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El Mercurio (known online as El Mercurio On-Line, EMOL) is a Chilean newspaper with editions in Valparaíso and Santiago. El Mercurio is owned by El Mercurio S.A.P. (Sociedad Anónima Periodística 'joint stock news company'), which operates a network of 19 regional dailies and 32 radio stations across the country.

Key Information

History

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Main page of El Mercurio's 28 May 1908 edition (number 24,878)

The Valparaíso edition of El Mercurio was founded by Pedro Félix Vicuña (Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna's father) on September 12, 1827, and was later acquired by Agustín Edwards Ross in 1880. The Santiago edition was founded by Agustín Edwards Mac Clure, son of Edwards Ross, on June 1, 1900. In 1942 Edwards Mac Clure died and his son Agustín Edwards Budge took over as president. When Edwards Budge died in 1956, his son, Agustín Edwards Eastman, took control of the company. Edwards Eastman died in 2017, leaving the company in hands of his son Cristián Edwards del Río.

El Mercurio SAP owns the Chilean afternoon daily newspaper La Segunda, which published news with sensationalist and confrontational language that was considered inappropriate for El Mercurio.[citation needed]

CIA funding

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El Mercurio received funds from the CIA in the early 1970s to undermine the Socialist government of Salvador Allende, acting as a mouthpiece for anti-Allende propaganda.[1]

Declassified documents that detail US interventions in Chile revealed the paper's role,[2] and the extent of the paper's cooperation with the CIA:

"Throughout the 1960s, the CIA poured funds into Chile's largest—and staunchly right-wing—newspaper, El Mercurio, putting reporters and editors on the payroll, writing articles and columns for placement and providing additional funds for operating expenses. After the paper's owner, Agustín Edwards came to Washington in September 1970 to lobby Nixon for action against Allende, the CIA used El Mercurio as a key outlet for a massive propaganda campaign as part of Track I and Track II. Throughout Allende's aborted tenure, the paper continued an unyielding campaign, running countless virulent, inflammatory articles and editorials exhorting opposition against—and at times even calling for the overthrow of—the Popular Unity government. " [1] (p. 91-92)

Support reached to the highest levels of the US government. When the paper requested significant funds for covert support in September 1971, "...in a rare example of presidential micromanagement of a covert operation, Nixon personally authorized the $700,000—and more if necessary—in covert funds to El Mercurio."[1] (p. 93)

Role in 1973 coup d'état

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The paper played "a significant role in setting the stage for the military coup" which took place on 11 September 1973, bringing General Augusto Pinochet to power. It mobilised opponents of President Salvador Allende and the gremialismo movement to be active in destabilisation from the street, while also advocating the neoliberal policies of the yet-to-come Chicago Boys.[3]

1988 to the present

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Former journalists of El Mercurio have been crucial in the creation of various new newspapers in Chile including Diario Financiero in 1988,[4] El Líbero in 2014,[5][6][7] and Ex-Ante in 2020.[8][9]

El Mercurio's building in Valparaíso was set on fire by protesters in October 2019 during the 2019 Chilean protests sparked by rise in transportation cost.[10]

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

El Mercurio

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from Grokipedia
El Mercurio is a conservative daily newspaper published in Santiago, , long considered the nation's due to its extensive coverage and influence on public opinion. Founded on 12 September 1827 in by Pedro Félix Vicuña as a commercial gazette, it was quickly acquired by the wealthy Edwards family, who transformed it into a major political voice; the family established the Santiago edition on 1 June 1900 under Agustín Edwards Mac-Clure, which grew to overshadow the original while maintaining continuous publication as one of Latin America's oldest dailies. Owned across generations by the Anglo-Chilean Edwards dynasty, the paper has consistently advocated free-market policies and right-leaning perspectives, earning right-center bias ratings for aligning with conservative narratives over left-leaning governments. The newspaper's defining influence stems from its role in shaping Chilean discourse, including opposition to Salvador Allende's socialist administration amid economic turmoil like and nationalizations in the early ; it received CIA funding—totaling at least $1.5 million—to amplify anti-Allende reporting and was deemed essential by U.S. officials as an independent counterweight to government media control. This stance extended to supporting the 11 September 1973 military coup led by , with owner Agustín Edwards Eastman coordinating with U.S. intelligence against Allende's policies, though Edwards later denied operational collaboration. Post-coup, El Mercurio defended the regime's stabilization efforts against Marxist threats but faced accusations of downplaying abuses, contributing to its reputation as a pillar of conservative media amid Chile's polarized . Despite such controversies, its editorial independence and market dominance—circulating widely through print and digital platforms like Emol—have sustained its status as a benchmark for journalistic rigor in Chile.

