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Dadullah
Dadullah
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Dadullah (1966 – May 11, 2007) was the Taliban's most senior militant commander in Afghanistan until his death in 2007.[3] He was also known as Maulavi or Mullah Dadullah Akhund (Pashto: ملا دادالله آخوند). He also earned the nickname of Lang, meaning "lame" (as in Timur Lang), because of a leg he lost during fighting.[4]

Key Information

An ethnic Pashtun from the Kakar tribe of Kandahar Province, he was known as "The Butcher", even among fellow Taliban members, for his brutality and outbursts of violence, notably in cutting men's heads off, as per some, even being stripped of his command at least twice by Mullah Omar due to his extreme behavior.[5]

According to the United Nations' list of entities belonging to or associated with the Al-Qaeda organization, he had been the Taliban's Minister of Construction.[6] He was killed by British and German special forces.

Early life

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Dadullah belonged to the Kakar tribe of Pashtuns. Educated in a madrassa in Balochistan,[7] he was a follower of Deobandi Sunni Islam.[8] He lost a leg while fighting with the Afghan mujahideen against Soviet occupation in the 1980s.[9] He eventually got a prosthetic limb from a hospital in Karachi.[10]

He was a member of the Taliban's 10-man leadership council before the US-led invasion in 2001. He was reportedly a close aide to Mohammed Omar, the leader of the Taliban.

During the Afghan civil war, Dadullah gained a reputation as a stern, devout and ruthless commander. Between 1997–1998, he led around 6000 Taliban troops who were besieged in Kunduz. As a commander, he was known for making quick decisions and being strict with his soldiers. In one instance, he shot one of his own men who was running away from the battlefield.[11] In 1999–2000, he led the suppression of a revolt by Hazaras in Bamyan province.[12] In January 2001, Dadullah's forces fought a Hazara insurgency in the Yakaolang area. On March 10, 2001, he supervised the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan, which had been ordered by Omar.[13] When the Taliban regime fell in December 2001, Dadullah escaped capture by Northern Alliance forces in Kunduz province.[9]

Fight post 2001

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Following rumors that Dadullah may be headed to recapture the city with as many as 8,000 Taliban fighters, after the November 2001 Battle of Mazar-i-Sharif, a thousand American ground forces were airlifted into the city.[14]

He allegedly participated (by giving orders via cell phone) in the murder of Ricardo Munguía on March 27, 2003. In 2005 he was sentenced in absentia to life in prison, along with three others, by Pakistan for the attempted murder of a member of Pakistan's parliament, Muhammad Khan Sherani of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam party. Sherani, an opponent of the Taliban, survived an IED attack in his home constituency of Balochistan in November, 2004.[15]

Dadullah masterminded the 2006 Taliban offensive and had earned a notorious reputation amongst NATO forces by the end of the year. Some Americans nicknamed him the "Afghan Zarqawi," drawing parallels to Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the founder of Al-Qaeda in Iraq. The comparison stemmed from their similarities in galvanizing the insurgency in their respective countries, their vocal support for Al-Qaeda and Osama bin Laden, as well as their brutal conduct, which stirred controversy even amongst their own hardline supporters.[16] A "Western intelligence source" claimed Dadullah may have been operating out of Quetta, Pakistan.[17] Others, including the Pakistani government, claimed he was operating near Kandahar, Afghanistan. It was in southern Afghanistan that he was later killed.[18] In 2006, he claimed to have 12,000 men and to control 20 districts in the former Taliban heartland in the southern provinces of Kandahar, Helmand, Zabul and Orūzgān.[19]

Dadullah had reportedly been a central figure in the recruitment of Pakistani nationals to the Taliban[12] and was also one of the main Taliban spokesmen, frequently meeting with Al-Jazeera television reporters.[20] In the summer of 2006, he was reportedly sent by Omar to South Waziristan to convince local Pashtun insurgents to agree to a truce with Pakistan.[21] In October 2006 it was rumored[22] that the Afghan government was considering giving control of its defense ministry over to Dadullah as part of a reconciliation plan with the Taliban to stop the ongoing insurgency.

