Hubbry Logo
Bob RaeBob RaeMain
Open search
Bob Rae
Community hub
Bob Rae
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Bob Rae
Bob Rae
from Wikipedia

Robert Keith Rae[3] PC CC OOnt ECO KC (born August 2, 1948)[4] is a Canadian politician and diplomat who is the current Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations since 2020.[5] He will be succeeded by David Lametti on November 17, 2025.[6] Rae previously served as the 21st premier of Ontario from 1990 to 1995, leader of the Ontario New Democratic Party from 1982 to 1996, and interim leader of the Liberal Party of Canada from 2011 to 2013. Between 1978 and 2013, he was elected 11 times to federal (Broadview, Broadview-Greenwood, Toronto Centre) and provincial (York South) parliaments.[4]

Key Information

Rae was a New Democratic Party (NDP) Member of Parliament from 1978 to 1982. He then moved to provincial politics, serving as leader of the Ontario NDP from February 7, 1982, to June 22, 1996. After leading his party to victory in the 1990 provincial election he served as the 21st Premier of Ontario from October 1, 1990, to June 26, 1995, and was the first person to have led a provincial NDP government east of Manitoba. While in office, he brought forward initiatives which were unpopular with traditional NDP supporters, such as the Social Contract. Rae's government was defeated in the 1995 provincial election. His subsequent disagreement with the leftward direction of the NDP led him to resign his membership.

In 2006, he joined the Liberals; he had previously been a Liberal in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In 2006, Rae was a candidate for the leadership of the Liberals, finishing in third place on the third ballot. He returned to the House of Commons of Canada on March 31, 2008, as a Liberal MP after winning a March 17, 2008 by-election, holding the riding that had previously been held by Liberal Bill Graham. He was re-elected in the 2008 general election. Rae ran again as a candidate for the party leadership but withdrew on December 12, 2008. He was re-elected in the Toronto Centre riding in the 2011 general election and was named interim leader of the Liberal Party weeks later,[7] replacing Michael Ignatieff; he served in that position until Justin Trudeau's election as party leader in early 2013.[8]

On June 19, 2013, Rae announced that he would resign from parliament in order to become chief negotiator for James Bay area First Nations in their negotiations with the provincial government.[9] His resignation from parliament became effective July 31, 2013.[10] Rae joined Olthuis Kleer Townshend LLP, a law firm specializing in representing Aboriginal clients, as a partner in February 2014. Rae sits as an advisor to Canada's Ecofiscal Commission. Rae was Canada's special envoy to Myanmar from October 2017 to April 2018 and advised Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on the Rohingya crisis.[11][12][13] He is also a Senior Fellow to the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights and a Distinguished Fellow at the Munk School at the University of Toronto.[14] On July 6, 2020, his appointment as Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations was announced by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Family

[edit]

Rae was born in Ottawa, Ontario. His parents were Lois Esther (George) and Saul Rae,[15] an eminent Canadian career diplomat who had postings in Washington, Geneva, New York, Mexico, and The Hague.[16] Rae's paternal grandparents immigrated from Scotland, and his mother had English ancestry. Rae was raised as an Anglican. As an adult, he found out that his paternal grandfather was Jewish and was from a family of Lithuanian immigrants to Scotland.[17]

Rae's elder brother John A. Rae (born 1945) was an executive vice-president and director of Power Corporation and a prominent member of the Liberal Party. He was also an adviser to Jean Chrétien when he was Indian Affairs Minister in 1968, and then again from 1993 until 2003 while Chrétien was prime minister.[18][19] Rae's younger brother, David, was diagnosed with lymphatic cancer in 1987. Despite a bone marrow transplant from his brother, he died of leukemia in 1989 at age 32.[20]

Rae learned of his family's Jewish origins in 1968. The revelation had a strong impact on him: he sought to explore his Jewish culture, dated Jewish girls exclusively and ultimately married a Jewish woman.[21] Upon his marriage to Arlene Perly Rae, Rae agreed to raise their three daughters in his wife's Jewish faith.[22] Rae is a member of Holy Blossom Temple, a Reform Jewish congregation in Toronto.[23]

His uncle, the late Jackie Rae, was an entertainer and former host of The Jackie Rae Show on CBC and also performed on British television.

Early career

[edit]

Rae attended Crichton Street Public School in Ottawa, Horace Mann Public School and Gordon Junior High School in Washington, D.C. (1956–1961), and the International School of Geneva, Switzerland. His first job was a paper route delivering the Washington's Evening Star newspaper, which he later described as "one of the worst newspapers in the history of modern journalism". His customers included Richard Nixon and Estes Kefauver. Rae later joked that Kefauver gave him a $20 tip one Christmas, whereas Pat Nixon only gave him a quarter and made him more sympathetic to Democrats from that moment.[24]

Rae graduated with honours from University College, University of Toronto, where he also later received his law degree. Michael Ignatieff, who later became Rae's rival for the Liberal Party leadership, was his roommate for a time.[25] He first became involved in politics by volunteering on Trudeau's 1968 Liberal leadership campaign, and later worked on Liberal Charles Caccia's campaign in the 1968 federal election.[26] Rae and Caccia have remained personal friends through their political careers. During his final year as an undergraduate, Rae was a student representative on the Bissell Commission on University Government.[27]

As a result of his strong student record, Rae was awarded a Rhodes Scholarship to the University of Oxford,[28] where he studied at Balliol College, Oxford under Isaiah Berlin.[29] His Bachelor of Philosophy thesis criticized the cultural imperialism of early Fabian socialists in the United Kingdom, such as Sidney and Beatrice Webb. During his period in Britain he became involved with social work, helping squatters find rental accommodation in London. He attributes the experience with helping him develop a deepened commitment to social justice and, on his return to Canada in 1974 Rae joined the social democratic NDP.[30] He worked in labour law during the mid-1970s.[31][2]

Political career

[edit]

Federal New Democratic MP

[edit]
Rae speaks at a press conference, 1980

Rae was elected to the House of Commons of Canada in a 1978[2] by-election, defeating Progressive Conservative Tom Clifford by 420 votes in the Toronto riding of Broadview. Rae won the NDP nomination over former MP John Paul Harney and activist Kay Macpherson.[32]

He won a full term in the 1979 federal election from the renamed riding of Broadview—Greenwood,[2] and gained national prominence as the NDP's finance critic. When Clark's proposed budget came up for debate that December, Rae introduced a subamendment stating that the House of Commons did not approve of the budget.[33] It was this motion's passage that toppled Clark's government after only eight months.

Rae was elected to parliament for a third time in the 1980 federal election, and married Arlene Perly days later.[34] In caucus, he sided with party leader Ed Broadbent in supporting patriation of the Canadian Constitution with a Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[35] He also articulated his party's policy on the Canadian Bank Act, and criticized the Bank of Canada's high interest rate policy.[36][2]

Ontario NDP leader

[edit]

During the same period Rae was in Ottawa, the Ontario New Democratic Party was suffering from internal disunity under the leadership of Michael Cassidy. Cassidy resigned as leader after a poor performance in the 1981 provincial election, and a movement began to draft Rae as his replacement.[37] Rae initially declined a request from a provincial delegation led by Member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) Dave Cooke, but reconsidered after further entreaties from former Ontario NDP leader Stephen Lewis and many others.

Eleven of the party's 21 MPPs endorsed his candidacy, as did much of the labour movement. Rae's supporters in caucus were Marion Bryden, Brian Charlton, Dave Cooke, Odoardo Di Santo, Tony Grande, Donald C. MacDonald, Robert Mackenzie, Elie Martel, Ed Philip, George Samis and Mel Swart.[38] He was the most centrist candidate in the contest, and easily defeated Richard Johnston and Jim Foulds at a leadership convention in early 1982.

When Rae won the NDP leadership, the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party had governed Ontario since 1943 and was widely regarded as unbeatable. Rae was strongly critical of the Bill Davis government's approach to social issues, and used his acceptance speech to describe the PC Party's Ontario as "Toryland", "essentially a country club in which women and people of colour were not welcome". His comments were criticized by some in the media, though Rae himself would later write that his words seemed "particularly apt" in retrospect and "certainly aroused an angry response which often means a target has been hit".[39]

First session

[edit]

After Rae won the party leadership, there was a delay of several months before he was able to contest a by-election to enter the Ontario legislature. Members of Provincial Parliament (MPPs) Jim Renwick, Marion Bryden and Tony Grande all declined to relinquish their seats, before former party leader Donald C. MacDonald agreed to stand down in the York South constituency.[40] Rae defeated Liberal candidate John Nunziata, a York councillor in a by-election on November 4, 1982. Counting the leadership contest, this was his fifth election in just over four years.

The opposition Liberals were led by the inexperienced David Peterson. Many senior NDP strategists believed their party could surpass the Liberals for second place, and Rae and Peterson became frequent rivals for media attention and public support between 1982 and 1985.[41] The NDP took two seats from the Liberals in late 1984 by-elections, and polling by Decima Research from this period put them slightly ahead of the Liberals, although still well behind the PCs.

1985 election and the Liberal–NDP accord

[edit]

The NDP did not make the anticipated gains in the 1985 provincial election held on May 2, 1985. They won 25 seats out of 125, only a modest improvement from their 1981 showing. The Progressive Conservatives lost support after Davis retired and right-wing candidate Frank Miller was chosen as their new leader. However, it was the Liberals rather than the NDP who were able to reposition themselves in the political centre and reap the benefits of this change.

Rae nonetheless played a pivotal role in bringing the Progressive Conservative Party's 42-year dynasty to an end. The 1985 election resulted in a minority parliament, in which the Tories held four more seats than David Peterson's Liberals, but were eleven seats short of a majority. Rae entered into negotiations with both Premier Miller and Peterson, the latter begun by a phone call from Rae to Peterson shortly after election day. Rae and Peterson signed a "Liberal-NDP Accord"[2] in which the NDP agreed to support a Liberal government in office for two years. The Liberals, in turn, agreed to implement some policies favoured by the NDP. Rae had personally supported a full coalition, but did not strongly argue this case with other members of his party. Peterson later indicated that he would not have accepted a coalition in any event.[42][43]

The Progressive Conservatives were defeated in a no-confidence motion on June 18, 1985, and Lieutenant-Governor John Black Aird asked Peterson to form a new government. Rae himself moved the motion of non-confidence, as he had done in the defeat of Joe Clark's government six years earlier.[44] With support from Rae, Peterson's minority government implemented socially progressive legislation on matters such as pay equity, brought an end to extra-billing by doctors, and established campaign spending limits.[45] Rae often criticized Peterson's approach to specific issues, but never moved to bring down the government.[46]

Rae advocated pension reform in early 1986, following revelations that some corporate leaders in Ontario had been given permission to withdraw money from their employees' pension funds. He was especially critical of Conrad Black, who then held a controlling interest in Dominion Stores Ltd., for withdrawing $62 million at a time when many laid off company workers were unable to receive severance pay. During a legislative debate, Rae described Black as "that most symbolic representative of bloated capitalism at its worst".[47] The Liberal government declined to act on the matter. Later in the same year, Rae argued that the Peterson government should reform the Ontario Human Rights Code to include provisions for group defamation and systematic discrimination.[48]

Some members of the NDP disapproved of the party's accord with the Liberals.[49] Party activist Ian Orenstein challenged Rae for the provincial leadership in 1986 in a symbolic protest against the party's centrist tilt. Rae won without difficulty.[50]

Leader of the Opposition

[edit]

Peterson's minority government was very popular during its two years in office, and the Liberal Party won a landslide majority government in the 1987 provincial election, called after the conclusion of the Liberal-NDP accord. The NDP was reduced to nineteen seats and Rae was nearly defeated in his own riding, defeating high-profile Liberal challenger Alan Tonks by only 333 votes. The Progressive Conservatives under Larry Grossman suffered an even more serious defeat, falling to only sixteen seats. As a result, Rae became Leader of the Opposition once the legislature resumed.