Origins and Early History

Founding and Initial Operations (1900–1920s)

The Santiago edition of El Mercurio, Chile's prominent daily newspaper, was established on June 1, 1900, by Agustín Edwards Mac-Clure, a , , and businessman from the affluent Anglo-Chilean Edwards family. The Edwards family had previously acquired the original El Mercurio of in 1879, originally founded in 1827, providing a foundation for expanding their media influence to the capital. Edwards Mac-Clure, born in 1878, leveraged his family's resources and his own entrepreneurial vision to launch the publication amid Chile's parliamentary era, aiming to deliver comprehensive coverage of politics, business, and national affairs. Initially operating as a daily , El Mercurio focused on high-quality, objective reporting that distinguished it from sensationalist contemporaries, marking a shift toward modern journalistic standards in during the early . Under Edwards Mac-Clure's direction, the paper rapidly built a for reliability, covering key events such as the 1906 Valparaíso earthquake and political developments in the parliamentary period. By the , Edwards expanded his media portfolio, founding additional outlets like Las Últimas Noticias in 1906 and El Mercurio editions in other regions, which bolstered the Santiago paper's distribution and influence. Through the , El Mercurio consolidated its position as a conservative-leaning voice advocating for free-market principles and institutional stability amid Chile's transition from parliamentary rule to presidentialism following the 1925 constitution. The newspaper's editorial stance reflected the Edwards family's pro-business orientation, prioritizing empirical analysis over partisan agitation, though it navigated tensions with emerging labor movements and social reforms. Circulation grew steadily, supported by investments in and a network of correspondents, establishing it as a cornerstone of an public discourse by the decade's end.

Expansion and Consolidation (1930s–1950s)

During the 1930s, El Mercurio weathered the Great Depression's impact on Chile's nitrate-dependent economy, which had contracted sharply after 1929, by emphasizing rigorous financial reporting and advocacy for market-oriented recovery policies under President Arturo Alessandri's second term (1932–1938). Under the direction of Agustín Edwards Mac-Clure, who had established the Santiago edition in 1900, the newspaper reinforced its role as a bulwark against rising populist influences, including opposition to expansive state interventions during the subsequent administration (1938–1941). Circulation benefited from improving rates and urban migration, though exact figures from the decade remain sparse; the publication's influence grew through enhanced advertising revenue tied to industrial diversification in and . Following Edwards Mac-Clure's death in 1941, interim family stewardship transitioned to greater involvement by younger heirs, culminating in Agustín Edwards Eastman's assumption of editorial and managerial control in the early , amid Chile's post-World War II economic stabilization under presidents and . This period marked consolidation via operational efficiencies, including expanded distribution networks to provincial areas, as the company began acquiring smaller regional titles to counter emerging competitors. Editorial policies prioritized empirical analysis of fiscal challenges, such as inflation exceeding 50% annually in the late 1950s, critiquing import-substitution strategies that strained foreign reserves. By the late 1950s, El Mercurio's daily circulation had reached approximately 75,000 copies, solidifying its status as Chile's preeminent morning daily despite challenges from afternoon papers like the newly launched La Tercera in . This growth reflected broader media market expansion driven by rising middle-class readership and radio's complementary role in news dissemination, though the newspaper's conservative orientation drew scrutiny from left-leaning governments wary of its free-market advocacy. The Edwards group's strategic focus on journalistic independence amid —evident in coverage of labor unrest and agrarian reforms—ensured long-term resilience, setting the stage for further diversification in subsequent decades.

