipline, delivering balanced operating budgets through 2016–17 while emphasizing resource development, including advocacy for (LNG) exports and projects like the Trans Mountain expansion to diversify the economy beyond and . In the May 14, 2013 , the Liberals secured a narrow with 43 of 85 seats, defying polls that favored the NDP, amid a campaign focused on job creation targets of one million jobs by 2020. Economic performance remained robust, with continued low and credit ratings reflecting prudent management, though critics noted rising housing costs and uneven benefits from resource policies. Clark's tenure encountered controversies, including a 2015 RCMP investigation into ethnic-vote outreach efforts involving cash-for-access fundraisers, which raised questions about influence peddling though no charges resulted, and delays in LNG projects that fell short of promised economic multipliers. The repealed the HST as mandated but faced deficits emerging in 2017 due to spending and soft prices. Following the May 9, 2017 election, where Liberals won 43 seats but lost the confidence of the legislature to an NDP-Green , Clark resigned as on June 29, 2017, ending 16 years of continuous Liberal rule. Over the period, the governments reduced net -to-GDP ratios through growth-oriented policies, though absolute levels rose with and needs.

Opposition resurgence and internal shifts (2017–2022)

Following the May 9, 2017, provincial election, in which the BC Liberal Party won 43 seats—the largest share but insufficient to retain power amid an NDP-Green confidence-and-supply agreement—the party entered opposition for the first time since 2001. , who had served as premier since 2011, announced her resignation as party leader on July 28, 2017, effective August 4, with deputy leader Rich Coleman assuming interim leadership. A leadership election ensued, culminating on February 3, 2018, when , a former health minister and Vancouver-Kensington MLA, secured victory on the fifth ballot with approximately 62% of the vote, defeating rivals including Dianne Watts and Michael Lee. Under Wilkinson, the Liberals positioned themselves as fiscal watchdogs, critiquing the NDP government's spending increases, proposed ICBC rate hikes, and resource development delays, while advocating for tax cuts and streamlined regulations to bolster economic recovery. Internal tensions emerged, including debates over and candidate selections, but the party maintained cohesion as Official Opposition with 42 seats after a 2018 adjustment. The October 24, 2020, amid the marked a setback, with the NDP securing a of 57 seats and the Liberals dropping to 28 amid voter prioritization of pandemic response stability over opposition critiques of fiscal deficits exceeding $13 billion. Wilkinson resigned as leader on October 26, 2020, citing the need for renewal, and Trevor Halford served as interim leader while the party launched a leadership process in February 2021. The February 5, 2022, leadership contest saw former transport and finance minister prevail on the fifth ballot with 52.19% of points, ahead of competitors like Mike de Jong and Teresa Wat, on a platform emphasizing aggressive opposition renewal, deficit reduction, and resource sector expansion. Falcon's win signaled an internal pivot toward bolder economic messaging and caucus modernization, though early challenges included integrating new MLAs and navigating rising Conservative sentiment on the right. He secured a legislative seat via in Vancouver-Quilchena on May 1, 2022.

Rebranding to BC United and final campaign (2022–2024)

Kevin Falcon assumed leadership of the British Columbia Liberal Party on February 5, 2022, following Andrew Wilkinson's resignation after the 2020 election loss, positioning the party to challenge the NDP government with a focus on economic recovery and housing affordability. Under Falcon's direction, the party sought to modernize its image amid perceptions of outdated branding tied to the federal Liberal Party, whose national unpopularity under Justin Trudeau was seen as a liability in the province. On April 12, 2023, the party formally as BC United, a change approved by members to emphasize unity across British Columbia's diverse political, geographical, and social landscape rather than ideological labels associated with federal parties. described the new name as "new and exciting and fresh," aiming to broaden appeal beyond traditional bases in urban and resource-dependent regions. However, the rebranding drew criticism for erasing the party's historical legacy and creating voter confusion, with later acknowledging in August 2024 that it had not succeeded as intended. Heading into the 2024 provincial election scheduled for October 19, BC United campaigned on fiscal restraint, resource development, and opposition to NDP policies on taxes and , but polls consistently showed the party trailing both the NDP and the surging BC Conservatives. Internal divisions and the Conservatives' rapid rise under , who capitalized on dissatisfaction with established parties, eroded BC United's support among centre-right voters. On , 2024, Falcon suspended the party's campaign, endorsing the Conservatives to consolidate opposition votes against the NDP and prevent vote-splitting that could ensure an NDP majority. This move effectively concluded BC United's independent electoral effort, with no candidates projected to win seats on election day. Analysts attributed the decision partly to the rebrand's failure to differentiate the party amid a polarized electorate favoring clearer conservative alternatives.