In September 1989, Rae took part in a highly publicized protest in support of native land claims in the middle of the Temagami Forest in Northern Ontario. Following discussions with Chief Gary Potts, Rae agreed to participate in a road sit-in to protect a strand of old pine, a key aspect of the native claim. After the protest, Rae was escorted to a police wagon by members of the Ontario Provincial Police and driven to the nearby town of Elk Lake. He was not charged with an offense.[51]

There was considerable speculation that Rae would seek the federal NDP leadership in 1989, after the resignation of Ed Broadbent. High-profile party members such as former Ontario NDP leader Stephen Lewis, Allan Blakeney and Roy Romanow of Saskatchewan, Gary Doer of Manitoba and Alexa McDonough of Nova Scotia all encouraged him to run, as did several representatives of organized labour.[52] Expecting Rae to resign, Bud Wildman, Ruth Grier and Richard Johnston began preparing campaigns to succeed him as leader of the Ontario NDP. On October 5, 1989, however, Rae announced that he would not return to federal politics and would remain as provincial leader. Several of Rae's associates, including Arlene Perly Rae, declared their support for Howard McCurdy, and later moved to Audrey McLaughlin after McCurdy was dropped from the ballot at the leadership convention. Rae declined to endorse a candidate.[53]

Rae was an international observer for Lithuania's first multi-party elections in early 1990. A lifelong opponent of communism, he later wrote that he was impressed by the spirit of the opposition Sąjūdis party, which won the election.[54] He was also very critical of the Kremlin's harsh response to the opposition's victory.[55]

Election victory

[edit]

Peterson called a snap election for 1990. The NDP entered the campaign with low expectations, as the Liberals still held a significant lead in opinion polls and all signs indicated that they would win another majority government. Rae later acknowledged that he did not expect to win the election, and planned to leave electoral politics at some point in the next sitting of the legislature.[51] A number of prominent MPPs, including Richard Johnston, Marion Bryden and David Reville, chose not to seek re-election. Floyd Laughren was also planning to retire, but had not finalized his plans when Peterson dropped the writ.

Contrary to expectations, the Liberal Party's support base declined significantly in mid-campaign. The snap election was unpopular, and the Liberals suffered lingering effects from an earlier scandal involving Liberal fundraiser Patti Starr undermined public confidence in the government. Peterson's prominent role in drafting and supporting the troubled Meech Lake Accord for constitutional reform proved a particular liability. There were also signs of an economic downturn by this time and some believed that Peterson had called the snap election to avoid its full impact.[56] The Progressive Conservatives were led by the inexperienced Mike Harris, who ran a narrow campaign focused on tax issues and was unable to capitalize on the Liberal slide. As such, Rae's NDP was the primary beneficiary. Rae himself was more confident than in the 1985 and 1987 campaigns, and took a more aggressive stance against the Peterson government.[57] A poll taken late in the campaign showed the NDP holding a slight lead over the Liberals.[58]

The election results were nonetheless a surprise to political observers across the province, even to longtime NDP supporters. The NDP was elected to a strong majority government with 74 seats. The popular vote was very close, with the NDP outpolling the Liberals 37% to 34%. Several ridings were won by narrow margins. However, the NDP managed to take many seats from the Liberals in the Greater Toronto Area, and also did better than ever before (or in some cases, since) in many other cities and rural areas. Due to the nature of the first-past-the-post electoral system, which ignores the popular vote and only awards power based on the number of ridings won, this decimated the Liberal caucus. The Liberals lost 59 seats, the worst defeat in their history and the second-worst defeat for a governing party in Ontario. The NDP even managed to unseat Peterson in his own riding.[2]

Premier

[edit]
The Ontario Legislative Building, from which Rae governed Ontario as the first NDP premier of the province

On October 1, 1990, Rae was sworn in as the first, and to date the only, New Democratic premier of Ontario.[59][60] He also took the Intergovernmental Affairs portfolio, giving himself a direct voice in future constitutional negotiations.

Bob Rae was in power for 1650 days, the longest term for an Ontario premier since the Second World War. He became one of the few Ontario premiers who could speak French.[61]

He was very popular for his first six months as Premier, with a poll from March 1991 showing the NDP at 52% support.[62] The federal NDP also received 56% support in Ontario in a January 1991 poll.[63]

The government was unable to sustain its popularity, however, and by late 1992 had fallen to third place in public opinion polls. The party's popularity continued to ebb throughout 1993, followed by only a modest recovery in the next two years. This, among other factors, partially contributed to a significant decline in support for the federal NDP.[citation needed]

There are many reasons for the Rae government's loss of popularity between 1991 and 1993. The NDP had never governed Ontario before, and Ontario was experiencing its worst recession since the Great Depression. The government backtracked on several campaign promises, most notably the introduction of public auto insurance, which caused disagreements among the party and supporters, especially from members of the progressive wing of the party such as cabinet ministers Howard Hampton and Shelley Martel. A number of scandals in cabinet and caucus due to the large number of rookie MPPs also cut into the government's popularity.[citation needed]

In the 1993 federal election, the NDP fell to a historic low of 6% support in Ontario. All 10 New Democrat MPs from Ontario lost their seats to Liberal challengers as the Liberals won all but one seat in the province. Besides many NDP supporters nationwide voting Liberal to ensure that the Conservatives would be defeated (to avoid the vote-splitting of the 1988 election), the Rae government's unpopularity was a major factor in the federal NDP's losses. On the day after the election, defeated MP Steven Langdon called on Rae to resign. Langdon had openly campaigned against Rae's austerity measures. Although he lost by 13,000 votes to the Liberal candidate, he received a higher percentage of votes than any other NDP candidate in the province.[citation needed]

Notwithstanding its setbacks, the Rae government achieved some positive accomplishments during its time in office. It saved many jobs in northern Ontario through its bailout of Algoma Steel, and negotiated a similar contract for paper mill workers in Kapuskasing. Other popular initiatives included the TTC Eglinton West subway line in Toronto (even though the official transit plan only recommended a busway for current needs), support for public housing, and the Jobs Ontario job creation program. Rae's decision to approve casino gambling for the province was also opposed by many in the party but it provided a steady source of revenue.[citation needed]

Rae's Government policies

[edit]
Economic policy
[edit]

Ontario's economic forecast was bleak when Rae took office in October 1990. The Liberal government had forecast a small surplus earlier in the year, but a worsening North American economy led to a $700 million deficit before Rae took office.[64] In October, the NDP projected a $2.5 billion deficit for the fiscal year ending on March 31, 1991.[65] Some economists projected soaring deficits for the upcoming years, even if the Rae government implemented austerity measures.[66] Rae himself was critical of the Bank of Canada's high interest rate policy, arguing that it would lead to increased unemployment throughout the country.[67] He also criticized the 1991 federal budget, arguing the Finance Minister Michael Wilson was shifting the federal debt to the provinces.[68]

The Rae government's first budget, introduced in 1991, increased social spending[61] to mitigate the economic slowdown and projected a record deficit of $9.1 billion. Finance Minister Floyd Laughren argued that Ontario made a decision to target the effects of the recession rather than the deficit, and said that the budget would create or protect 70,000 jobs. It targeted more money to social assistance, social housing and child benefits, and raised taxes for high-income earners while lowering rates for 700,000 low-income Ontarians.[69]

Labour policy
[edit]

In April 1991, the government introduced a one-year program to protect the pay of workers whose firms had shut down due to the recession. Labour Minister Bob Mackenzie estimated that the plan would help 56,000 workers.[70]

Rae claims he faced a true emergency in the spring of 1993 a crisis of government on which he had to act. Upon returning from Davos, Rae gave a speech on 9 February describing international business leaders' despair over government deficits and inefficiencies in Europe, where they stressed "the worldwide trend to redesign organizations, downsizing wherever possible and trying to make their organizations more responsive". Rae left Davos convinced that major changes in Ontario public services were needed, where these changes were of the kind long-proposed by the more conservative and business leaders of Ontario.[71]

Indeed, [Rae's] speech to the U. of T. students was so emphatic on the importance of making government more efficient and cutting spending that reports, remembering the antagonism between Mr. Rae and business leader Conrad Black, joked that the Premier had gone from being 'Comrade Bob to Conrad Bob'

— Richard Mackie[71]

As a result, his government brought in the Social Contract, austerity legislation which reopened collective bargaining agreements with the province's public sector unions. This legislation imposed a wage freeze and introduced what became known as "Rae days", requiring civil servants to take up to twelve days off without pay per year.[72] These measures generated nearly 2 billion dollars in savings for Ontario, without laying off any public sector workers.[72] These cutbacks led to a falling-out with both the public sector unions, most notably Ontario Public Service Employees Union (OPSEU), and the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW) and its leader Buzz Hargrove. Sid Ryan, Ontario President of the Canadian Union of Public Employees stated that Rae's passing of the "Social Contract" was unforgivable.[72][73]

Macleans reported that Rae had been delivered "a secret ultimatum" "by Canadian and international bond dealers". If he didn't get the deficit under $10 billion, they would demand junk-bond interest rates in order to finance Ontario's debt. Richard Walkom suggested it was a sudden panic of an NDP party aware of the stereotype it could not manage a budget, using the crisis as an opportunity to demonstrate it would use extreme measures in the appropriate circumstances. Regardless of whether Davos visit provided an epiphany, pressure or panic, this event is agreed as the beginning of the Ontario government's concessions to international corporations.[71]

Indeed, no less than a year later at Davos, Rae arrived as a pro-business head of government. He approached the World Economic Forum as a unabashed champion of the international corporation working against the expansion of workers' wages and government services. He proposed giving a large majority of Ontario's investment planning to international banking and securities firms, meeting with Deutsche Bank, Goldman Sachs and Nomura Securities, all of whom sold Ontario bonds on the global market. Instead of selling more bonds, he was now asking them to "sell Ontario through their global networks", looking to "plug into" them instead of spending government money to control publicly-controlled avenues to investment.[71]

This breach between the NDP and the labour movement struck at the party's foundations. The NDP was founded as an alliance between the old Cooperative Commonwealth Federation and the labour movement, and Rae's policy decisions alienated many traditional NDP voters. Thousands of members resigned from the party, and several unions turned against the NDP and vowed to defeat the government in the next election. The Rae government later attempted to regain labour support by passing Bill 40, a measure which (among other things) introduced anti-scab provisions to the province. This was not enough to bridge the gap with organized labour, however, and the party was unable to regain significant union support.[citation needed]

Health policy
[edit]

As Premier, Rae placed a cap on enrollment into medical schools.[74] The Rae government also delisted home care from OHIP coverage but introduced a new comprehensive program to deliver the service mostly on a non-profit basis by publicly run, regional multi-service agencies and passed the Home Care and Community Services Act, 1994 to facilitate this. The Harris government subsequently rejected this model for a brokerage model in which Community Care Access Centres would hire a home care provider to service a region rather than provide the service directly and lifted the 10% limit on the use of for-profit service delivery that the Rae government had imposed.[75]

Auto insurance
[edit]

The New Democratic Party campaigned on a promise to introduce public auto insurance in the 1987 and 1990 campaigns. After assuming office, Rae appointed Peter Kormos, one of the most vocal proponents of public insurance, as the minister responsible for bringing forward the policy.[76] With the onset of the recession, however, both business and labour groups expressed concern about layoffs and lost revenues.[77] The government backtracked from the policy in 1991. Kormos, who had already been dropped from cabinet, became Rae's most vocal critic in the NDP caucus.

Social policy
[edit]
Rae with George Smitherman at the 2008 Pride Toronto parade

Rae's government attempted to introduce a variety of socially progressive measures during its time in office, though its success in this field was mixed. In 1994, the government introduced legislation, Bill 167, which would have provided for same-sex partnership benefits in the province. At the time, this legislation was seen as a revolutionary step forward for same-sex recognition. It was defeated, however, when twelve NDP MPPs (including two junior ministers) voted against it, while the opposition Liberals led by Lyn McLeod also withdrew their support.[citation needed]

The Rae government established an employment equity commission in 1991,[78] and two years later introduced affirmative action to improve the numbers of women, non-whites, aboriginals and disabled persons working across the private and public sectors.[79] This policy was controversial, and it cost the NDP support among its unionized working-class base of support.