Editorial Stance and Principles

Conservative Orientation and Free-Market Advocacy

El Mercurio has historically aligned with conservative principles, including a defense of traditional social institutions and opposition to radical leftist ideologies, as evidenced by its critical coverage of socialist governments and movements in . Public perception and quantitative analyses of its editorial content consistently classify the newspaper as right-wing conservative, coinciding with its advocacy for intervention in social and cultural spheres. This orientation is rooted in the Edwards family's influence, with publisher Agustín Edwards Eastman fostering a platform that prioritized hierarchical and national stability over egalitarian reforms. The newspaper's commitment to free-market advocacy became prominent in the mid-20th century, particularly through its promotion of neoliberal economics. In 1967, Edwards allocated a dedicated page in El Mercurio for the ""—Chilean economists trained at the —to disseminate ideas favoring , , and open markets, predating their later implementation under the military regime. This initiative reflected the paper's early endorsement of classical liberal economics, contrasting with prevailing statist policies, and positioned it as a key voice against nationalizations during Salvador Allende's presidency (1970–1973). Post-1973, El Mercurio supported the economic liberalization enacted by the under , including tariff reductions, pension privatization in 1981, and labor market reforms that emphasized competition and private enterprise, which the paper credited with stabilizing Chile's economy after exceeding 500% in 1973. In 1981, it published an extensive interview with economist , who praised Chile's shift toward market-oriented policies as a model for reversing socialist failures, underscoring the newspaper's role in intellectual advocacy for such reforms. More recently, during the 2011 student protests against neoliberal higher education, El Mercurio's editorials defended market-based systems through discourses on , efficiency, and fiscal responsibility, framing public demands for free tuition as threats to economic incentives. Its online edition, Emol, maintains a center-right stance on economic issues, critiquing expansive state roles while favoring pro-business policies.

Commitment to Journalistic Independence and Empirical Reporting

El Mercurio has maintained journalistic independence primarily through its status as a privately owned enterprise under the Edwards family since the late , enabling it to operate without direct state subsidies or control that afflicted other Latin American media during authoritarian or populist regimes. This structure allowed the newspaper to withstand pressures from the Allende administration (1970–1973), which sought to expropriate or silence opposition voices, as documented in U.S. State Department assessments emphasizing El Mercurio's value as a to government-dominated narratives. The publication's empirical approach prioritizes verifiable and sourced reporting over ideological fabrication, with analyses of Chilean economic policies under Allende relying on , inflation rates exceeding 300% by 1973, and foreign outflows to substantiate critiques of efforts. Academic evaluations of Chilean press performance classify El Mercurio as a high-quality outlet, where appears in story selection and framing rather than in distortion of facts, contrasting with state-aligned media that suppressed dissenting . Critics, including left-leaning academics and former journalists, have accused El Mercurio of compromising independence via covert U.S. during the to amplify anti-Allende and later alignment with the Pinochet regime, yet declassified records confirm the aimed to preserve its operational autonomy against expropriation threats, not to dictate content. Post-1990, the newspaper has critiqued subsequent governments across the spectrum, including investigations into corruption under administrations, underscoring a consistent resistance to partisan capture. Empirical rigor persists in its coverage, as rated by media watchdogs for mostly factual sourcing despite right-center editorial leanings. In contemporary challenges, such as the 2019 protests, El Mercurio's facilities faced arson attacks from demonstrators viewing it as emblematic of elite interests, yet it continued fact-based reporting on violence statistics—over 1,000 attacks on —and economic impacts, refusing . This episode highlights its operational independence amid polarized environments where state or mob pressures test media resilience.

Role in Major Political Events

Coverage of Allende's and Economic (1970–1973)

El Mercurio maintained a staunchly oppositional stance toward Salvador Allende's , which began on November 3, 1970, following his narrow electoral victory with 36.6% of the vote in a three-way race. The newspaper, under the direction of the Edwards family, had already campaigned vigorously against Allende during the , portraying his Unidad Popular coalition's Marxist-oriented platform as a to democratic institutions and private enterprise. From the outset, editorials warned of the perils inherent in Allende's agenda of rapid of key industries—such as copper mining, banking, and manufacturing—without adequate compensation, arguing these measures would deter investment and provoke . As Allende implemented his policies, El Mercurio's reporting focused on the ensuing economic disruptions, documenting the causal links between government interventions and deteriorating conditions. Nationalizations affected over 150 firms by mid-1971, often through decree-law 520, which bypassed and led to production halts and breakdowns. The newspaper highlighted shortages of essentials like , , and , attributing them to price freezes enacted in 1970 that discouraged production while real wages rose 55% in 1971 amid fiscal spending surges of 66%. , fueled by central bank financing of deficits reaching 8% of GDP in 1971 and 12% in 1972, climbed from 35% in 1970 to 163% in 1972 and exceeded 300% by mid-1973, eroding and fostering black markets where goods sold at premiums up to 10 times official prices. El Mercurio's dispatches from affected regions emphasized empirical indicators, such as GDP growth of 9% in 1971 giving way to stagnation and a 5.6% contraction in 1973, alongside rising to 4.8% by late 1972 due to enterprise mismanagement under state control. The publication's editorials framed these developments as predictable outcomes of socialist experimentation, critiquing excessive monetary expansion—seigniorage equivalent to 4.43% of GDP on average from 1960–1973, but spiking under Allende—and the government's refusal to adjust policies amid strikes by truckers and miners that paralyzed distribution in 1972–1973. El Mercurio appealed to international audiences by drawing parallels to failed collectivist models elsewhere, using geopolitical analysis to underscore threats of Soviet or influence, which it claimed Allende's alliances amplified through arms imports and ideological alignments. This coverage, disseminated via front-page stories and pieces, aimed to mobilize opposition by evidencing policy-induced rather than external , though Allende's administration accused the paper of fomenting unrest. Government retaliation intensified against El Mercurio, including withholding advertising revenue, imposing debt audits, and mobilizing boycotts, which by threatened its viability as circulation held at around 180,000 daily but revenues plummeted. In response, the U.S. provided covert financial aid totaling at least $1.5 million to the newspaper chain between and 1973, part of a broader $8 million effort to bolster anti-Allende media and political forces amid perceived threats to hemispheric stability. Declassified assessments noted this support enabled El Mercurio to sustain independent reporting, portraying Allende's tactics—such as emergency powers under constitutional Article 72 and alliances with armed leftist groups—as increasingly authoritarian, thereby countering state-controlled outlets and contributing to public disillusionment as trucker strikes in October 1972 escalated into nationwide paralysis affecting 80% of freight. While some analyses attribute the paper's persistence to foreign backing, its pre-existing and alignment with free-market principles underpinned its critique of Allende's fiscal dominance, where deficits hit 30% of GDP by 1973, prioritizing short-term redistribution over long-term solvency.