Dadullah was linked to massacres of Shi'a, the scorched earth policy of Shi'a villages in 2001 (which he boasted about once on the radio), and the summary execution of men suspected of throwing hand grenades into his compound in 2001 (they were hanged at one of the main roundabouts). According to an interview he gave to the BBC, he had hundreds of suicide bombers waiting for his orders to launch an offensive against NATO troops.[3]

Dadullah oversaw Taliban negotiations for the hostage-taking of Italian reporter Daniele Mastrogiacomo and his two Afghan assistants in March 2007. Mastrogiacomo's driver was later beheaded. Mastrogiacomo was reportedly exchanged for five senior Taliban leaders, including Ustad Yasir, Abdul Latif Hakimi, Mansoor Ahmad, a brother of Dadullah, and two commanders identified as Hamdullah and Abdul Ghaffar. The Taliban threatened to kill the interpreter Ajmal Naqshbandi, one of Mastrogiacomo's two Afghan assistants, on March 29, 2007, unless the Kabul government freed two Taliban prisoners.[23] Ajmal was later beheaded after the Afghan government refused to free any more Taliban prisoners. According to Asadullah Khalid, the governor of Kandahar Province, "Mullah Dadullah was the backbone of the Taliban. He was a brutal and cruel commander who killed and beheaded Afghan civilians."[24]

Death

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Afghan officials reported on May 13, 2007 that Dadullah was killed the previous evening in Helmand Province in a raid by joint Afghan and NATO forces known to have included C Squadron, Special Boat Service (SBS), a British special forces unit, after he left his "sanctuary" for a meeting with fellow commanders, in southern Afghanistan.[18] Some reports indicate Dadullah was killed in the Gershk district, while others claim he was killed near the Sangin and Nari Saraj district.[25] Asadullah Khalid, the governor of Kandahar province, put the body of Dadullah on display at his official residence. The body appeared to have three bullet wounds, two in the torso and one in the back of the head. The Taliban named Mansoor Dadullah (Mullah Bakht), Dadullah's younger brother, as his replacement.[26]

On June 7, 2007, the Taliban said that Dadullah's body had been returned to them, in exchange for four Afghan health ministry workers who had been held hostage, and had been buried by his family in Kandahar. The Taliban said that a fifth hostage had been beheaded because Dadullah's body was not returned quickly enough.[27][28]

Post-death

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Dadullah's death severely weakened the Taliban's fighting capabilities, as he had been their most prominent commander up to that point. Following his death, many Taliban leaders retreated to Pakistan, and seven of his senior commanders abandoned the insurgency entirely. However, some leaders formed the new Mullah Dadullah Front in response to his killing.[29] This group became notorious for assassinating Afghan officials and launching suicide attacks against Afghan police posts. Over time, the Dadullah Front came to be known as one of the most extremist factions within the Taliban.[30]

Because of his brutal reputation, Dadullah remained a popular, if controversial, figure amongst the Taliban ranks after his death. One Taliban commander later recalled in a 2014 interview:

When he was alive, half of Helmand was in our hands, as well as many districts of Kandahar province. He was a very cruel person; all the people were afraid of him. No one would ever dare to wrong him. He would tell people that either they captured an area or they were not to return to him.[31]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Mullah Dadullah Akhund (died May 12, 2007) was a senior military commander of the in , recognized as one of the group's most prominent operational leaders during the post-2001 . Dadullah directed fighters in southern , particularly in , where he coordinated attacks against Afghan government forces and troops, contributing significantly to the escalation of the through innovative tactics such as widespread bombings. He gained notoriety for his ruthless approach, including orchestrating beheadings, massacres of civilians and prisoners, and hostage-taking operations, such as the 2007 kidnapping of Italian and British journalists, which underscored his commitment to uncompromising jihadist warfare. His death in a joint operation by Afghan security forces, supported by U.S. Special Operations and allies, marked a major disruption to command structures, though successors rapidly filled the vacuum amid ongoing factional tensions within the group.

Early Life and Background

Origins and Formative Years

Mullah Dadullah Akhund was born in 1966 in , , a rural area dominated by Pashtun tribal structures where clan loyalties and the code governed social and conflict resolution dynamics. The province's arid terrain and isolation fostered self-reliant communities reliant on , , and intermittent tribal disputes, amid broader national instability following decades of monarchy, coup, and invasion. His early years unfolded in this conservative Pashtun heartland, where formal education was scarce and primarily religious, often through village-based instruction emphasizing orthodox Sunni practices rooted in . Such environments prioritized memorization of the and basic Islamic scholarship over secular learning, reflecting the socio-cultural norms of southern Afghanistan's rural populace. In his formative period, Dadullah sustained a severe , losing a to a landmine blast during inter-factional fighting in the early 1990s, which required a prosthetic replacement and marked him physically from onward. This occurred against the backdrop of post-Soviet civil strife, where local militias vied for control in Uruzgan and neighboring provinces, embedding early exposure to armed conflict within tribal and regional power struggles.