In November 1990, the Rae government announced that it would restrict most rent increases to 4.6% for the present year and 5.4% for 1991. The provisions for 1990 were made retroactive. Tenants' groups supported these changes, while landlord representatives were generally opposed.[80] Dave Cooke, the minister responsible for implementing the policy, later announced that he would work to factor in the costs of legitimate building renovations.[81]

When campaigning in 1990, Rae promised that he would eliminate food banks through anti-poverty initiatives. After taking office, however, his government committed a significant sum of money to support Ontario's existing food banks. Gerard Kennedy, leader of the Daily Bread Food Bank in Toronto, criticized Rae for not targeting the money toward affordable housing and welfare reforms.[82] In April 1991, Community and Social Services minister Zanana Akande announced that food banks would have to remain open in light of changed economic circumstances.[83]

Rae increased the basic social assistance allowance by 7% in 1991, and increased the maximum payment for shelter allowances by 10%.[84]

Rae supports abortion rights, saying "The rights of women to choose, to have control over their own bodies, is not a right which is going to be taken away by the Parliament of Canada, and it is not a right which should be subject to some private member's bill which is going to affect the rights of women to have choice, to have genuine equality and to have full and complete access to the medicare and the health care that they need."[85]

Aboriginal issues
[edit]

Soon after assuming office in 1990, Rae announced his support for native Canadians' "inherent right to self-government".[86] He later worked to help six aboriginal bands in Northern Ontario gain reserve status,[87] and called for self-government on the Akwesasne Indian Reserve, in part to help the reserve leaders combat smuggling.[88] Rae also pushed for native rights to be included in future constitutional reforms.[89]

Energy policy
[edit]

In November 1990, the Rae government announced an indefinite moratorium on the construction of new nuclear plants in Ontario.[90] He consistently opposed plans to privatize Ontario Hydro.[91]

Intergovernmental affairs and Quebec status
[edit]

In March 1991, Rae announced that he would support a new round of constitutional negotiations between the federal government and the provinces, which ultimately proved to be unsuccessful. He indicated that Ontario was willing to recognize Quebec as a distinct society, and called for aboriginal and women's rights to be entrenched in the Canadian Constitution. Rae also supported the creation of a "social charter", to establish national standards for social programs such as medicare.[92]

Early in his term, Rae indicated that his government would continue a long-standing development freeze in Toronto's Harbourfront area, to ensure the survival of cultural programs in the area.[93]

Rae was initially one of the most prominent opponents of the North American Free Trade Agreement in Canada. During a meeting with Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari in 1991, he argued that any proposed North American free trade zone would have to incorporate common environmental and labour standards.[94]

Law enforcement
[edit]

Rae endorsed Susan Eng's successful bid to chair the Metro Toronto Police Services Board in early 1991, over the opposition of several police officers.[95] Rae later introduced policies requiring Ontario police services to hire more women, disabled people, native Canadians and members of visible minority groups.[96]

Sunday shopping
[edit]
Retail stores along Yonge Street in Toronto, circa 1990, at a time when the issue of Sunday shopping was being debated in Ontario

When Rae assumed office, the Retail Business Holidays Act of Ontario had recently been found unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Ontario, meaning that many stores were allowed to open legally on Sundays for the first time. Rae announced that his government planned to introduce legislation for a "common pause day" across Ontario, "to help strengthen family and community life while protecting small business and the rights of workers". In practice, this initiative would have required many retail establishments to close on Sundays, with exemptions for religious minority communities.[97] The province also appealed the court ruling to a higher court, the Ontario Court of Appeal, which restored the previous status quo.

However, many retail owners as well as members of the general public preferred Sunday shopping to be legal, and in 1992 the Rae government yielded to the pressure and reversed its position, amending the Retail Business Holidays Act so that only statutory holidays, and not Sundays, would be common pause days.[98][99]

Education – A Royal Commission
[edit]

The Rae government created a Royal Commission on Learning – co-chaired by Gerald Caplan and Monique Bégin – which delivered its report and recommendations: "For the Love of Learning" in January 1995. Among the reports' more prominent recommendations were:

  • the creation of a common curriculum for Ontario schools
  • the equalization of funding per pupil
  • the elimination of grade 13
  • the appointment of pupil representatives on Ontario school boards
  • the creation of a College of Teachers (recommendation #58)
  • the implementation of uniform testing of students at various grade levels.[100]

1995 election

[edit]

Rae's popularity had recovered somewhat by 1995, but by the time the writs were dropped for that year's provincial election it was obvious that the NDP would not be re-elected.[101]

The official opposition Liberals were expected to be the primary benefactors of the NDP's unpopularity, having recovered from their severe defeat of five years earlier, and leading in opinion polls since 1992. However, several unpopular policy reversals and mistakes by Liberal leader Lyn McLeod allowed Mike Harris and the Tories to benefit from the swing in support away from the NDP. During the leaders' debates, while Rae and McLeod traded barbs, Harris used his camera time to speak directly to the camera about the PC's platform. Several working-class ridings which had long voted NDP became disgruntled with the party due to the Social Contract and affirmative action, so they were attracted by Harris' populism and shifted to the Tories. While the NDP polled considerably better in northern Ontario than it did in 1990, it lost much of its support in rest of the province, especially the 905 region where they had won many seats five years earlier. In the end the Tories shot from third place to a landslide majority government, sweeping the NDP from power. The Liberals lost six seats, but retained their status as the official opposition, while the NDP fell to only seventeen seats and third place in the Legislative Assembly.[citation needed]

Rae himself was reelected in his own riding by over 3,000 votes. However, on February 29, 1996; he resigned as NDP leader and MPP for York South and moved to positions in law, academia and the private sector. He joined the law firm of Goodmans LLP.[2] He was eventually succeeded as party leader by Howard Hampton, who was formerly Natural Resources Minister in Rae's cabinet and a longtime left-wing rival. Liberal Gerard Kennedy succeeded Rae as MPP for York South.[2]

After NDP

[edit]

Rae resigned from the New Democratic Party in 1998 due to his appointment to the Security Intelligence Review Committee. There was some speculation that Prime Minister Jean Chrétien would have him appointed Governor General in 1999, but he was passed over in favour of Adrienne Clarkson.[102] There was further speculation that Rae would return to the federal Liberals and run under their banner in the 2000 election, though nothing came of this at the time.[citation needed]

Rae was made an Officer of the Order of Canada in 2000, and in 2004 he was appointed to the Order of Ontario.[citation needed] He was appointed the sixth chancellor of Wilfrid Laurier University on July 2, 2003, and was installed at that school's fall convocation in October.[citation needed] Rae also became a partner at Goodmans LLP, a Toronto-based corporate law firm, an adjunct professor at the University of Toronto, and a Senior Fellow of Massey College.[citation needed] He has written a number of books: From Protest to Power: Personal Reflections on a Life in Politics (1996), Three Questions: Prosperity and the Public Good (1998), Canada in the Balance (2006), Exporting Democracy: The Risks and Rewards of Pursuing a Good Idea (2010), and What's Happened to Politics? (2016). He was the national spokesperson for the Leukemia Research Foundation.[citation needed]

Rae helped the Toronto Symphony Orchestra restructure following an extended strike by its musicians at the beginning of the 1999–2000 season.[2]

Rae returned to active politics on April 16, 2002, two days after Mike Harris announced his resignation as premier, with an opinion piece in the National Post newspaper. In an article entitled, "Parting Company with the NDP", Rae strongly criticized what he perceived as a bias against Israel in the federal party, and also criticized the NDP for rejecting Tony Blair's Third Way concept and for refusing to accept globalization and open markets. He suggested that the party's economic policies were insufficient for the 21st century, and that the party as a whole was no longer "worthy of support".[103]

The Ontario NDP distanced itself from Rae's policies under Hampton. During the 2003 provincial election, Hampton argued that Rae was wrong to reverse the NDP's commitment to public auto insurance. The party's relations with the labour movement have not completely healed, although the situation has improved since 1993. Relations with the CAW remain especially fraught, and memories of the social contract have hurt the NDP's credibility with a new generation of public sector workers, despite the party's efforts to distance itself from the measure. Nonetheless, the Ontario NDP remained in third place in the Legislative Assembly, and would not win more than 20 seats in the legislature until 2014 under Hampton's successor, Andrea Horwath. It would not come out of the political wilderness until 2018, when it won 40 seats–its most since 1990–and opposition status.

Rae worked on the Red Cross tainted blood issue and also worked towards a resolution of the fishing conflict in Burnt Church, New Brunswick.[104]

In 2005, Rae wrote a report for the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty on post-secondary education, commonly referred to as the Rae Report.[104] His report called for increased government funding to colleges and universities, and enhanced student aid especially for low-income students. The report also suggested that individual institutions ought to be able to determine what rate of tuition fees to charge, free from government controls, which generated controversy. Student groups including the Canadian Federation of Students have objected, noting the significant recent increases in tuition fees in Ontario under the government of Mike Harris, and the 57 per cent increase in tuition fees during Rae's own tenure as premier. Ontario NDP leader Howard Hampton also criticized the report. Rae defended his report, arguing that low income non-university individuals would not benefit from a tuition freeze/lowering, as well as being forced to bear the tax burden needed to enact it.[citation needed]

Rae has also become involved with international issues; in 2002 and 2003, as chair of the Forum of Federations he helped oversee constitutional discussions between the government of Sri Lanka and Tamil Tiger rebels.[105] On April 26, 2005, he was appointed to advise Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan on whether or not there should be a government inquiry into the 1985 Air India disaster. On November 23, 2005, Rae recommended further inquiry into the investigation and prosecution.[106]

In July 2005, The Globe and Mail and the National Post both reported that Rae was again being considered for appointment to the position of Governor General.[citation needed] However, Rae was passed over again, this time in favour of Michaëlle Jean.

Return to politics as a Liberal

[edit]
Rae attending a protest in Toronto Centre

In a July 2005 interview with Michael Valpy, Rae indicated that he was still committed to public life and public service. Valpy's feature on Rae included a comment by Arlene Perly Rae that he could return to politics if there was a national unity crisis.[citation needed]

On November 23, 2005, Rae presented his recommendations that there should be a formal but focused inquiry into the Air India disaster. Two days later, Deputy Prime Minister Anne McLellan announced Rae's appointment to conduct a limited inquiry into Air India under a government order-in-council. Rae produced a comprehensive report outlining the key issues that could be addressed, leaving Air India Victims' families spokeswoman Lata Pada "encouraged that demands for answers will be addressed".[citation needed]

On August 24, 2005, the Toronto Star reported that Rae was under "mounting pressure" to run for the federal Liberals in the 2006 general election. Though it was unclear how long the Air India inquiry was to last, Rae's appointment precluded any possibility of his running as a candidate in the January 23 election. A poll by SES Research suggested that Rae was tied for second place behind Frank McKenna as a prospective candidate to lead the federal Liberals. McKenna decided afterwards not to contest the leadership.[citation needed]

The new government of Stephen Harper appointed a judge to handle the Air India inquiry in March 2006 thus releasing Rae from his previous commitment and freeing him for a possible run for the Liberal Party leadership.[citation needed]

In a speech to the Canadian Club of Winnipeg on March 13, 2006, Rae expressed his interest in uniting the "progressive" forces of Canada to regain a majority government in the House of Commons of Canada. "There's a progressive record that's shared by a majority of Canadians, but so far, we have not succeeded in becoming a majority in the House of Commons, so we must think a bit about how that can happen."[2]

2006 leadership election

[edit]
Bob Rae speaking to the press on Day 1 of the Liberal Leadership Convention in Montreal