Involvement in the 1973 Military Intervention

In the months preceding the September 11, 1973, military coup against President , El Mercurio intensified its criticism of the government, publishing editorials and articles that portrayed Allende's administration as responsible for , widespread shortages, and unconstitutional overreach. The newspaper highlighted events such as the truckers' strike in October 1972 and subsequent disruptions, framing them as evidence of governmental incompetence and a drift toward . This coverage aligned with broader opposition efforts to delegitimize Allende, including a sustained smear campaign against , which contributed to his resignation on August 23, 1973. A pivotal moment came on August 22, 1973, when Chile's passed a resolution by a vote of 81 to 47, accusing Allende's of systematically violating the and calling on the armed forces and police to intervene to restore legality. El Mercurio prominently featured this , endorsing its plea for military action as a necessary response to protect democratic institutions from what it described as a Marxist takeover. Declassified U.S. intelligence cables from mid-1973 characterized the newspaper as one of the "most militant" opposition voices explicitly advocating for military intervention to oust Allende. On the day of the coup, El Mercurio's facilities were occupied by forces, but the newspaper quickly aligned with the junta led by General , publishing content that justified the intervention as a defense against communism and chaos. Publisher Agustín Edwards Eastman, who had lobbied international figures against Allende, later affirmed the coup's role in preventing Chile from following a Cuban-style path. While El Mercurio's pre-coup advocacy amplified public and elite pressure on the , its actions reflected a consistent stance rooted in free-market rather than solely external influence, though U.S. agencies noted its utility in shaping the climate for intervention.

Operations Under the Pinochet Regime (1973–1990)

Following the 1973 military coup, El Mercurio was permitted to continue operations as one of only two major newspapers allowed to circulate under the junta's "Operation Silence," which shuttered numerous left-leaning outlets and imposed strict media controls. This privileged status stemmed from its pre-coup alignment against the Allende government, enabling it to serve as a primary channel for the regime's narrative framing the intervention as essential to eradicate a "Marxist cancer" and restore order. The newspaper maintained daily publication in Santiago and regional editions, sustaining a circulation that had reached approximately 120,000 daily and 350,000 on Sundays prior to the coup, though exact figures during the dictatorship are less documented amid consolidated media favoring conservative conglomerates like the Edwards family. Editorially, El Mercurio endorsed the Pinochet regime's authoritarian measures as a bulwark against communism, portraying the dictatorship not as a rupture but as a "renovation" of Chilean institutions and democracy. Coverage emphasized the implementation of neoliberal economic policies by the "Chicago Boys," highlighting successes like the "Chilean economic miracle" in the late 1970s, including GDP growth and inflation control, while attributing pre-coup chaos to socialist policies. The paper advocated for the 1980 Constitution, which entrenched military influence and economic liberalization, presenting its ratification plebiscite as a step toward institutional stability rather than critiquing its lack of pluralism. Human rights violations, such as the over 2,000 documented deaths and 35,000 cases of torture later detailed in the 1991 Rettig and 2004 Valech reports, received minimal attention, often subsumed under justifications of national security imperatives. Relations with the regime involved both alignment and constraints, including driven by fear of reprisal under laws like the Statute, which penalized perceived threats to state security. The junta provided indirect financial support to conservative media, including El Mercurio, to counter opposition voices and promote regime , reinforcing its role in shaping elite and toward of authoritarian rule as a prerequisite for free-market reforms. By the mid-1980s, amid economic crises like the 1982 debt default, coverage occasionally noted policy shortcomings but framed them as temporary setbacks within an overall narrative of progress, avoiding direct challenges to Pinochet's leadership. This operational continuity positioned El Mercurio as Chile's , influencing discourse among business leaders and the while opposition media operated underground or in .