Initial Involvement in Militancy

Dadullah fought against the Soviet occupation of as a young man, sustaining injuries that resulted in the loss of part of a leg during combat. This early exposure provided him with foundational military experience amid the broader resistance to Soviet forces from 1979 to 1989. After the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, Dadullah continued as a in the Afghan resistance, operating in the chaotic post-occupation environment marked by factional conflicts among former groups. In 1994, he joined Mullah Mohammed Omar in to participate in the formation of the movement, which sought to impose order through strict Islamic governance amid the . Dadullah quickly engaged in recruitment efforts, traveling from to —his ethnic Pashtun homeland—to enlist fighters and disseminate ideology among local tribes. His loyalty to Omar and demonstrated effectiveness in mobilizing support facilitated his early prominence within the group's southern networks, setting the stage for expanded operational roles.

Role During Taliban Rule (1996–2001)

Military Contributions to Taliban Consolidation

Mullah Dadullah joined the movement in 1994 alongside during its formation in southern , serving as an early in operations that secured key Pashtun heartlands. His forces contributed to the rapid territorial gains in the region, including the capture of in October 1994, which provided the with a strategic base for further expansion northward. By facilitating control over southern provinces like Uruzgan, Dadullah's units helped suppress local warlord resistance, enabling the 's advance toward , which fell on September 27, 1996. Appointed a senior military commander in 1997, Dadullah oversaw enforcement of authority in the south, directing fighters to maintain order through strict adherence to interpretations. This involved implementing edicts on morality, such as prohibitions on theft and , often via executions and punishments to deter opposition and consolidate loyalty among populations weary of prior chaos. His command emphasized rapid suppression of rival factions, contributing to the 's control over approximately 90% of Afghan territory by 2000. Dadullah cultivated personal networks of Pashtun fighters from Uruzgan and adjacent areas, fostering allegiance based on tribal ties and battlefield successes rather than strict deference to Kandahar's central . These loyalties, numbering in the hundreds under his direct influence, strengthened local garrisons but also highlighted his operational , setting patterns for decentralized command that persisted beyond the initial consolidation phase.

Personal Characteristics and Reputation

Mullah Dadullah Akhund earned a reputation as a ruthless and fearless commander during the Taliban's rule from 1996 to 2001, often referred to as the "one-legged" leader after losing his leg to a landmine blast in the . His did not hinder his zealous commitment to the Taliban's jihadist cause, projecting an image of unyielding defiance against foes such as the . Within Taliban ranks, Dadullah was regarded as a trusted advisor to supreme leader , valued for his loyalty and effectiveness in military roles since the movement's formation in 1994. Associates described him as kind toward fellow militants but brutally uncompromising toward adversaries, fostering a dual reputation for camaraderie among peers and beyond them. This fanaticism contributed to his standing as a key figure in consolidating authority, though his impulsive tendencies occasionally drew quiet reservations from more pragmatic elements within the group.

Leadership in the Post-2001 Insurgency

Rebuilding Taliban Forces

Following the U.S.-led invasion of in October 2001, Dadullah fled to border regions in with other remnants, successfully evading capture amid the rapid collapse of control in major cities. There, he contributed to early regrouping efforts by rallying dispersed fighters through networks tied to the emerging Quetta Shura, the 's de facto leadership council formed in exile around , . This , established on March 14, 2003, under Omar's oversight, provided a structure for reorganizing command hierarchies and sustaining operational continuity from safe havens across the border. Dadullah's involvement helped preserve core loyalties among mid-level commanders and foot soldiers, focusing on survival tactics like dispersing into tribal kin networks to avoid strikes. To replenish ranks depleted by the , Dadullah supported drives targeting Pakistani s and Afghan communities in tribal areas, drawing on ideological to attract young Pashtun recruits. These efforts emphasized narratives of retribution against "infidel occupiers" for the Taliban's ouster, restoring morale by framing the conflict as a defensive against perceived cultural and religious desecration. Initial enlistments were modest but critical for maintaining cohesion, with networks in serving as primary conduits for ideological priming and basic training, though coercion and economic incentives also played roles in tribal Pashtun areas. By 2003, Dadullah had consolidated a regional command in southern Afghanistan's Helmand and provinces, leveraging cross-border to coordinate low-level ambushes on supply convoys and outposts. These activities prioritized disrupting over large-scale engagements, enabling the to endure by securing resources and demonstrating resilience to potential recruits. His focus on the Pashtun heartland exploited local grievances and terrain advantages, gradually transforming fragmented holdouts into a more coordinated southern front without relying on foreign fighters at this nascent stage.