On April 5, 2006, Rae applied for membership in the Liberal Party of Canada. His candidacy for the federal party leadership was supported by Greg Sorbara and George Smitherman,[107] former Chrétien aides Eddie Goldenberg and Rae's brother John,[108] as well as former top Martin advisor John Webster and others associated with the Martin camp.[109] He announced his candidacy on April 24, 2006. At his campaign launch he responded to his critics by saying, "I made mistakes before I was in politics, I made mistakes when I was in politics, I made mistakes as premier ... I can only tell you I have learned from those mistakes and I am the wiser for them."[110] Rae's predecessor as premier, David Peterson, who was supporting Michael Ignatieff, criticized Rae's entry into the race due to his record as NDP provincial premier, though insisting that he did not hold a personal grudge against Rae.[111]

On May 12, 2006, Trudeau-era Deputy Prime Minister Allan MacEachen backed Rae's leadership bid becoming honorary campaign chair.[112] On June 16, former Ontario Liberal Party leader and provincial treasurer Robert Nixon, who sat as leader of the opposition to Rae's Ontario government for a time, endorsed Rae.[113] He was also endorsed by MPs Irwin Cotler, Ujjal Dosanjh, Lawrence MacAulay, Diane Marleau and Brian Murphy, as well as several Senators.[114] Rival candidate Maurizio Bevilacqua withdrew from the contest on August 14 to endorse Rae,[115] and Carolyn Bennett did the same on September 15,[116] followed by Hedy Fry on September 25[117] and John Godfrey on October 20. On the night of December 1 at the Convention, Rae spoke freely without notes rather than make a formal speech.[citation needed] Rival candidate Joe Volpe announced his support for Rae after the speeches were concluded. On the morning of December 2, after finishing second on the first ballot, rival candidate Scott Brison, moved to Rae and yet another rival candidate, Ken Dryden, moved to him after the second ballot. However, Rae lost his bid for the leadership in the third round of Convention balloting, placing third behind both Michael Ignatieff and Stéphane Dion, who had leapfrogged into first after receiving the support of Gerard Kennedy. Rae then freed his delegates and did not indicate whom he supported on the final ballot; Dion won the leadership.

Despite the loss of the Liberal leadership, Rae had indicated that he would like to run for a federal seat in the House of Commons in the next federal election.[118] On March 7, 2007, Rae announced that he would seek the Liberal nomination in Toronto Centre.[119] On March 26, 2007, he won the party's nomination, defeating Toronto lawyer and human rights advocate Meredith Cartwright with 532 votes to her 267.[120]

Several days following his defeat at the leadership convention it was reported that Rae's wife, Arlene Perly Rae was approached by a delegate who did not know who she was, and who told her that she should not vote for Rae because his wife is Jewish. A flyer was also sent electronically to convention delegates, stating that Rae's wife was a vice-president of the Canadian Jewish Congress and that he was a supporter of Israeli apartheid.[121] The Canadian Press reported that the flyer was produced by Ron Saba, the editor of a small Montreal journal. Newly elected Liberal leader Stéphane Dion issued a press release condemning the "hateful comments" made against Rae and his wife, saying that they are "reprehensible and will not be tolerated within the Liberal Party of Canada", adding that "there is no room for abhorrent comments such as these within our Party".[122]

Rae was named co-chair of the Liberals' platform development committee, with Scott Brison.[2]

Federal Liberal MP

[edit]
Rae and Ignatieff in 2011

In the by-election held on March 17, 2008, Rae won handily.[2] Toronto Centre had historically been one of the few ridings in the former Metro Toronto where the old Progressive Conservatives had a realistic chance of winning. However, since 1993, the Liberals have dominated the riding (as has been the case with most Toronto ridings), carrying it by 10,000 votes or more. Rae kept this tradition going; he finished almost 11,000 votes ahead of his closest opponent and with more than 4,400 votes than his five opponents combined (14,187 to 9,764). Rae's candidacy was endorsed by the former Conservative candidate Mark Warner, who was dropped due to disagreements with the party on social and urban issues. Rae had denounced the Tories' decision to drop Warner, calling it a "national disgrace."[123]

Rae returned to Parliament on March 31, 2008, after a 25-year absence. He was immediately promoted to the Liberal shadow cabinet as Foreign Affairs critic (shadow foreign minister). In that role he publicly supported Iraq War resisters seeking asylum in Canada before and during the 2008 election campaign. He was re-elected to his Commons' seat in the fall 2008 federal election. When Dion announced that he would resign the leadership in May 2009 after the party's poor results, Rae became a candidate in the ensuing Liberal leadership election.[citation needed]

Rae took part in negotiations for the Liberals to form a coalition with the NDP, with support from the Bloc Québécois. They planned to pass a motion of non-confidence in the Conservative government, not unlike what Rae had done in 1979 and 1985. After Prime Minister Harper convinced the Governor General to prorogue parliament on December 4, 2008, and with Dion pressured to resign immediately as party leader, Rae took on the role of coalition spokesman.[citation needed]

Rae found it more difficult to garner support than he had in the last leadership contest, with his 2006 campaign co-chair now supporting Ignatieff. As it was obvious that Ignatieff had lined up enough support to become the party's leader, Rae withdrew on December 9, 2008. He has since criticized Ignatieff's decision to withdraw from the coalition with the NDP.[124]

He served as Foreign Affairs critic in the shadow cabinets of both Dion and Ignatieff. On June 9, 2009, Rae was denied entry by Sri Lankan Immigration officials at the Bandaranaike International Airport, Colombo, Sri Lanka on grounds that he was "a threat to national security and sympathetic to the Tamil Tigers rebel group". Rae responded, "Sri Lanka is afraid of dialogue, afraid of discussion, afraid of engagement ... If this is how they treat me, imagine how they treat people who can't speak out." Rae has described Sri Lanka as 'a very dangerous place to be a journalist. "It's a very dangerous place to be any kind of Tamil right now and this is nuts."[125][126][127]

In November 2009, Rae sponsored a motion for Canada to recognize Black Ribbon Day to commemorate the victims of Nazi and Communist regimes.[128]

Interim Liberal leader

[edit]

In the aftermath of the 2011 federal election in which the Liberals were reduced to third place behind the NDP, Rae speculated on national television about the possibility of future co-operation between the two parties.[129] Following Ignatieff's announcement that he would be resigning as leader, Rae was touted as a possible successor. However, his advocacy of a possible Liberal-NDP merger caused consternation among some Liberals. Former Liberal Prime Minister Jean Chrétien reportedly called senior Liberals urging Rae's selection as interim leader.[130] However, the Liberal National Board announced that the interim leader position could only be held by an individual who agreed not to seek the permanent leadership and not to seek to change the party or merge it with another party during his tenure.[131]

On May 19, 2011, Rae declared that he would not be running for leadership for the Liberal Party, but would instead seek the interim leadership position. He was chosen over Quebec MP Marc Garneau for the interim leadership on May 25, 2011.[132][133] While Rae had been widely expected to resign the post of interim leader and make a bid for the permanent leadership[134] he announced on June 13, 2012, that he would not be a candidate in the Liberal leadership election.[135]

Earlier in 2011, Rae was voted Maclean's Parliamentarian of the Year by members of the 41st Parliament.[136] Journalist Carol Goar viewed Rae as the de facto leader of the Opposition in the six months between the death of NDP leader Jack Layton in August 2011 and the election of Thomas Mulcair in March 2012.[137] When Justin Trudeau was elected the new permanent leader in April 2013,[132] Rae had become the longest serving interim leader, having served almost two years in this capacity. As new leader, Trudeau named Rae the Liberal party's foreign affairs critic.[138]

When Justin Trudeau won the 2015 elections and became Prime Minister, Rae was given considerable credit for laying the foundations for the turnaround in the fortunes of the Liberal Party.[139]

Post-political career

[edit]

On June 19, 2013, Rae announced that he would be leaving parliament[140] in order to serve as chief negotiator and counsel for the Matawa First Nations in Northern Ontario's Ring of Fire;[9] his resignation took effect on July 31.[10] Rae also joined the University of Toronto School of Public Policy and Governance as a distinguished senior fellow, effective July 1, 2013.[141] On July 13, Rae joined the National Advisory Board for Fair Vote Canada, an organization promoting electoral reform for Canadian elections.[142] Later in July, Rae became the chairman of the board for the FN (PTP) Group Limited Partnership (FNLP), which represents the 15 British Columbian First Nations that signed a $200 million commercial deal with the Pacific Trail Pipelines Limited Partnership, a part of the Kitimat LNG Project that plans to use a pipeline to move liquified natural gas to a terminal on the coast of British Columbia.[143] In February 2014, Rae became a partner in the law firm Olthuis Kleer Townshend LLP, a law firm which specializes in representing Aboriginal communities across the country.[citation needed]

After stepping down, Rae has also become a public speaker focusing on Canada's role in the world, Aboriginal issues, human rights, healthcare, and education.[144]

In August 2018, Saudi Arabia expelled Canada's ambassador, and froze trade with Canada.[145] Rae wrote on Twitter: "The Brits and the Trumpians run for cover and say 'we're friends with both the Saudis and the Canadians. Thanks for the support for human rights, guys, and we'll remember this one for sure."[146]

Diplomatic career

[edit]

In late 2017, Prime Minister Trudeau appointed Rae Canada's special envoy to Myanmar in response to the Rohingya human rights crisis and the suspected ethnic cleansing[147] of the minority population by the Myanmar government. Rae advised the prime minister on the issue and was expected to attempt to obtain permission from Myanmar to visit Rakhine province. He also has a mandate "to promote accountability for alleged crimes perpetrated against vulnerable populations, including the Rohingya Muslim community, other religious and ethnic minorities, and women and girls".[11] His term ended on April 3, 2018, upon delivering his report to Trudeau.[13]

On March 10, 2020, Rae was named Canada's Special Envoy on Humanitarian and Refugee Issues.[148]

On July 6, 2020, Trudeau named him Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations.[5]

In November 2020, Rae called on the UN to investigate evidence of genocide against the Uighur minority in China.[149] After the killing of Russia military blogger Vladlen Tatarsky in April 2023, Rae made a statement on Twitter describing him as a "vitriolic propagandist" for his support of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In response, Russia lodged a formal diplomatic protest to Canada.[150] He was appointed co-facilitator of the 8th Review of the UN's Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy,[151] a process he led to a consensus adoption by the UN General Assembly in June 2023.