Transition to Democracy and Modern Era

Adaptation Post-1990 and Democratic Oversight

Following the restoration of democracy in March under President , El Mercurio adapted its operations to the new political environment by emphasizing continuity in economic policies inherited from the Pinochet era while critiquing proposed social and political reforms that it viewed as potentially destabilizing. The newspaper endorsed the coalition's commitment to gradual change, publishing editorials that praised the government's initial efforts to balance reconciliation with market stability, such as the 1990 economic report highlighting sustained growth rates averaging 7% annually in the early transition years. However, it maintained scrutiny of initiatives like the 1991 Rettig Commission on abuses, reprinting military perspectives that questioned the commission's scope and defended institutional legacies from the prior regime. This positioning reflected an adaptation strategy focused on preserving its role as a to perceived leftist influences, without the overt alignment seen during the . In the 1990s, El Mercurio reinforced its journalistic practices through investments in investigative reporting and empirical analysis, adapting to heightened public demand for transparency amid . Circulation stabilized around 200,000 daily copies by mid-decade, sustaining its dominance in print media despite the rise of television as the primary news source. Editorially, it continued advocating free-market principles, opposing tax hikes and labor reforms proposed by governments, as evidenced in coverage of the 1998 Asia financial crisis where it stressed fiscal discipline over expansionary spending. Studies of headline framing from 1994 to 2010 indicate a consistent conservative tilt in electoral reporting, with El Mercurio portraying center-left candidates more critically than right-leaning ones, though less pronounced than competitor La Tercera. This approach prioritized first-principles economic reasoning over partisan loyalty, distinguishing it from state-influenced outlets. Under democratic rule, El Mercurio operated with minimal direct regulatory oversight for print media, benefiting from constitutional protections for press freedom enshrined in the 1980 Constitution and upheld post-1990. Unlike broadcast media regulated by the Consejo Nacional de Televisión (CNTV), newspapers faced no prior but encountered indirect scrutiny through antitrust probes by the Fiscalía Nacional Económica (FNE). For instance, in 2005, the FNE examined a distribution alliance between El Mercurio S.A.P. and Copesa but approved it, preserving the duopoly's 80-90% in national dailies. Public and academic critiques of concentration persisted, with calls for pluralism reforms in the 2009-2010 legislative debates failing amid by media groups, including El Mercurio, which argued such measures threatened . This environment allowed the newspaper to defend its autonomy against accusations of elite bias, citing self-imposed ethical standards and legal challenges to unsubstantiated claims, thereby navigating democratic accountability without compromising core principles.

Digital Transformation and Recent Challenges (2000s–Present)

In the early , El Mercurio expanded its digital presence through Emol (El Mercurio Online), which had launched in 1999 as the newspaper's primary internet platform, offering real-time news updates, multimedia content, and user engagement features amid growing internet penetration in . By the mid-2010s, the outlet invested in mobile apps and integration to compete with emerging digital-native competitors, while maintaining a distinction between free-access Emol content and premium print-linked offerings. A pivotal shift occurred in 2019, when El Mercurio introduced a for its digital edition, aiming to monetize loyal readership through subscriptions priced access to full archives, offline downloads, and personalized alerts, separate from Emol's ad-supported model. This strategy responded to global print revenue declines, with digital subscriptions boosted via bundled packages including weekend editions and specialized sections like investments analysis. Recent challenges include the 2019 social unrest, during which El Mercurio de facilities were set ablaze, disrupting operations and highlighting vulnerabilities in physical infrastructure amid widespread protests against inequality. The has faced a broader crisis of public trust in Chilean media, exacerbated by accusations of elite bias and competition from unverified social platforms, prompting investments in via sections like El Polígrafo while navigating ad revenue erosion from digital fragmentation. The accelerated remote reading but intensified economic pressures, with the outlet relying on diversified revenue like podcasts and events to sustain its 200,000+ print-digital hybrid reach.