Collapse, endorsement of Conservatives, and dissolution (2024–present)

In August 2024, BC United faced plummeting poll numbers amid the rise of the BC Conservatives, prompting leader to suspend the party's election campaign on August 28. This decision followed internal assessments that splitting the centre-right vote would benefit the incumbent NDP, with BC United averaging under 10% support in pre-suspension surveys. Falcon cited the need to unite "free-enterprise voters" against the NDP as the rationale, effectively halting nomination processes and candidate endorsements. Falcon's announcement included an endorsement of the BC Conservatives, led by , urging BC United supporters to back Conservative candidates in the October 19, 2024, provincial election. This move facilitated defections, including at least six sitting BC United MLAs who joined the Conservatives by early September, such as Elenore Sturko, Stephanie Cadieux, and Dan Coulter. Negotiations between the parties focused on candidate alignments to avoid overlaps, though some BC United incumbents ran as independents or under other banners. BC United confirmed on September 20, , that it would field no candidates in the , marking its absence from the for the first time since 1903. The party retained its Official Opposition status until the writ period ended but won zero seats on night, with former candidates and voters largely shifting to the Conservatives, who secured 44 seats. Post-election analysis attributed the collapse to the rebranding's failure to differentiate from the surging Conservatives, internal divisions, and voter fatigue with the party's centrist positioning. By late 2024, BC United grappled with financial distress, including a threat reported in December, as it had not formally disbanded but ceased operations. Under Elections BC rules, the party risks automatic deregistration if it fails to nominate at least two candidates in the next , though no formal dissolution vote or process had occurred as of October 2025. Remaining assets and membership have not reformed, rendering the party effectively defunct and accelerating the BC Conservatives' dominance on the provincial right.

Ideology and political positions

Economic policies and fiscal conservatism

BC United, as the successor to the British Columbia Liberal Party, has historically advocated for neoliberal economic policies emphasizing low taxes, restrained , and balanced budgets to foster private-sector growth and fiscal discipline. Under former Premier Gordon Campbell from 2001 to 2011, the party implemented significant reductions, including an average 25% cut across personal income rates, alongside controls on program spending growth that enabled multiple balanced budgets and reduction relative to GDP. These measures, credited with transforming 's economy from stagnation to one of Canada's strongest performers, prioritized incentives for investment and job creation over expansive public expenditures. During Christy Clark's premiership from 2011 to 2017, the party maintained by achieving balanced operating budgets annually and limiting per-person spending growth, though it introduced select tax increases such as on high earners and corporations to fund without net escalation. Clark's government was ranked highest among Canadian premiers for fiscal management by the , reflecting prudent resource allocation amid resource booms, but critics noted rising overall for capital projects exceeding $40 billion by 2017. The approach underscored a commitment to "core" fiscal balance—separating operating surpluses from investment deficits—while promoting trade liberalization and regulatory streamlining to enhance competitiveness. In its final iteration under Leader Kevin Falcon from 2022 to 2024, BC United recommitted to aggressive tax relief, pledging to eliminate provincial income tax on the first $50,000 of earnings for all residents, a measure projected to cost $5.4 billion annually but deliver $2,000–$3,000 in savings to typical families. Falcon promised to offset this through economic expansion, government efficiencies, and procurement reforms, targeting a balanced budget by the end of the first term without service cuts or new revenue sources, aligning with the party's longstanding view that tax reductions stimulate growth to sustainably fund public needs. This platform positioned BC United as a defender of fiscal restraint against perceived NDP profligacy, though its suspension of the 2024 campaign limited implementation.