On 25 July 2024, Rae was elected the eightieth President of the Economic and Social Council for the 2025 session.[152] He will retire as Canada's UN ambassador in 2025, with David Lametti being appointed to succeed him on November 17.[6][153]

Electoral record

[edit]

Toronto Centre

[edit]
2011 Canadian federal election
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Bob Rae 22,617 40.9% −12.7%
New Democratic Susan Wallace 16,607 30.0% +14.9%
Conservative Kevin Moore 12,505 22.6% +3.7%
Green Ellen Michelson 2,949 5.3% −6.5%
Libertarian Judi Falardeau 271 0.5%
Communist Catherine Holliday 165 0.3% −0.1%
Independent Bahman Yazdanfar 108 0.2%
Marxist–Leninist Philip Fernandez 75 0.1% −0.1%
Total valid votes 55,297 100.0%
2008 Canadian federal election
Party Candidate Votes % ±% Expenditures
Liberal Bob Rae 27,577 53.6% −5.6% $49,548
Conservative David Gentili 9,405 18.3% +5.8% $23,136
New Democratic El-Farouk Khaki 7,744 15.1% +1.3% $21,750
Green Ellen Michelson 6,081 11.8% −1.8% $23,194
Communist Johan Boyden 193 0.4% +0.2%** $432
Animal Alliance Liz White 187 0.4% −0.1% $686
Independent Gerald Derome 155 0.3% n/a $2,100
Marxist–Leninist Philip Fernandez 92 0.2% +0.09%**
Total valid votes/Expense limit 51,434 100% $92,068

**as compared to the 2006 General Election


Canadian federal by-election, March 17, 2008: Toronto Centre
Party Candidate Votes % ±%
Liberal Bob Rae 14,187 59.2 +7.0
New Democratic El-Farouk Khaki 3,299 13.8 −9.9
Green Chris Tindal 3,263 13.6 +8.4
Conservative Donald Meredith 2,982 12.5 −5.7
Animal Alliance Liz White 123 0.5 +0.4
Canadian Action Doug Plumb 97 0.4 -
Liberal hold Swing +8.5

York South

[edit]
1995 Ontario general election: York South
Party Candidate Votes % Expenditures
New Democratic Bob Rae 10,442 41.24 $39,100.07
Progressive Conservative Larry Edwards 7,726 30.51 $28,482.21
Liberal Hagood Hardy 6,025 23.79 $42,578.22
Family Coalition Don Pennell 305 1.20 $4,210.68
Green David James Cooper 219 0.86 $1,046.57
Natural Law Bob Hyman 176 0.70 $0.00
Independent Kevin Clarke 170 0.67 $1,164.66
Libertarian Roma Kelembet 153 0.60 $819.58
Communist Darrell Rankin 105 0.41 $59.00
Total valid votes 25,321 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 388
Turnout 25,709 69.13
Electors on the lists 37,192


1990 Ontario general election: York South
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 16,642 66.70
Liberal Ozzie Grant 4,534 18.17
Progressive Conservative Andrew Feldstein 2,561 10.26
Libertarian Alex MacDonald 759 3.04
Green Phil Sarazen 453 1.82
Total valid votes 24,949 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 406
Turnout 25,355 66.80
Electors on the lists 37,959


1987 Ontario general election: York South
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 13,190 47.10
Liberal Alan Tonks 12,857 45.91
Progressive Conservative Fred De Francesco 1,544 5.51
Libertarian Dusan Kubias 411 1.47
Total valid votes 28,002 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 275
Turnout 28,277 70.46
Electors on the lists 40,134


1985 Ontario general election: York South
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 16,373 54.02
Liberal Horace Hale 6,807 22.46
Progressive Conservative Toomas Ounapuu 5,321 17.56
Independent Paul Schulze 1,063 3.51
Independent Lucille Boikoff 402 1.33
Libertarian Dusan Kubias 343 1.13
Total valid votes 30,309 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 292
Turnout 30,601 66.53
Electors on the lists 45,997


Ontario provincial by-election, November 4, 1982: York South
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 11,212 45.80
Liberal John Nunziata 8,595 35.11
Progressive Conservative Barbara Jafelice 4,376 17.87
Libertarian Myron A. Petriw 234 0.96
Independent John Turmel 66 0.27
Total valid votes 24,483 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 345
Turnout 24,828 54.74
Electors on the lists 45,357

Broadview—Greenwood

[edit]
1980 Canadian federal election: Broadview—Greenwood
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 12,953 40.37
Liberal Philippe Gigantès 10,601 33.04
Progressive Conservative Michael Clarke 7,677 23.92
Libertarian Walter Belej 352 1.10
Rhinoceros Vicki Butterfield 196 0.61
Communist Ed McDonald 164 0.51
National Don Hayward 53 0.17
Marxist–Leninist Dorothy-Jean O'Donnell 53 0.17
Independent Milorad Novich 40 0.12
Total valid votes 32,089 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 270
Turnout 32,359 70.04
Electors on the lists 46,204
Source: Canadian Elections Database[154]


1979 Canadian federal election: Broadview—Greenwood
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 13,187 39.72
Progressive Conservative Michael Clarke 9,987 30.08
Liberal Philipp Varelis 9,290 27.98
Libertarian Walter Belej 474 1.43
Communist John Bizzell 145 0.44
Independent Milorad Novich 64 0.19
Marxist–Leninist Dorothy-Jean O'Donnell 57 0.17
Total valid votes 33,204 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 320
Turnout 33,524 77.94
Electors on the lists 43,015

Broadview

[edit]
Canadian federal by-election, October 16, 1978: Broadview
Party Candidate Votes %
New Democratic Bob Rae 8,388 41.89
Progressive Conservative Tom Clifford 7,968 39.79
Liberal Philipp Varelis 3,466 17.31
Communist Tom Lianos 204 1.02
Total valid votes 20,026 100.00
Rejected, unmarked and declined ballots 171
Turnout 20,197 59.22
Electors on the lists 34,107

Honours

[edit]

Commonwealth honours

[edit]
Location Date Appointment Post-nominal letters
 Canada May 31, 2001 – February 12, 2016 Officer of the Order of Canada[155] OC
 Canada February 12, 2016 – Present Companion of the Order of Canada[156][157] CC
 Ontario 2003 – Present Member of the Order of Ontario[158] O.Ont
 Canada 1992 125th Anniversary of the Confederation of Canada Medal
 Canada 2002 Queen Elizabeth II Golden Jubilee Medal (Canadian Version) [159]
 Canada 2012 Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal (Canadian Version) [160]

Foreign honours

[edit]
Location Date Appointment Post-nominal letters
 Estonia February 2, 2011 – Present Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana (3rd Class) [161]
 Lithuania March 10, 2022 – Present Diplomatic Star [162]

Honorary degrees

[edit]
Location Date School Degree
 Ontario 1998 Law Society of Upper Canada Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[163]
 Ontario June 1999 University of Toronto Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[164]
 Ontario 2001 Assumption University Doctor of Laws (LL.D)
 Ontario November 14, 2002 Huntington University Doctor of Sacred Letters[165]
 Ontario November 11, 2005 Fanshawe College Bachelor of Applied Studies[166]
 Ontario May 25, 2006 Queen's University Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[167]
 Ontario June 2006 McMaster University Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[168]
 Israel November 14, 2010 University of Haifa Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
 Ontario April 11, 2014 Carleton University Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[169][170]
 Ontario 2014 Lakehead University Doctor of Laws (LL.D)[171]
 Quebec 2014 Bishop's University Doctor of Civil Law (DCL)[172]

Appointments

[edit]
Location Date Institution Position
 Canada 1984 – Present Government of Canada King's Counsel (KC)
 Canada April 30, 1998 – Present Queen's Privy Council for Canada Member (PC)

Awards

[edit]
Location Date Institution Award
 Canada 2018 Canadian Association of Former Parliamentarians Lifetime Achievement Award[173]
 Prince Edward Island October 30, 2020 Confederation Centre of the Arts The Symons Medal[174]

Memberships and Fellowships

[edit]
Location Date Institution Position
 Ontario 2005 – Present The Royal Conservatory of Music Honorary Fellow (FRCMT)[175]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Robert Keith Rae (born August 2, 1948), commonly known as Bob Rae, is a Canadian diplomat, lawyer, and former politician.
Rae served as the 21st Premier of Ontario from 1990 to 1995, leading the province's first and only New Democratic Party (NDP) government to date, which unexpectedly won a majority amid a recession following the collapse of the Progressive Conservative administration under David Peterson. His administration confronted severe economic downturn, inheriting and exacerbating a provincial deficit that rose from approximately $10 billion to over $100 billion through expanded social spending and public sector growth, prompting austerity measures like the Social Contract Act and "Rae Days"—mandatory unpaid leave for public employees to avert deeper cuts. These policies alienated traditional NDP union supporters, contributed to internal party divisions, and culminated in electoral defeat in 1995, after which Rae resigned as provincial NDP leader.
Shifting ideological ground, Rae joined the federal Liberal Party in 2006, sought its leadership unsuccessfully, and later served as interim leader from 2011 to 2013 following Michael Ignatieff's resignation amid poor election results, helping stabilize the party during a nadir. He represented Toronto Centre as a Liberal MP from 2008 to 2013 and, under Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper, held diplomatic posts including Canada's Ambassador to the United Nations agencies in Rome from 2013 to 2015. Currently, Rae is Canada's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York, appointed in 2021, focusing on multilateral diplomacy. His career trajectory—from NDP socialism to Liberal centrism and cross-party diplomatic service—exemplifies pragmatic adaptation amid fiscal realism's demands, though critiqued for opportunism by ideological purists across the spectrum.

Early Life and Family

Childhood and Upbringing

Robert Keith Rae was born on August 2, 1948, in , , to Saul Rae, a career Canadian , and Lois Esther Rae (née George). His father held various international postings, including in , , New York, Washington, D.C., and , which shaped the family's nomadic lifestyle during Rae's early years. This diplomatic environment exposed Rae from a young age to foreign missions and global affairs, as he later recalled accompanying his father to Canadian embassies and consulates in and Washington. The family's relocations due to Saul Rae's assignments—such as service in Washington during the early 1950s and later in and New York—meant Rae experienced diverse cultural and political settings, fostering an early awareness of . He grew up primarily in , interspersed with these overseas stints, alongside his brother John Rae, who would later become a prominent political advisor. This upbringing in a politically connected household, with ties to figures like through his father's work, laid a foundation for Rae's later interests in , though specific childhood activities or schooling details from this period remain sparsely documented in public records.

Education and Formative Influences

Rae earned an Honours in Modern History from at the in 1969. During his undergraduate years, he engaged in student politics, serving as a representative on the Bissell Commission on University Government, which examined structures of university governance. This involvement fostered his early commitment to , shaped by participation in campus and . His academic excellence led to selection as a Rhodes Scholar for in 1969, enabling him to pursue graduate studies at , where he obtained a in in 1971. The Oxford experience exposed Rae to British left-wing intellectual traditions, influencing his evolving political perspectives toward . His family's diplomatic background, with father Saul Rae serving in postings including as Canada's Ambassador to the , provided formative exposure to international affairs and from an early age. Following , Rae returned to and completed a at the Faculty of Law in 1977. In 1968, during his university years, Rae learned of his family's Jewish heritage, a revelation that profoundly impacted his and . These educational and personal milestones reinforced his interest in progressive politics, blending academic rigor with practical engagement in social issues.

Early Professional Career

Rae earned his from the University of Toronto Faculty of Law in 1977 and subsequently joined the Toronto labor law firm Sack Goldblatt Mitchell, where he worked from 1977 to 1982. The firm specialized in representing unions and workers, aligning with Rae's involvement in left-leaning causes; during this period, he provided legal services to organizations such as the of America, focusing on labor disputes, , and workplace rights. He was called to the Bar of in February 1980, enabling full independent practice amid his emerging political activities. In 1984, Rae was appointed Queen's Counsel, a designation recognizing distinguished service in the legal profession, though by then his parliamentary roles had increasingly dominated his professional commitments. His early legal work emphasized advocacy for organized labor, reflecting a commitment to progressive economic policies that later informed his political platform, but remained limited in scope due to his election to federal in 1978.

Academic and Community Involvement

Following his studies at Oxford University, Rae returned to and took on the role of lecturer in the Faculty of Business at the from 1976 to 1977, contributing to during his final year of . Concurrently, from 1975 to 1977, he served as an assistant to the Canadian General Counsel of the , a major labor union, where he supported legal and advocacy efforts on behalf of workers amid the economic challenges of the mid-1970s, including rising and industrial disputes. These positions reflected Rae's early alignment with labor and social justice causes, building on his , though specific community initiatives beyond union assistance in this period remain undocumented in official records. His involvement with the , which represented over 100,000 Canadian workers at the time, provided practical exposure to and workplace rights, informing his subsequent political focus on economic equity.

Federal NDP Career

Election to Parliament

Rae was first elected to the House of Commons as the candidate in a for the riding of Broadview on October 16, 1978, following the resignation of the previous member, John Gilbert. At age 30, Rae, a and recent Rhodes Scholar, had secured the NDP nomination earlier that year over competitors including former MP John Paul Harney and activist Kay Macpherson. His victory marked the NDP's hold on the working-class, east-end seat amid a minority under Progressive Conservative , though Rae's term lasted only until the 1979 general election. In the May 22, 1979, federal election, Rae was re-elected in the redistributed riding of Broadview—Greenwood, defeating Liberal candidate Philipp Varelis with 13,187 votes to Varelis's 9,290. The NDP retained the seat as part of a broader shift that saw the Liberals under regain power with a majority. Rae campaigned on NDP priorities such as employment equity, urban housing, and opposition to unchecked corporate influence, reflecting the party's social democratic platform in an era of and inflation. Rae won a third consecutive term in the February 18, 1980, election, again in Broadview—Greenwood, where he received 12,953 votes (40.37% of the total), ahead of Liberal Philippe Gigantès's 10,601 (33.04%) and Progressive Conservative Michael Clarke's 7,677 (23.92%). This outcome bucked the national Liberal landslide under , underscoring Rae's local appeal in a riding with strong union and immigrant communities. His parliamentary service ended on March 2, 1982, when he resigned to seek the leadership of the .