Business Structure and Influence

Ownership by the Edwards Family and Media Network

El Mercurio has been under the ownership of the Edwards family since the late , when Agustín Edwards Ossandón acquired the edition in 1879, followed by the establishment of the Santiago flagship in 1900. This control has persisted across five generations through El Mercurio S.A.P., a sociedad anónima periodística designed to concentrate voting power within the family while allowing limited external investment. The family's Anglo-Chilean origins and interests in , banking, and industry underpinned their media holdings, positioning El Mercurio as a conservative voice aligned with free-market principles. Agustín Edwards Eastman inherited operational control of El Mercurio S.A.P. in 1956 upon his father Agustín Edwards Macdonald's death, expanding the group's influence during a period of economic modernization in . Under his direction until his death on April 24, , the company navigated political upheavals while maintaining family dominance, with no public transfers of majority ownership reported as of 2025. Edwards Eastman, one of Chile's wealthiest individuals, integrated the into a broader portfolio that reinforced its role as the nation's primary conservative outlet. El Mercurio S.A.P. functions as a vertically integrated media network, publishing the flagship El Mercurio daily alongside La Segunda, a tabloid-style afternoon paper, and approximately 15 regional dailies covering cities like , Concepción, and . This structure commands a dominant share of Chile's , estimated at over 20% of national newspaper readership in the early , though digital shifts have prompted diversification into online platforms like Emol. The group's relies on advertising revenue, subscriptions, and synergies with affiliated and distribution operations, sustaining family control amid declining print ad markets. Despite concentrations of ownership raising pluralism concerns, the Edwards family's stewardship has preserved editorial continuity focused on empirical economic reporting over ideological conformity.

Circulation, Reach, and Economic Impact

El Mercurio has historically commanded the highest among Chilean newspapers, with an average daily paid distribution of 328,808 copies in 2021, increasing to 409,161 on weekends. This figure underscores its dominance in the national market, where it operates alongside 18 regional editions under El Mercurio S.A.P., collectively bolstering its print footprint. However, has faced downward pressure amid broader industry declines driven by digital migration, with no recent IVPPA-certified data publicly available to quantify post-2021 trends. The newspaper's digital extension via Emol.com amplifies its reach, positioning it as one of 's top online news platforms with significant monthly unique visitors and traffic primarily from direct access and search engines. In the Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2025, El Mercurio reported weekly usage among approximately 52% of Chilean respondents, reflecting sustained audience engagement despite competition from and other outlets. This digital presence targets elite and urban demographics, enhancing its influence on informed readers. Economically, El Mercurio S.A.P. derives revenue from , subscriptions, and its media network, capturing a modest but targeted share of Chile's market (0-5%) while prioritizing premium sectors like and . Its status as the nation's paper of record generates indirect economic impact through agenda-setting on policy and markets, exemplified by its platform for neoliberal advocacy via the ' columns in the 1960s-1970s, which contributed to enduring pro-market orientations in Chilean economic discourse. The outlet's alignment with interests sustains advertiser loyalty among high-value clients, though overall media revenues remain challenged by digital fragmentation and economic pressures on traditional journalism.

Controversies and Debates

Allegations of CIA Funding and Anti-Communist Efforts

In the early 1970s, during Salvador Allende's presidency, El Mercurio faced severe financial strain from government policies, including credit restrictions and nationalization threats, prompting allegations of covert U.S. funding to sustain its operations as a leading anti-Allende voice. Declassified U.S. Senate documents from the Church Committee reveal that the CIA's 40 Committee authorized $700,000 for El Mercurio on September 9, 1971, with an additional $965,000 approved on April 11, 1972, to support its publication amid escalating pressure from the Allende administration. These funds were part of a broader CIA program totaling approximately $8 million for destabilization efforts in Chile from 1970 to 1973, including media support to counter perceived communist influences. Publisher Agustín Edwards Eastman, who owned El Mercurio, met with CIA Director in September 1970 to discuss strategies against Allende's impending inauguration, as detailed in declassified CIA memoranda. Edwards later admitted the meeting in 2013 but denied any cooperative funding or secret subsidies, claiming El Mercurio relied on legitimate loans and advertising. However, internal CIA assessments concluded that the newspaper's survival and output played a significant role in mobilizing opposition, with funds channeled to amplify critiques of Allende's economic policies and Marxist alignments. El Mercurio's editorial stance during this period emphasized anti-communist themes, portraying Allende's government as eroding freedoms and precipitating economic chaos through expropriations and exceeding 300% by 1973. The published exposés on alleged Soviet and Cuban influences in , including claims of arms smuggling and ideological infiltration, which aligned with CIA objectives to foster public discontent and military intervention. Declassified records indicate that CIA-backed content reached up to 70% of Chilean print media and 90% of radio outlets via syndication from El Mercurio, contributing to a of inevitable communist takeover that preceded the , 1973, coup. While Edwards maintained editorial independence, the financial lifeline enabled sustained criticism that government-aligned sources, such as state media, dismissed as U.S.-orchestrated propaganda.