Key Operations and Campaigns

In 2006, Mullah Dadullah coordinated massed assaults in , peaking in May with attacks that targeted British and U.S. positions, including districts such as and . These offensives inflicted dozens of casualties on coalition forces and temporarily disrupted government control over strategic outposts, bolstering momentum in the south. By September, Dadullah's forces contributed to the defense and retention of following a local truce, expanding insurgent safe havens amid intensified fighting. Dadullah's campaigns focused on opium-rich regions like Helmand, where control over cultivation and trade routes provided critical funding streams estimated at tens of millions annually for the . This linkage sustained and , enabling sustained pressure on ISAF operations and complicating counter-narcotics efforts by Afghan and international forces. His oversight of infiltrations from neighboring Zabul into Helmand and foreshadowed broader resurgence, shifting the conflict's center to southern by mid-decade.

Tactics, Ideology, and Alliances

Adoption of Asymmetric Warfare Methods

Following the U.S.-led in 2001, Dadullah, as a senior field commander in southern , adapted insurgent operations to counter superior coalition firepower by emphasizing improvised explosive devices (IEDs), which inflicted disproportionate casualties on conventional forces patrolling roads and villages. He facilitated the proliferation of IED networks in Helmand and provinces, drawing technical expertise from affiliates who imported designs refined in , such as victim-operated pressure-plate IEDs that evaded early detection technologies. This shift allowed fighters to inflict attrition without direct confrontation, with Dadullah's units embedding bomb-making cells in rural areas to sustain a steady output of low-cost, high-impact weapons. Dadullah also championed the introduction of suicide bombings as a core tactic, previously rare in Afghan conflicts, by recruiting and deploying bombers trained through connections that bridged Iraqi insurgent methods to the local theater. In public statements, he claimed to have prepared hundreds of fighters for such operations, integrating them into ambushes against Afghan security forces and convoys to maximize shock value and media amplification. These attacks exploited urban vulnerabilities, with vests and vehicle-borne variants adapted for crowded markets and checkpoints, enabling asymmetric leverage against numerically superior opponents. To instill fear and deter , Dadullah's forces conducted beheadings of suspected spies and officials, often filming the executions for dissemination via tapes and early online channels to amplify psychological impact on local populations. Videos attributed to him depicted personal involvement in decapitating captives, targeting those perceived as aiding intelligence, which eroded civilian morale and coerced compliance in Taliban-controlled areas without requiring large-scale battles. Dadullah prioritized operational agility through small, autonomous fighter groups of 10-20 men, leveraging intimate knowledge of rugged Pashtun terrain for hit-and-run raids that avoided fixed positions vulnerable to air strikes. These decentralized cells, coordinated loosely via couriers and satellite phones, dispersed after engagements to regroup in mountain hideouts, sustaining insurgency momentum against forces reliant on mechanized logistics. This approach mirrored classical guerrilla principles, forcing adversaries into reactive postures while minimizing Taliban exposure to decisive engagements.

Ties to Al-Qaeda and Global Jihadism

Mullah Dadullah maintained close operational ties with , facilitating the presence and activities of its operatives within Taliban-controlled territories in southern , particularly in Helmand and Uruzgan provinces, where foreign Arab fighters were integrated into his fighting units to conduct joint attacks against and Afghan forces. These partnerships enabled cross-border movements of jihadists from Pakistan's tribal areas, enhancing the Taliban's capacity to sustain efforts through shared safe houses and facilities. Dadullah publicly endorsed Osama bin Laden's leadership and framed the Afghan conflict as an integral component of global against Western powers, aligning with bin Laden's 1998 fatwas calling for attacks on Americans and their allies. In a December 2005 interview, he praised bin Laden's role in inspiring resistance and threatened escalated suicide operations unless U.S. forces withdrew, positioning the Taliban struggle as defense of the broader Muslim . Further, in April 2007, Dadullah affirmed bin Laden's survival and active involvement in plotting operations across and , crediting him with strategic guidance that unified disparate jihadist fronts. These alliances provided Dadullah's forces with critical logistical enhancements from , including technical expertise in improvised explosive devices and suicide bombings, tactics previously uncommon among the but honed by Arab operatives to increase lethality against coalition targets. Dadullah's adoption of such methods, often executed with foreign fighter contingents under his command, amplified attack sophistication, as evidenced by coordinated bombings in 2006 that inflicted heavy casualties on troops in the south. This exchange not only bolstered resilience but also embedded global jihadist elements into local operations, distinguishing Dadullah's network as a conduit for transnational .