Resource sector advocacy and environmental pragmatism

BC United, as the successor to the British Columbia Liberal Party, has consistently advocated for the expansion of the province's industries, viewing them as essential drivers of and job creation in rural and northern communities. , which contributes approximately 5% to 's GDP and supports over 50,000 direct jobs, has been a focal point, with the party pledging to streamline permitting processes and increase allowable annual cuts where ecologically sustainable to counter mill closures and declining timber supply amid wildfires and regulatory constraints. In , BC United emphasized accelerating approvals for critical minerals projects to capitalize on global demand for battery metals and rare earths, proposing reductions in bureaucratic delays that have stalled investments exceeding $10 billion since 2017. Similarly, in oil and gas, the party supported (LNG) exports as a bridge , committing to new and transmission to power facilities like , which began operations in 2025 and is projected to generate $20 billion in GDP over 15 years. This advocacy reflects a pragmatic environmental stance that prioritizes evidence-based regulation over restrictive policies, acknowledging trade-offs between conservation and economic imperatives. Under previous Liberal governments (2001–2017), initiatives like the revenue-neutral carbon tax introduced in 2008 aimed to incentivize emissions reductions through market mechanisms rather than outright bans, resulting in a 5–15% drop in per capita emissions by 2015 without net economic harm. The party framed major projects such as the Site C hydroelectric dam—approved in 2014 with a capacity of 1,100 MW to provide clean, baseload power—and LNG developments as net environmental benefits, arguing they displace coal-fired generation in Asia, potentially cutting global CO2 emissions by millions of tonnes annually despite construction-phase impacts. Critics from environmental groups contested these claims, citing habitat disruption and methane leaks, but BC United maintained that rigorous environmental assessments, such as those under the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, ensure viability without ideological vetoes. In the 2023–2024 period, leader reiterated this balance, opposing NDP-imposed moratoriums on old-growth logging while endorsing and to mitigate climate risks, positioning the party against what it described as unbalanced green policies that have led to a 20% decline in employment since 2017. This approach aligns with first-principles recognition of British Columbia's resource-dependent economy, where sectors like and account for over 10% of exports, advocating for innovation in low-emission technologies rather than de-growth mandates.

Social conservatism, law and order, and federal-provincial relations

BC United, formerly the British Columbia Liberal Party, adopted moderate positions on social issues, eschewing the strong seen in some right-wing parties elsewhere in . The party maintained no formal stances opposing , , or , reflecting its big-tent approach that prioritized economic and pragmatic policies over cultural debates. During leadership contests, candidates occasionally voiced personal reservations about euthanasia's expansion, but these did not translate to party platforms restricting access. This moderation aligned with the party's historical governance, including support for initiatives like Vancouver's under Premier Gordon Campbell, though later iterations under opposition critiqued expansions without emphasizing abstinence-only models. On law and order, BC United emphasized tougher enforcement and resources for public safety, positioning itself against perceived leniency in the NDP government. In its 2020 platform, the party pledged additional funding "to help fight crime and make sure police and prosecutors have the resources they need," targeting repeat offenders and urban disorder. Leader Kevin Falcon, elected in 2022, reinforced this by tabling private member's legislation in April 2024 to bar individuals convicted of dangerous offenses from legally changing their names, aiming to hinder evasion of justice. The party also opposed the NDP's 2023 drug decriminalization pilot, advocating a shift toward mandatory treatment for addicts committing crimes and criticizing broad decriminalization as exacerbating public disorder rather than addressing root causes like mental health. In federal-provincial relations, BC United advocated for greater provincial autonomy, frequently criticizing for policies that hindered resource development and imposed economic burdens on . Leaders like Falcon highlighted federal delays and regulatory hurdles on projects such as and pipelines, arguing they stifled jobs and revenue in favor of national environmental mandates misaligned with provincial needs. The party supported scrapping or reforming the federal , viewing it as punitive to BC's export-dependent economy without equivalent federal concessions, such as on softwood lumber disputes. This stance reflected broader tensions, with BC United positioning itself as a defender of regional interests against overreach, though specific endorsements often tied to economic rather than constitutional reforms.