Key Positions and Legislative Activity

Rae entered federal politics by winning a for the Toronto-area riding of Broadview on October 16, 1978, securing 41.3% of the vote against Liberal and Progressive Conservative opponents. Representing the (NDP), he focused on economic inequality, workers' rights, and opposition to unchecked corporate influence, aligning with the party's social democratic platform that emphasized public investment in social services and resource nationalization amid the late and inflation. He was re-elected in the February 1979 for Broadview—Greenwood (42.1% of the vote) and again in February 1980 for the redistributed Centre—Broadview (45.2%), serving until November 1982 when he resigned to pursue provincial leadership. As NDP finance critic during the 31st Parliament (1979–1980), Rae gained prominence for challenging the Liberal government's fiscal management under Prime Minister , particularly criticizing without corresponding investments in housing and employment programs. He argued that federal budgets favored financial institutions over working-class , advocating for progressive taxation and expanded jobs to counter recessionary pressures from high interest rates and oil price shocks. In a November 12, 1979, debate on Bill C-10 for supplementary borrowing authority totaling $4.5 billion for fiscal year 1979–80, Rae questioned the government's allocation priorities, urging redirection toward social welfare amid rising exceeding 7%. Rae actively participated in housing policy discussions, opposing Liberal amendments that he viewed as insufficient for affordability. On March 12, 1979, during third reading of Bill C-29 to revise the National Housing Act and Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation operations, he criticized the measures for failing to address urban poverty and rental shortages in ridings like his own, where Toronto's vacancy rates hovered below 2%, and called for direct government intervention in cooperative housing initiatives. His interventions often highlighted NDP priorities like energy self-sufficiency, decrying foreign oil dependency and supporting domestic development under public control, as in his October 18, 1979, remarks linking to broader resource . Though a backbench MP without shadow cabinet authority beyond finance, Rae's legislative efforts centered on oral questions, amendments, and input rather than sponsored bills, reflecting the NDP's limited seats (26 in 1979, rising to 32 in 1980) and dynamics. He did not introduce private members' bills that advanced, but his rhetorical style—marked by detailed economic critiques—elevated his profile within the caucus under leader , contributing to the party's focus on anti-inflation measures tied to wage protections and public infrastructure spending.

Ontario NDP Leadership

Rise to Provincial Leadership

Following the Ontario New Democratic Party's disappointing performance in the 1981 provincial election, where it won only 13 seats amid a Progressive Conservative majority, incumbent leader Michael Cassidy resigned on April 8, 1981, citing the need for fresh to rebuild the party's appeal. The party scheduled a leadership convention for February 7, 1982, in , attracting candidates including Rae, who leveraged his profile as a federal NDP MP for Broadview—Greenwood since 1978, known for his work on finance and constitutional issues. Rae, aged 33 at the time, resigned his federal parliamentary seat shortly after the convention announcement to focus on the provincial , emphasizing a platform of economic renewal, , and critiquing both the governing Conservatives and opposition Liberals. On February 7, 1982, he secured victory on the second ballot with 56.4% of delegate votes, defeating competitors such as former MPP Ted McGee and activist Susan Fish, positioning the NDP to challenge the entrenched two-party dominance in politics. His win marked a shift toward a more pragmatic, federally experienced voice within the provincial party, drawing on Rae's background as a Rhodes Scholar and to appeal to urban and moderate voters. Initially without a seat in the , Rae led the party from outside the legislature until a vacancy arose in the -area riding of York South following the of incumbent MPP Joe Bordenara. On November 4, 1982, Rae won the with 52% of the vote against Liberal and Conservative challengers, securing his entry into the assembly and enabling him to serve as Leader of the Official Opposition—albeit in a third-place party—while consolidating internal support through targeted organizing in key regions like and . This rapid ascent transformed Rae into the face of Ontario's NDP, setting the stage for strategic alliances and electoral gains in subsequent years.

1985 Election and Liberal-NDP Accord

The 1985 Ontario provincial election was held on May 2, resulting in a for the Progressive Conservative Party under , which secured 52 seats in the 125-seat , while the Liberals led by won 48 seats and the (NDP) under Bob Rae obtained 25 seats. Rae's NDP campaign emphasized progressive reforms, including public auto insurance, rent controls, and opposition to PC policies on issues like funding, capitalizing on voter dissatisfaction with the long-ruling Conservatives after 42 years in power. The lack of a majority positioned the NDP as a potential , prompting Rae to weigh alliances with either the Conservatives or Liberals to influence policy and oust the PCs. Following the election, Rae opted against supporting Miller's minority government, citing the PCs' perceived arrogance and unwillingness to concede on key NDP demands, such as reversing cuts to social programs and addressing labor issues. Negotiations between Rae and Peterson began shortly after May 2, culminating in a formal Liberal-NDP Accord signed on May 28, 1985, which provided support to a Liberal for two years in exchange for legislative commitments, without granting the NDP cabinet positions or forming a . This agreement enabled Peterson to defeat Miller in a vote on June 18, 1985, ending PC rule and allowing the Liberals to form on June 26. The accord's terms focused on implementing NDP-priority policies, including a ban on extra-billing by physicians, full public funding for Roman Catholic separate schools up to grade 12, enactment of freedom-of-information legislation, strengthened environmental protections against , expansion of daycare spaces, pay equity measures for women, and initiatives for job creation and tenant rights. Over the agreement's duration, the Liberal government passed 117 bills with NDP support, delivering on most commitments and enhancing the NDP's visibility on progressive issues without the burdens of governance. Rae's strategic endorsement of the Liberals, rather than propping up the PCs, was driven by pragmatic assessment that Peterson's party offered greater policy alignment and a chance to demonstrate NDP influence, though it drew internal party criticism for compromising ideological purity. The accord expired in 1987, after which Premier Peterson called an that yielded a Liberal majority, but it significantly elevated Rae's profile and the NDP's credibility among voters seeking alternatives to traditional parties, setting the stage for the NDP's unexpected 1990 victory. Empirically, the arrangement demonstrated the efficacy of formal confidence deals in minority parliaments for passing reforms, though it highlighted risks of third-party leverage eroding over time as the supported government consolidated power.

Opposition Period and 1990 Election Victory

Following the expiration of the 1985 Liberal-NDP Accord on June 18, 1987, Premier called a provincial for , 1987, resulting in a Liberal majority with 82 seats out of 130, compared to 37 for the Progressive Conservatives and 25 for the NDP. The NDP, under Rae's leadership, remained the third party in the legislature, lacking official opposition status held by the Progressive Conservatives. During this period of driven by low interest rates and manufacturing growth, Rae positioned the NDP as a progressive alternative, criticizing the Peterson government's deregulatory measures, such as expansions in and , which the NDP argued undermined worker rights and community standards. As economic conditions deteriorated into by late 1989, with climbing to 6.3 percent province-wide by mid-1990, the NDP intensified attacks on Liberal fiscal policies and scandals, including controversial appointments like that of lawyer Vincent to a judicial post amid conflict-of-interest allegations. Rae's strategy emphasized job creation through public investment, pharmacare expansion, and public auto insurance, appealing to working-class voters disillusioned with Liberal arrogance and the Progressive Conservatives' perceived ties to business interests. The NDP's polling surged in urban centers like and Hamilton, where manufacturing layoffs were acute. Peterson's decision to call a on August 8, 1990, for September 6—aiming to capitalize on perceived momentum despite the downturn—backfired, as voters punished the Liberals for overconfidence amid 8.1 percent in key regions. The NDP secured a with 74 seats and 37.6 percent of the popular vote (2,410,402 votes), against the Liberals' 36 seats and 32.9 percent, and the Progressive Conservatives' 20 seats and 23.5 percent, marking the first NDP government in history. Rae was sworn in as on October 1, 1990.

Premiership of Ontario

Economic Policies Amid Recession

Upon assuming office in October 1990, Bob Rae's (NDP) government confronted the onset of a deep in , exacerbated by high interest rates, sector contraction, and a national economic slowdown that persisted until mid-1992. The province's rate climbed above 11% by 1992, with significant job losses in auto and industries, while government revenues fell sharply due to reduced economic activity. In response, the government's initial fiscal strategy emphasized counter-cyclical spending to mitigate the downturn's effects, projecting a combined operating and capital deficit of $9.7 billion for the 1991 fiscal year—up from $3.0 billion the prior year. Program spending rose 11.9% in 1991-92 following an 11.6% increase under the previous Liberal administration, with total nominal spending surging 24.8% over the subsequent two years; as a share of GDP, program expenditures expanded from 15.8% in 1989-90 to 19.3% in 1991-92. To partially offset these outlays and fund health care expansions, the government introduced the Employer Health Tax (EHT) in the 1991 budget, a payroll levy on employers expected to generate $2.665 billion annually based on wage growth projections. Additional revenue measures included raising personal income taxes to 58% of the federal rate by 1993 and increasing corporate capital taxes, though own-source revenues grew only 8% cumulatively from 1990 to 1995 amid the sluggish recovery. Annual deficits exceeded $9 billion from 1992 to 1995, peaking at $10.9 billion in 1991-92, which drove net provincial debt from $38.4 billion (13.4% of GDP) in 1990 to $101.9 billion (30.3% of GDP) by 1995. This expansionary approach, while intended to sustain public services and employment during the recession—the second-worst since the Great Depression—drew criticism for failing to restore spending to pre-recession levels post-recovery, thereby perpetuating debt accumulation and elevating debt-servicing costs. Rae maintained that such deficits were unavoidable given the inherited fiscal position and external shocks, arguing they prevented deeper cuts to social programs. Economic growth remained subdued, with the policies contributing to a prolonged provincial downturn relative to national trends, according to analyses from the Fraser Institute.

Labor Reforms and Social Contract

The Rae NDP government initially advanced several pro-labour measures consistent with its ideological roots. In 1992, it passed Bill 40, amending the Labour Relations Act to ban the use of replacement workers (anti-scab provisions) during strikes or lockouts, streamline union certification processes, and strengthen the Labour Relations Board's enforcement powers, thereby tilting bargaining leverage toward unions. These changes aimed to reduce employer advantages in disputes and were hailed by labour advocates as a historic shift, though critics later argued they contributed to rigidities in the labour market amid economic downturn. Complementing these, the government enacted the Employment Equity Act in 1993 (Bill 79), mandating public and private sector employers with 50 or more employees to develop plans identifying and removing employment barriers for women, visible minorities, aboriginal peoples, and persons with disabilities, including affirmative hiring targets where underrepresentation persisted. This legislation sought to enforce statistical equity in workplaces but drew opposition from groups for imposing quotas that could prioritize demographics over merit, potentially distorting hiring decisions without addressing underlying skill gaps. Facing a deepening recession and ballooning provincial deficit—projected at $17 billion for 1993-94—the Rae administration pivoted to the Social Contract Act (Bill 48), introduced on June 8, 1993, and receiving on June 28, 1993. The act targeted $2.1 billion in savings by 1996-97 through wage restraints, workforce reductions of approximately 13,000 positions (a 7-8% cut), and efficiency measures across health, education, and other services, representing about 2% of total program spending. Central to it were "Rae Days," mandating 12 unpaid days annually for over 700,000 public employees—equivalent to a 6% rollback—plus a further 3-5% cut via pattern bargaining caps, with no increases until deficits abated. The Social Contract's framework empowered a dedicated secretariat to negotiate sector-specific deals voluntarily but authorized unilateral government imposition if unions or bargaining agents failed to agree within deadlines, effectively reopening existing collective agreements province-wide—a mechanism unprecedented in scope for a social-democratic government. While framed as a shared sacrifice to preserve jobs and services amid federal transfer cuts and auto sector slumps, it fractured NDP-labour ties; unions like the Canadian Union of Public Employees condemned it as a betrayal of free collective bargaining principles Rae had pledged to uphold. By mid-1994, negotiations yielded mixed results, with some sectors accepting moderated terms but others facing legislated cuts, underscoring the act's coercive edge despite its consultative rhetoric.