Controversies and Atrocities

Documented Human Rights Violations

In June 2001, forces commanded by Mullah Dadullah conducted operations in Yakaolang district, , resulting in the deaths of dozens of Hazara civilians, the displacement of thousands, and the destruction of approximately 4,500 homes along with 500 business and public buildings over two days. These actions targeted the predominantly Hazara population in the area, contributing to patterns of and ethnic-based violence in Hazara-dominated regions under control. Post-2001, Dadullah oversaw a campaign of beheadings against prisoners, suspected collaborators, and civilians in southern , particularly in , where operations under his direction included the execution of teachers and aid workers accused of supporting government or international efforts; such incidents peaked in amid escalated insurgent activity. He publicly claimed responsibility for multiple beheadings, including through videos, as part of enforcing authority in contested zones.

Internal and External Criticisms

Within the , Dadullah faced criticism from more pragmatic leaders for employing tactics that prioritized short-term spectacles over long-term insurgent sustainability, such as frequent suicide bombings and public executions that alienated Pashtun tribal networks crucial for and . and other Shura members reportedly regarded his operational independence as reckless, arguing it eroded civilian tolerance for the by fostering perceptions of gratuitous brutality rather than disciplined resistance against foreign occupiers. These internal tensions manifested in Dadullah's frequent defiance of central directives, including hoarding fighters and opium-derived resources in Helmand and provinces, which disrupted coordinated campaigns and fueled perceptions of personal fiefdom-building over collective shura authority. Leaked Taliban communications and post-operation analyses highlighted how Dadullah's autonomy strained alliances with allied networks, as his unilateral decisions—such as prolonging crises against orders—invited reprisals that hampered broader mobility. While factions within the movement and affiliated jihadist groups lauded his uncompromising stance as emblematic of pure resistance, mainstream Taliban strategists contended that such invited unnecessary fractures, potentially ceding ground to and by portraying the insurgency as nihilistic rather than restorative. Externally, U.S. and officials condemned Dadullah as a primary architect of intensified asymmetric violence, crediting him with masterminding over 200 attacks and dozens of suicide operations between 2005 and 2007 that spiked international troop casualties and strained reconstruction efforts. The sanctioned him under resolution 1267 for his command role in military operations, designating him a key enabler of global jihadist coordination that prolonged Afghan instability. Afghan government spokespersons echoed these assessments, portraying him as a destabilizing warlord whose escalatory methods hindered national reconciliation by targeting moderates and infrastructure indiscriminately, though some analysts noted his elimination reflected coalition intelligence successes in exploiting fractures.

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Circumstances of Elimination

Mullah Dadullah was killed on May 12, 2007, during a nighttime raid by joint Afghan National Army, U.S. forces, and troops in the Gereshk district of , . The operation targeted a compound where Dadullah and several associates were meeting, following intelligence derived from a tip-off by two of his close aides who betrayed him due to internal power struggles and rivalries over . Afghan and forces engaged in a firefight that lasted approximately 30 minutes, resulting in the deaths of Dadullah, his brother Hamdullah, and up to 12 other militants, with no reported coalition casualties. Dadullah's identity was initially verified on-site by his distinctive prosthetic right leg—fitted after he lost the limb to a landmine in the —and matching battle scars, though spokesmen initially denied the reports before official confirmation via biometric analysis. The raid yielded significant intelligence documents, maps of planned attack routes, and a cache of weapons including rocket-propelled grenades, rifles, and that Dadullah's group had stockpiled for an imminent spring offensive in southern .