Leadership and internal dynamics

List of party leaders

The British Columbia Liberal Party, rebranded as BC United in April 2023, has had four leaders since its emergence as the official opposition in the 1990s.
LeaderTook officeLeft officeNotes
Gordon CampbellSeptember 1993November 2010Led the party to government in 2001; served as premier until 2011.
Christy ClarkFebruary 2011August 2017Succeeded Campbell; served as premier until confidence vote loss in 2017.
Andrew WilkinsonFebruary 3, 2018February 2022Elected after Clark's resignation; led through 2020 election defeat; resigned following poor results.
Kevin FalconFebruary 6, 2022August 2024Won leadership race; oversaw rebranding to BC United; suspended campaign and endorsed Conservatives before dissolution.

Key leadership elections and transitions

Gordon Wilson resigned as BC Liberal Party leader in October 1993 following revelations of an extramarital affair with fellow MLA Judi Tyabji, which precipitated internal party turmoil. Gordon Campbell, then mayor of , won the subsequent leadership election in September 1993, securing the position after announcing his candidacy on May 5, 1993, and unifying a of federal Liberal, conservative, and independent elements within the provincial party. Campbell announced his resignation as leader and premier on November 16, 2010, amid controversy over the (HST) and personal fatigue after 17 years of leadership. The 2011 leadership election, held on February 26, saw emerge victorious on the third ballot against competitors including Moira Stilwell and Mike de Jong, positioning her as the 35th premier upon swearing in on March 14, 2011. Clark resigned as leader on August 4, 2017, after her government lost a confidence vote in the legislature, ending a minority administration formed post-2017 election tie. Andrew Wilkinson was elected leader on February 3, 2018, defeating Dianne Watts on the fifth ballot in a field that included Michael Lee, with Wilkinson's victory attributed to strong support from party members seeking a post-Clark renewal. Wilkinson resigned on October 26, 2020, two days after the party's worst electoral performance in decades during the 2020 provincial election, formally stepping down in February 2021 to allow for a successor selection. Kevin Falcon won the 2022 leadership election on February 5, prevailing on the fifth ballot with 52.19% of the vote against six rivals, including and Jason Kenney's endorsed candidate, emphasizing economic recovery and party rebuilding. Under Falcon, the party rebranded to BC United in 2023 to distance from federal Liberal associations and broaden appeal. Facing dismal polling ahead of the 2024 election, Falcon suspended the party's campaign on August 28, 2024, endorsing the BC Conservative Party and effectively dissolving BC United's electoral viability, with no subsequent leadership contest held.

Electoral performance

Summary of provincial election results

The British Columbia Liberal Party, the predecessor entity to BC United prior to its 2023 rebranding, dominated provincial politics from 2001 to 2017 by securing four consecutive majority governments under leaders Gordon Campbell and . The party's electoral success stemmed from strong support in urban and suburban areas, particularly the and Interior, where it emphasized economic growth, resource development, and fiscal restraint. In the 2017 election, despite winning a plurality of seats, the Liberals formed a short-lived reliant on support, which collapsed in 2018 amid a no-confidence vote, handing power to the NDP. The 2020 election marked a further decline, with the party—still operating as BC Liberals—capturing 28 seats and becoming the official opposition, though it achieved its highest popular vote share in over a decade amid pandemic-related dynamics favoring incumbents. Popular vote efficiency issues persisted, as the party's support was geographically concentrated but insufficient to translate into proportional seat gains under the first-past-the-post system. Following the rebranding to BC United in May 2023 under leader , internal divisions and low polling led to the party's collapse; it suspended its campaign in August 2024, endorsed the BC Conservative Party, and formally dissolved without fielding candidates or garnering votes in the October 19, 2024, election.
YearLeaderSeats Won / TotalPopular Vote (%)Government Status
2001Gordon Campbell77 / 7957.6Majority
2005Gordon Campbell46 / 7947.9Majority
2009Gordon Campbell49 / 8545.8Majority
201349 / 8543.6Majority
201743 / 8740.0Minority (lost power in 2018)
202028 / 8743.5Official Opposition
2024 (suspended campaign)0 / 930Did not contest; endorsed BC Conservatives