Accusations of Bias and Role in Political Narratives

El Mercurio has long been accused of conservative , with critics alleging it systematically favors right-wing political narratives while marginalizing leftist perspectives. A quantitative analysis of headlines from 1994 to 2010 revealed statistically significant bias in framing, where El Mercurio portrayed center-left governments more negatively than right-leaning ones, though its distortions were less severe than those in rival La Tercera; for instance, during the administrations (1990–2010), negative valence in headlines exceeded positive by ratios up to 2:1 on economic issues. Such patterns align with the newspaper's historical stance, rooted in its by the Edwards family, which has prioritized market-oriented and anti-communist viewpoints. During Salvador Allende's presidency (1970–1973), El Mercurio amplified narratives of governmental incompetence and subversion, publishing over 200 editorials decrying economic chaos and Cuban influence, which scholars argue contributed to eroding public support for the Popular Unity coalition by instilling fear among middle-class readers and military elites. This coverage extended into justifying the , 1973, coup as a defensive response to , with front-page stories echoing junta communiqués on restoring institutional order; critics, including declassified U.S. documents, link this to broader anti-Allende efforts, though the paper maintains its reporting reflected verifiable crises like exceeding 300% annually. Post-coup, under the Pinochet regime, it promoted neoliberal reforms as salvific, framing and —yielding GDP growth averaging 7% yearly from 1977–1981—as triumphs over , while downplaying dissent; academic reviews contend this shaped elite consensus on the dictatorship's legacy, embedding causal narratives of market determinism over authoritarian costs. In the after 1990, accusations persisted that El Mercurio resisted accountability for past regime ties, revising dictatorship history in coverage to emphasize economic legacies (e.g., benefiting 10 million workers) over documented abuses affecting 3,200 documented deaths or disappearances. A 2019 coup supplement lauding Pinochet's "stabilizing" role sparked journalist protests outside its Santiago offices, with demonstrators decrying it as historical revisionism amid ongoing truth commission revelations. Similarly, a 2021 illustrated feature on Hermann Göring's feats prompted formal complaints to Chile's National Council of Television for "apology of ," highlighting perceived tolerance for far-right iconography in cultural narratives; the paper defended it as neutral biography, but detractors cited it as emblematic of unexamined ideological echoes. These episodes underscore claims of the newspaper's outsized role in conservative myth-making, influencing policy debates like 2022 constitutional reform rejections, where its endorsements correlated with elite opposition to progressive overhauls. Defenders, including media analysts, argue such bias accusations often stem from left-leaning academic and activist circles with their own systemic skews, noting El Mercurio's adherence to factual reporting standards—evidenced by low retraction rates and verification protocols—distinguishes it from more sensational outlets. Empirical content audits confirm its right-center tilt but high in straight news, attributing narrative roles to ownership imperatives rather than deliberate .

Attacks on the Newspaper and Defenses of Press Freedom

On October 19, 2019, amid widespread protests against in , demonstrators stormed the headquarters of El Mercurio de , a regional edition of the newspaper, looted offices, destroyed journalistic equipment, and set the building ablaze, causing extensive damage but no injuries to staff who evacuated in time. The Inter American Press Association (SIP) condemned the incident as a "grave atentado contra la libertad de prensa," noting the destruction targeted one of 's oldest publications, founded in 1827. Similarly, the (CPJ) documented the attack as part of broader violence against media infrastructure during the unrest, which included at metro stations, banks, and other sites. A subsequent raid occurred on January 13, 2020, when masked assailants broke into El Mercurio's offices in , northern , ransacking rooms, smashing furniture and computers, and stealing additional equipment, marking the third such assault on the newspaper group's facilities in under three months. CPJ reported the damage disrupted operations and highlighted the pattern of targeting the conservative-leaning outlet amid ongoing social tensions. These events drew international rebuke from press advocacy groups, framing them as direct threats to journalistic independence rather than isolated , with SIP emphasizing the need for state protection of media premises. In response to such incidents, El Mercurio has positioned itself as a defender of press freedoms, publishing editorials and columns critiquing government pressures on media and advocating for legal safeguards against or violence. For instance, following criticisms from President in 2023, the newspaper and allied organizations invoked constitutional protections, arguing that attacks on outlets like itself undermine democratic discourse. Advocacy bodies such as CPJ and WAN-IFRA have echoed these defenses, urging Chilean authorities to investigate aggressors and reinforce press safety protocols to prevent recurrence.