Taliban Response and Succession Disputes

The Taliban initially disputed reports of Mullah Dadullah's death on May 13, 2007, but confirmed it the following day through spokesman Qari Yousef, portraying him as a martyr whose loss would not deter their and vowing intensified attacks against Afghan and forces. , the Taliban's supreme leader, reaffirmed the group's commitment to ongoing resistance in subsequent communications, emphasizing unity and the replacement of fallen commanders to maintain operational continuity, though no public directly from Omar on Dadullah was issued at the time. Dadullah's brother, Mullah Mansour Dadullah, was briefly appointed as his successor, taking command of Taliban forces in southern , including Helmand and provinces, where the original Dadullah had led brutal insurgent campaigns. However, on December 29, 2007, dismissed Mansour for insubordination and failure to follow central directives, reportedly due to unauthorized alliances and operational independence that undermined hierarchy. Mansour rejected the dismissal order, publicly defying Omar and retaining from some local fighters, which exposed underlying factional rifts within the over , resources, and command authority in the power vacuum left by Dadullah's elimination. officials, including and U.S. commanders, described the killing as a significant disruption to coordination in the south, temporarily boosting allied morale amid claims of degraded insurgent structures, though analysts noted the difficulty in quantifying long-term effects given the 's adaptive resilience.

Legacy and Long-Term Impact

Influence on Taliban Evolution

Mullah Dadullah's advocacy for suicide bombings significantly shaped operational norms, with the group executing 123 such attacks in 2006 under his influence as a key commander in southern , rising from just 21 in 2005. This escalation reflected his recruitment drives, where he publicly claimed over 200 fighters volunteered for martyrdom operations against coalition forces by late 2005, embedding high-casualty tactics into the insurgency's core strategy. Post-2007, these methods persisted, with suicide bombings comprising a sustained element of assaults through the 2010s, enabling asymmetric pressure on superior forces despite leadership losses. Dadullah's emphasis on media-savvy terror, including videotaped executions and threats broadcast to intimidate locals and amplify global jihadist narratives, further entrenched within doctrine. His 2006-2007 offensives demonstrated this fusion, using beheadings and ambushes to project unyielding defiance, a model that spokesmen later echoed in sustaining morale during drawdowns. This approach contributed to the insurgency's resilience, as evidenced by continued high-profile attacks that eroded public support for Afghan government forces into the late . As a of uncompromising resistance, Dadullah inspired subsequent recruits by embodying rejection of negotiations and accommodation with or Western entities, aligning with the hardline faction's dominance in the . His operations in opium-rich Helmand and linked battlefield funding to narco-trafficking protection rackets, a practice that financed sustainment long after his elimination, with drug revenues estimated at tens of millions annually supporting arms and fighters. This endured, bolstering the group's capacity for protracted conflict culminating in the 2021 resurgence.

Family and Splinter Factions

Mullah Dadullah's immediate family included several brothers who inherited his militant networks after his death on May 13, 2007, with Mansour Dadullah emerging as the most prominent. Mansour, previously a deputy commander under his brother, rejected the Taliban leadership's decision to replace Dadullah with commanders like Bakht Muhammad, viewing it as a betrayal of Dadullah's uncompromising stance on jihadist operations. In response, he established the in mid-2007 as a splinter faction nominally loyal to the but operating autonomously in southern , particularly in Zabul and Helmand provinces. The front's activities diverged from mainstream directives by prioritizing high-profile, indiscriminate attacks over coordinated , including suicide bombings and assassinations in and regional centers like Ghazni. This approach reflected a harder-line , shifting toward Salafi-jihadist that critiqued the 's Deobandi-influenced pragmatism on issues like negotiations or alliances. By 2014–2015, amid leadership transitions following Omar's death, the faction's isolation deepened, with Mansour publicly denouncing overtures to peace processes. In September 2015, ISIS's Afghan affiliate claimed Mansour's pledge of allegiance, integrating elements of the Dadullah Front into the emerging Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) structure and amplifying its anti- rhetoric. This alignment fueled intra-jihadist clashes, as the front's forces targeted positions while conducting operations against Afghan and targets, such as ambushes in Uruzgan. Mansour's death on , 2015—prior to the ISIS pledge confirmation—in a firefight with rivals near Zabul marked a turning point, though conflicting reports of his survival circulated until a -claimed killing in November 2015. The faction fragmented thereafter, with surviving Dadullah kin and commanders either defecting to ISIS-K for sporadic attacks into the late or reintegrating into the fold under pressure from unified shuras. By the mid-, operations by U.S. and Afghan forces, combined with Taliban-ISIS-K rivalries, eroded the front's capacity, reducing it to symbolic holdouts that underscored jihadist fissiparousness rather than sustained threats. Other brothers, such as those referenced in family-led cells, maintained low-level activities but lacked the front's cohesion, often subsumed into broader networks without forming distinct entities.

References

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