Social, Health, and Other Domestic Policies

During Bob Rae's premiership, the Ontario NDP government enacted the Employment Equity Act in 1993, mandating that employers with 50 or more employees develop plans to increase representation of women, visible minorities, Aboriginal peoples, and persons with disabilities in their workforces. This legislation required annual reporting and goal-setting but faced significant opposition from business groups and some unions, contributing to perceptions of reverse among certain demographics. The government also expanded pay equity provisions in 1993 through amendments to the Pay Equity Act, introducing proportionate value comparisons and proxy jobs to address wage gaps in female-dominated occupations, building on earlier Liberal initiatives. was raised from $5.40 per hour to $6.85 in , with further adjustments toward the promised $7.20 level amid campaign pledges for worker protections, though economic pressures limited full implementation without inflation indexing. Social assistance rates saw an initial 7% increase in to support low-income households during recessionary conditions, but subsequent fiscal constraints under the Social Contract Act of 1993 shifted focus toward elements and reduced discretionary benefits. In auto insurance, the Rae government abandoned its 1990 election promise of a public monopoly in September 1991 due to projected costs exceeding $2 billion annually, opting instead for regulatory reforms including no-fault benefits, indexed payouts, and enhanced court access for accident victims to curb rising premiums. Health policy under Ministers Elinor Caplan (1990–1991) and Ruth Grier (1993–1995) emphasized community-based care expansion, including a push for growth to reduce hospital reliance, with delisting of certain services from OHIP coverage to redirect funds. Grier's tenure saw the legalization of as a regulated in 1993, enabling certified midwives to provide prenatal, birth, and postnatal services covered under public health insurance. The Trillium Drug Program was launched in 1995 to subsidize prescription costs for low-income residents ineligible for other coverage, targeting catastrophic drug expenses exceeding 3–4% of household income. These measures aimed to enhance accessibility amid fiscal deficits, though physician supply controls—including caps on enrollments and residency positions—were proposed to manage spending, sparking debates over wait times and professional shortages.

Foreign Relations, Energy, and Intergovernmental Affairs

During his premiership, Rae's government expressed opposition to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), arguing it would exert downward pressure on wages and labor standards in Ontario's manufacturing sector. This stance, rooted in concerns over job losses in auto and other export-dependent industries, led to qualified resistance rather than outright rejection; by early 1993, the position softened to pragmatic engagement if the deal proceeded, reflecting Ontario's economic reliance on cross-border trade. Foreign relations otherwise remained constrained by provincial jurisdiction, focusing on bilateral trade promotion with U.S. states amid the early 1990s recession, though no major new international agreements were pursued independently. In energy policy, Rae prioritized restructuring , the provincially owned utility facing a with escalating debt from overbuilt nuclear capacity and demand forecasts that collapsed during . In 1992, he appointed , former chairman and environmental advocate, as chairman and CEO with a mandate to downsize operations, stabilize rates, and curb uneconomic projects, including halting new construction. Strong's reforms included workforce reductions and efficiency measures, but Hydro's stranded costs persisted, contributing to a 1993 provincial price freeze to shield consumers amid fiscal strain— a policy that deferred rather than resolved underlying financial imbalances. These steps aligned with broader NDP environmental goals, such as demand-side management, but empirical outcomes showed limited success in averting utility distress, as debt levels exceeded $20 billion by mid-decade. Intergovernmental affairs centered on federal-provincial tensions over constitutional reform and fiscal transfers during economic downturn. Rae actively negotiated the in 1992, advocating for reform, Indigenous self-government recognition, and Quebec's distinct status to avert national fragmentation post-Meech Lake failure; he campaigned vigorously for its ratification, though it was rejected in a October 1992 referendum. Relations with the federal Conservative government under were strained by differing ideological priorities and Ontario's demands for equalization adjustments, exacerbating a perceived deterioration in . Following the 1993 federal Liberal victory, dynamics improved marginally, enabling discussions on and social spending, but Rae's administration criticized federal inaction on recessionary relief, highlighting jurisdictional frictions in areas like trade adjustment and Hydro exports. Overall, these engagements underscored provincial advocacy for balanced power-sharing without yielding transformative federal concessions.

Major Controversies and Empirical Outcomes

During Rae's premiership, faced a severe beginning in 1990, characterized by sharply rising and declining revenues. The province's annual average unemployment rate, which stood at approximately 5.1% in 1989, climbed to 10.9% by the mid-term, reflecting widespread job losses amid national economic contraction. Concurrently, net provincial debt escalated from $38.4 billion in 1990 to $101.9 billion by 1995, with the net surging from 13.4% in 1990–91 to 28.3% in 1994–95, driven by sustained program spending increases exceeding revenue recovery. These fiscal pressures prompted controversial measures, including Act enacted on July 8, 1993, which unilaterally altered over 700,000 public-sector collective agreements to impose wage restraints, benefit reductions, and 12 mandatory unpaid "Rae Days" annually—equating to roughly a 6% pay cut—aiming to save $2.1 billion without mass layoffs. The Social Contract provoked intense backlash from labor unions, Rae's traditional base, as it contravened pre-election NDP pledges against legislating concessions and utilized binding arbitration to override negotiations, leading to widespread strikes and internal party dissent. Rae later defended the policy as necessary to avert deeper cuts, noting in 2017 that it preserved jobs during fiscal strain without regret. Another flashpoint was the abandonment of promised public auto insurance in September 1991, after initial plans projected $1.2 billion in startup costs and potential premium hikes, shifting instead to regulatory reforms favoring private insurers amid industry opposition. The 1993 Employment Equity Act further fueled debate by mandating large employers to implement hiring and promotion quotas for designated groups—women, visible minorities, aboriginal peoples, and disabled persons—enforced via compliance audits, which critics argued prioritized demographics over merit and contributed to perceptions of administrative overreach. These measures, alongside persistent deficits averaging $10–17 billion annually, correlated with Ontario's slowest post-recession growth among provinces, culminating in net job losses exceeding 100,000 in the by and the NDP's reduction to nine seats in the ensuing . Despite intentions to mitigate downturn effects, the policies amplified union alienation and public discontent, as evidenced by approval ratings plummeting below 20% by 1994.

1995 Provincial Election Defeat

The (NDP) government under Premier Bob Rae faced significant backlash in the lead-up to the June 8, 1995, provincial election, amid a severe that saw peak at 11.6% and manufacturing job losses exceed 200,000 since 1990. Rae's administration, initially elected on promises of job protection and social spending, shifted toward austerity after inheriting a $9.7 billion deficit in 1990, which ballooned to $11.7 billion by fiscal 1993-94 due to recessionary revenues and expenditure commitments. This economic context fueled voter frustration, as the NDP's early pro-labor measures, such as banning replacement workers via Bill 55, clashed with later fiscal restraints that prioritized deficit control over traditional socialist priorities. The Progressive Conservative Party, led by Mike Harris, campaigned on the "Common Sense Revolution" platform, pledging a 30% personal income tax cut, 13% reduction in total provincial spending, and welfare reforms including workfare, which resonated with taxpayers weary of NDP-imposed employer health taxes and public sector expansions. Harris's messaging framed Rae's government as fiscally irresponsible, contrasting with the NDP's record of nine tax increases and regulatory burdens on business that contributed to capital flight and subdued investment. Voter turnout reached 63.4%, reflecting polarized engagement, as anti-NDP sentiment extended beyond traditional Conservative bases to include former NDP supporters disillusioned by policy reversals. Election results delivered a crushing blow to Rae's NDP, which won just 17 seats—down from 74 in 1990—while the Progressive Conservatives captured 82 seats for a majority in the 130-seat legislature. Rae himself lost his York South riding to Liberal Steven Owens, symbolizing the collapse of NDP strongholds; the party placed third behind the Liberals' 30 seats. Central to the rout was the 1993 Social Contract Act (Bill 48), which unilaterally froze public sector wages, mandated 9-12 unpaid "Rae Days" annually, and slashed $700 million from expenditures by overriding collective agreements—a move that alienated core union allies, including the Ontario Federation of Labor, which withdrew endorsement and urged members to oppose the NDP. This betrayal of bargaining principles eroded the party's labor base, with union membership and donations plummeting, enabling Harris to portray the NDP as both incompetent and ideologically inconsistent. The defeat marked the end of Rae's premiership and the NDP's only majority government in Ontario history, ushering in Harris's cost-cutting agenda.

Transition from NDP and Ideological Shift

Departure from NDP and Rationale

Following the resounding defeat of his (NDP) government in the June 8, 1995, provincial election—where the NDP secured only 23.2% of the popular vote and lost 52 of its 74 seats—Rae resigned as party leader on October 5, 1995, and as MPP for York South on February 7, 1996. Despite retaining his party membership initially, Rae's tenure had exposed tensions between his pragmatic governance amid the —including the Social Contract Act of 1993, which imposed wage restraints and days off without pay on workers, saving an estimated $2.1 billion—and the NDP's traditional emphasis on expansive social spending and union advocacy. These measures, necessitated by a provincial deficit exceeding $17 billion by 1993-94, alienated core supporters and contributed to internal recriminations, with incoming leader Howard Hampton critiquing Rae's as a deviation from socialist principles. Rae formally resigned his NDP membership in April 1998 to accept appointment by Liberal Prime Minister as a member of the Security Intelligence Review Committee (SIRC), an independent oversight body for the Canadian Security Intelligence Service requiring political neutrality and severance of partisan affiliations. The five-year term, announced on April 30, 1998, positioned Rae alongside other privy councillors to review CSIS operations, reflecting trust from the governing Liberals despite his NDP history. This step severed his over-25-year ties to the party, which he had joined as a student activist in the , amid a broader personal evolution: Rae later described the NDP under post-Rae leadership as increasingly rigid and disconnected from governing realities, prioritizing ideological purity over adaptive policy in response to economic pressures like those faced during his premiership. The departure underscored Rae's shift toward , rooted in first-hand experience of fiscal constraints and the limits of ideological commitments when confronting causal economic forces such as and federal transfer cuts. While the immediate trigger was the non-partisan SIRC role, Rae's acceptance of a Liberal patronage appointment signaled disillusionment with the NDP's post-1995 trajectory, which emphasized repudiation of his measures rather than pragmatic reform—a pattern he contrasted with the Liberals' more flexible approach to balancing social goals with fiscal discipline. This ideological realignment paved the way for his subsequent engagements and eventual federal Liberal involvement.

Intervening Private Sector Roles

Following his resignation as leader of the and Member of Provincial Parliament for York South on February 7, 1996, Rae returned to private legal practice as a partner at the Toronto-based firm Goodmans LLP, where he specialized in , , and corporate restructuring. In this capacity, Rae led the restructuring of the Canadian Red Cross Society, which faced severe financial and reputational challenges stemming from the early contaminated scandal that infected thousands with and hepatitis C; his efforts focused on governance reforms, financial stabilization, and compensation processes for victims. Rae also played a central role in the Toronto Symphony Orchestra's restructuring after a musicians' strike that halted operations from September 1999 into 2000, coordinating negotiations with musicians, management, and governments to secure approximately $12 million in provincial and federal funding, implement cost-saving measures, and restore fiscal viability amid deficits exceeding $5 million annually. Additionally, during this period, Rae chaired the board of , overseeing strategic and operational enhancements for the institution, and served as chair of the , guiding environmental policy and funding initiatives.