References

  1. https://newsroomhistory.digitalfuturist.com/newspaper/el-mercurio/
  2. https://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1855&context=honors_capstone
  3. https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/bitstreams/a3b92783-219f-497e-8727-1984b4a9fdf0/download
  4. https://mediabiasfactcheck.com/emol-el-mercurio-online-bias-and-credibility/
  5. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0193765
  6. https://www.npr.org/2023/09/10/1193755188/chile-coup-50-years-pinochet-kissinger-human-rights-allende
  7. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d295
  8. https://latamjournalismreview.org/articles/owner-of-chiles-el-mercurio-admits-pre-coup-contact-with-cia-denies-cooperation/
  9. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2023-09-08/chiles-coup-50-countdown-toward-coup
  10. https://oasis.library.unlv.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1067&context=grad_symposium
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  13. https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2014716167/
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  20. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft567nb3f6&chunk.id=nsd0e8313&toc.depth=100&toc.id=endnotes&brand=ucpress
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  22. https://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports98/chile/Chilerpt-03.htm
  23. https://www.eelcoherder.com/images/publications/2017/PolQuizHT2017.pdf
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  25. https://www.promarket.org/2021/09/12/chicago-boys-chile-friedman-neoliberalism/
  26. https://puntodevistaeconomico.com/2016/12/21/extracts-from-an-interview-with-friedrich-von-hayek-el-mercurio-chile-1981/
  27. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/264089340_The_conservative_response_to_the_2011_Chilean_student_movement_neoliberal_education_and_media
  28. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d255
  29. https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/viewFile/2651/1191
  30. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/blar.12364
  31. https://socialistdemocracy.org/RecentArticles/RecentTheBurningOfElMercurioInChileAndFreedomOfThePress.html
  32. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76ve16/d82
  33. https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/sites-default-files-94chile.pdf
  34. https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w31890/w31890.pdf
  35. https://bfi.uchicago.edu/wp-content/uploads/The-Case-of-Chile.pdf
  36. https://mafhola.uchicago.edu/wp-content/uploads/Chile-3.pdf
  37. https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/101337/1/MercurioInternational2016LeedCOPY.pdf
  38. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v21/d259
  39. https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile/2024-09-09/cia-chile-scandal-50
  40. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76ve16/d39
  41. https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%257CA109264373&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=r&linkaccess=abs&issn=0010194X&p=AONE&sw=w
  42. https://peoplesworld.org/article/cias-favorite-newspaper-in-chile-praises-pinochet-dictatorship-on-coup-anniversary/
  43. https://www.tni.org/en/article/covert-action-in-chile-1963-1973
  44. https://business.columbia.edu/sites/default/files-efs/imce-uploads/CITI/Articles/197972704.pdf
  45. https://iberoamericana.se/articles/262/files/submission/proof/262-1-679-1-10-20171025.pdf
  46. https://studentreview.hks.harvard.edu/remembering-history-and-reaffirming-democracy-the-case-of-the-chilean-transition-to-democracy/
  47. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/346553705_The_Modernization_of_Communications_The_Media_in_the_Transition_to_Democracy_in_Chile
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  52. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/352415332_The_Media_for_Democracy_Monitor_Chile_Crisis_of_trust_and_a_precarious_industry
  53. https://lirias.kuleuven.be/retrieve/672906
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  56. https://www.poynter.org/fact-checking/2019/political-turmoil-sparked-a-national-fact-checking-ecosystem-in-chile-17-platforms-are-active-now/
  57. https://open.spotify.com/show/6kMGmKDExoXs5OWFpgJdRF
  58. https://www.the-independent.com/news/obituaries/agustin-edwards-eastman-obituary-a7717881.html
  59. https://www.emis.com/php/company-profile/CL/Empresa_El_Mercurio_SAP_en_2649752.html
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  72. https://cpj.org/2019/10/demonstrators-set-fire-to-el-mercurio-de-valparais/
  73. https://en.sipiapa.org/notas/1213534-serious-attack-on-press-freedom-in-chile
  74. https://cpj.org/2020/01/attackers-raid-el-mercurio-chile-newspaper/
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