Voter base and regional strengths

BC United, previously known as the British Columbia Liberal Party, historically drew its voter base from a coalition of centre-right voters, including those aligned with federal Conservative and Liberal parties, business owners, suburban professionals, and communities in resource-dependent economies such as , , and . This amalgam reflected the party's positioning as a pragmatic alternative to the NDP's left-leaning policies, appealing to fiscal conservatives and moderates wary of progressive social agendas. Polling data prior to its 2023 rebranding indicated strong backing from established homeowners and ethnic minority groups in suburban areas, who prioritized and low taxes over urban-focused environmental or equity initiatives. The party's regional strengths were concentrated in the Interior of British Columbia, including the Okanagan Valley (e.g., Kelowna-Lake Country, Penticton), Kootenays (e.g., Trail South), and Northeast (e.g., Peace River North), where it consistently captured over 50% of the vote in provincial elections from 2001 to 2017 due to support from rural and semi-rural voters tied to industries. In the Lower Mainland, BC United maintained dominance in Fraser Valley suburbs like Chilliwack-Kent and Langley-Abbotsford, as well as Richmond ridings, which elected Liberal MLAs uninterrupted for nearly three decades until 2020, reflecting appeal among multicultural, entrepreneurial communities. Conversely, the party struggled in urban cores such as Vancouver city centre, the Capital Regional District (Victoria), and northern districts like Skeena or Vancouver Island's urban areas, where NDP support exceeded 40% in 2020, driven by denser populations favoring interventionist policies. By the 2020 election, BC United secured 15 seats primarily from these interior and suburban strongholds, garnering 43.5% of the popular vote overall but underperforming in Metro Vancouver's core (below 30% in many ridings) and outside select suburbs. The 2023 rebranding to BC United aimed to broaden appeal amid shifting demographics but coincided with declining support among younger voters (under 35), who gravitated toward emerging Conservative alternatives, contributing to the party's suspension of campaign activities in August 2024.

Organization and affiliates

Party structure and membership

BC United maintained a hierarchical structure typical of registered provincial parties under British Columbia's Election Act, featuring a provincial board of directors and executive committee that oversaw strategic decisions, financial management, and compliance with electoral regulations. The board, which addressed issues such as fundraising shortfalls and campaign viability, held authority over major operational matters, including the decision to suspend the party's full campaign on August 28, 2024, in favor of supporting the BC Conservative Party. The executive committee, comprising elected officials and riding association representatives, convened for key discussions, such as post-election financial planning in December 2024, amid ongoing debates about the party's viability. Local organization occurred through riding associations, one per provincial , which managed activities, candidate nominations, and member engagement. These associations elected presidents who participated in provincial-level consultations, contributing to decisions on and local campaigning. The party leader, since February 5, 2022, wielded significant influence over policy and electoral strategy, subject to by the board and input from constituency bodies. Membership was accessible to individuals supporting the party's free enterprise principles, with no publicly detailed annual fees; instead, donations triggered a complimentary four-year membership, entitling donors to voting rights in leadership elections and policy conventions. Eligibility aligned with provincial norms, requiring residency in and adherence to the party's non-partisan stance vis-à-vis federal affiliations. Specific membership figures were not disclosed in public filings, though the party's registered status with Elections BC persisted into 2025, despite its effective dissolution as a competitive entity following the October 19, 2024, election where endorsed candidates under the name secured no seats.

Youth wing and outreach efforts

BC United Youth functioned as the official of the party, having been established under its predecessor name as the BC Young Liberals prior to the 2023 rebranding. The organization focused on engaging members typically aged 14 to 35 through social and political activities, including an annual end-of-summer party held on August 24, 2023, which drew participation from youth members and party MLAs. It also promoted accessibility to party conventions via info sessions, such as one scheduled for April 20 at . Outreach efforts included a summer internship program offered in 2023, aimed at building professional skills, expanding networks, and providing hands-on experience in party operations for young participants. Campus-based chapters, such as those at the and , facilitated student involvement by hosting events, supporting candidates, and mobilizing among younger demographics. These initiatives sought to cultivate future leaders aligned with the party's free enterprise and opportunity-focused platform, though activity diminished following the party's campaign suspension on August 10, 2023.

References

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