Federal Liberal Career

2006 Liberal Leadership Bid

Following the Liberal Party's defeat in the January 23, 2006 federal election, which ended their 12-year hold on power and led to Paul Martin's resignation as leader, Bob Rae declared his candidacy for the party's leadership. The race attracted eight candidates, with voting culminating at the party's convention in Montreal on December 2, 2006. Rae positioned himself as an experienced statesman, highlighting his tenure as premier and his role as commissioner of the inquiry to underscore his governance credentials. His platform emphasized the need for the Liberals to "embrace change" and appealed to potential NDP voters by promising to broaden the party's base on the left. However, his past as an NDP leader drew criticism, prompting Rae to publicly reflect on lessons from his government, including fiscal restraint measures amid recession, in a speech on , 2006. Polls during the campaign indicated Rae's appeal; an October 2006 EKOS survey found him the public's preferred Liberal leader, ahead of rivals like among general respondents, though Ignatieff led among delegates. Rae secured endorsements from MPs such as , Maurizio Bevilacqua, and , and captured 20% of delegates selected during the "super weekend" voting phase. At the convention, Rae performed strongly in early ballots but received 28.5% on the third ballot. He withdrew after that round without endorsing another candidate, releasing his delegates as Stéphane Dion surged to victory on the fourth ballot. Rae's exit highlighted divisions within the party over ideological direction and his NDP history, contributing to the unexpected outcome favoring Dion's environmental focus.

Member of Parliament for Toronto Centre

Rae was elected to the House of Commons as the Liberal Member of Parliament (MP) for Toronto Centre in a by-election held on March 17, 2008, following the resignation of former MP Bill Graham. The riding, encompassing downtown Toronto including the financial district, St. Lawrence Market, and parts of the Church-Wellesley Village, had been a Liberal stronghold. Rae secured a decisive victory, capitalizing on his name recognition from prior provincial leadership and the riding's urban, progressive voter base. During his tenure, Rae served as the Liberal Party's critic for and , contributing to opposition scrutiny of government policies on global issues such as and climate diplomacy. He was re-elected in the 2011 federal election, receiving 41 percent of the vote amid a national Liberal decline under leader . Rae focused on constituent services in Toronto Centre, advocating for urban infrastructure, financial sector stability post-2008 recession, and local cultural institutions, though specific legislative initiatives tied directly to the riding were limited by his shadow cabinet duties. On June 19, 2013, Rae announced his resignation from Parliament, effective July 31, 2013, to prioritize his role as chief negotiator for the Matawa First Nations in discussions over northern Ontario's mineral development, citing the demands of that non-partisan work over continued federal duties. The decision triggered a in Toronto Centre, won by in November 2013. Rae's departure was described by colleagues as a loss for the Liberal caucus, given his experience bridging provincial and federal .

Interim Liberal Leadership

Following the Liberal Party's historic defeat in the May 2, 2011 federal election, where it secured only 34 seats amid a Conservative under , resigned as leader on May 3. The reduced Liberal caucus of 34 MPs and 45 senators selected Bob Rae as interim leader on May 25, 2011, in a vote over rival candidate , a former and MP. Rae, who had been re-elected in Centre, accepted the role to stabilize the party during a period of leadership transition, explicitly shelving his own prior ambitions for the permanent position. Rae's immediate priorities included rebuilding party infrastructure and mounting effective opposition. He appointed a new shortly after taking office, emphasizing scrutiny of the Harper government's fiscal and environmental policies. Throughout his tenure, Rae traveled extensively across to engage grassroots members and riding associations, aiming to restore organizational strength diminished by the election losses. As leader, he positioned the Liberals as a "feisty" alternative, critiquing Conservative economic and advocating for progressive reforms on issues like and , while navigating internal debates over party direction. Despite these efforts, the Liberals languished in third place in national polls behind the Conservatives and the , which surged under Thomas Mulcair. Rae announced on June 13, 2012, that he would not seek the permanent , facilitating a convention process. His interim role concluded on April 14, 2013, with Justin Trudeau's landslide victory in the election, after which Rae resigned his parliamentary seat on June 19, 2013, to pursue advocacy for Indigenous communities. Assessments of Rae's credit him with preventing further erosion and maintaining party relevance, though empirical polling data showed no significant rebound in support during his 23-month term.

Post-Political and Diplomatic Career

International Appointments and UN Role

In October 2017, Rae was appointed Canada's Special Envoy to by the Canadian government, tasked with assessing the humanitarian crisis affecting the and engaging in diplomatic efforts to address the situation following the military's violent crackdown. His mandate involved consultations with stakeholders in , , and internationally to promote accountability and support for displaced populations, drawing on his prior experience in conflict mediation and advocacy. On July 6, 2020, Prime Minister announced Rae's appointment as 's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the in New York, a position he assumed on , 2020. In this role, Rae represented across UN bodies, focusing on multilateral diplomacy in areas such as , climate change, , and , while advocating for reforms to enhance the organization's effectiveness amid geopolitical tensions. During his tenure, Rae contributed to Canada's positions on the UN Security Council during its 2020-2021 non-permanent membership, emphasizing enforcement of and responses to crises in , Gaza, and . He was elected president of the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) on July 25, 2024, for a one-year term starting January 2025, where he prioritized , financing for development, and coordination on emerging threats like pandemics and inequality. Rae's approach, informed by his political background, stressed pragmatic over ideological posturing, though critics noted Canada's limited leverage in a polarized UN environment.

Recent Activities and 2025 Departure from UN Post

During his tenure as Canada's to the , Rae was elected President of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) on July 25, 2024, for the 2024-2025 term, becoming the third Canadian to chair a UN Charter body. In this role, he oversaw initiatives addressing global challenges such as safe migration, artificial intelligence's role in , and brain health across age groups, while emphasizing multilateral cooperation amid disruptions like the , the Ukraine invasion, and the Gaza crisis. In early 2025, Rae engaged in discussions on democratic challenges, including youth involvement in politics, Security Council deadlocks, and crises in Myanmar and Ukraine, underscoring the UN's value despite funding shortfalls from major contributors like the United States. By July 2025, he highlighted Canada's diplomatic efforts in defense, development, and addressing the UN's operational strains from nationalism and economic pressures such as U.S. tariffs. In September 2025, during the UN General Assembly, Rae remained seated for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's address amid walkouts by other delegations, stating that attending such sessions was part of his responsibilities. He publicly advocated for sustained commitment to the UN, warning that "if you give up on the UN, you’re really giving up on the world." Rae's departure from the UN post was announced on September 18, 2025, concluding his five-year assignment at age 77, with Prime Minister Mark Carney appointing former Justice Minister David Lametti as successor effective November 17, 2025. Rae cited completion of his term as the basis for stepping down, having discussed it with Carney prior to summer 2025, and committed to a transition period of several months. Post-tenure plans include writing, teaching, advisory work, and family time in Toronto, while maintaining public engagement through lectures, such as one scheduled for October 6, 2025, in Montreal on global multilateralism.

Electoral Record

Federal Elections

Bob Rae first entered federal politics as the Liberal candidate in the Toronto Centre by-election on March 17, 2008, following the resignation of Bill Graham. He secured victory with 59.2% of the vote, defeating candidate by a significant margin in a low-turnout contest. Rae was re-elected in the October 14, 2008 federal general election, receiving 27,462 votes in Toronto Centre. This represented a strong performance in a competitive national environment where the Liberals formed the official opposition. In the May 2, 2011 federal election, Rae retained his seat amid a national Liberal collapse, capturing 22,832 votes or 41.0% of the popular vote in Toronto Centre, ahead of NDP candidate Susan Gapka. Rae resigned his seat on June 19, 2013, prior to the next election, ending his parliamentary tenure.
DateElectionPartyVotesVote %Status
March 17, 2008Toronto Centre Liberal59.2Won
October 14, 2008Toronto Centre (general)Liberal27,462Won
May 2, 2011Toronto Centre (general)Liberal22,83241.0Won

Provincial Elections

Rae first sought election to the as the (NDP) candidate in the York South held on November 4, 1982, following the resignation of incumbent Liberal MPP Joe Spivak. He won the seat, securing his entry into provincial politics after leaving federal office. Rae was re-elected in York South in the general elections of 1985, 1987, and 1990. The 1990 election, held on September 6, marked a pivotal victory for the NDP under Rae's leadership as party head since 1982; the NDP secured a with 74 seats in the 130-seat legislature, displacing David Peterson's Liberals and forming 's first and only NDP administration to date. Rae retained his seat in the 1995 despite the NDP's sharp decline to third place provincially amid economic recession and policy controversies, with the party holding only nine seats as Progressive Conservatives under formed government. Rae resigned from the legislature on February 29, 1996, two months after stepping down as NDP leader following the 1995 defeat, to return to private legal practice.

Honours, Awards, and Legacy

Formal Recognitions

Bob Rae was appointed to the Queen's for in 1998, recognizing his service as and federal parliamentarian. He was invested as a Companion of the on May 7, 2015, the order's second-highest level, for his contributions to public life in and commitment to reconciliation with Indigenous peoples, , and international diplomacy. Rae also holds membership in the , awarded for outstanding achievement in advancing the province's interests. Rae has received several honorary doctorates from Canadian universities. In 2021, conferred an honorary doctorate upon him during its convocation on May 15, citing his leadership in politics, law, and . Victoria University in the awarded him an honorary Doctor of Sacred Letters in 2022, honoring his domestic and international , including roles as Ontario's NDP and Canada's UN . Additional honorary degrees include those from , recognizing his broader contributions to Canadian governance and global affairs. In 2022, Rae received the Distinguished Service Award from the Canadian Association of Former Parliamentarians for his parliamentary career spanning provincial and federal levels.

Assessments of Political Impact

Rae's premiership in from 1990 to 1995 is frequently evaluated as a pivotal factor in the provincial New Democratic Party's extended electoral wilderness, with critics attributing the government's fiscal expansion amid recessionary pressures to a tripling of net public debt from $38.4 billion in 1990 to $101.9 billion by 1995. This escalation occurred despite inheriting a modest $700 million deficit, as initial promises of job creation and social spending gave way to measures when revenues collapsed due to manufacturing losses and high interest rates. Analysts, including those from conservative-leaning institutions, argue that early policy choices—such as hiring surges—exacerbated the downturn's fiscal toll, fostering a narrative of NDP incompetence in economic stewardship that deterred voters for decades. Central to these critiques is the 1993 Social Contract Act, which unilaterally reopened collective agreements to impose 5-7% wage reductions, including nine to twelve unpaid "Rae Days" for public employees, aiming to curb a projected $17 billion deficit. While the measure achieved short-term savings estimated at $2 billion and averted deeper program cuts, it breached NDP commitments to union rights, sparking protests, strikes, and a rupture with labor allies that eroded the party's base. Supporters, including Rae himself, contend the reforms preserved jobs and services in a context of federal transfer reductions and global slump, but empirical outcomes—evidenced by the NDP's 1995 rout, dropping from 74 seats to 29 amid a Progressive Conservative landslide—underscore how the backlash entrenched perceptions of betrayal and mismanagement. This episode has been invoked in subsequent Ontario campaigns, reinforcing NDP third-party status until at least the . Federally, Rae's 2006 defection to the Liberals and interim from February 2011 to April 2013 are assessed as stabilizing influences during the party's following the 2011 election wipeout, where Liberals held just 34 seats. His tenure facilitated internal renewal leading to Justin Trudeau's 2013 victory, though baggage limited broader appeal and invited attack ads highlighting provincial fiscal woes. Broader evaluations portray Rae's arc—from NDP to Liberal elder—as emblematic of pragmatic adaptation in Canadian center-left , enabling cross-partisan credibility but at the cost of ideological consistency, with some observers noting it blurred distinctions between and without resolving structural economic vulnerabilities exposed in . Overall, his impact underscores causal tensions between progressive aspirations and fiscal realism under duress, informing cautionary precedents for left-leaning administrations facing downturns.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.