Hubbry Logo
ImanaImanaMain
Open search
Imana
Community hub
Imana
logo
7 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Imana
Imana
Imana
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia
Look up Imana in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Imana is the creator deity in the traditional Banyarwanda and Barundi religion in Rwanda and Burundi and other related ethnic groups, such as Baha in Tanzania and Banyamulenge in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In current-day usage, the term refers to God as found in Christianity. Ancient Banyarwanda and Barundi believed in one god, the creator Imana.[1] In their mythology, Imana was the creator and the supporter of all the Barundi and Banyarwanda people.[citation needed] Imana was seen as almighty and gracious, intervening in one of the legends in an altercation between a man who had always borrowed beans from different people but wriggled out of repaying the debt.[citation needed]

Imana ruled all living things and gave them immortality by hunting an animal known as Death. Death was a savage wild animal who represented the state of death. While Imana was hunting, everybody was told to stay hidden so that Death would have nobody to kill or take refuge to. But one day while he was hunting, an old woman crept out into her vegetable garden to get vegetables. Death quickly hid under her skirt and was taken inside the house with her. She died because of Death. Three days after the funeral of the old woman, the old woman's daughter-in-law, who hated her, saw cracks where she was buried as if she would arise and live again. She filled the cracks with dirt and pounded the earth with a heavy pestle and cried "Stay dead!" Two days later she did the same thing when she saw more cracks by the grave. Three days later there were no cracks left for her to pound dirt into. This signified the end of man's chances of coming back to life. Death had become endemic or constantly present. Another legend says that Imana punished the woman by letting Death live with man.[citation needed]

Imana does not "interfere in the normal course of material nature".[2]

Many Rwandan Christians view the Christian God as synonymous with the traditional Rwandan god Imana.[3]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Imana

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Imana is the supreme in the traditional of the and Barundi peoples of and , revered as the almighty sustainer of the universe and sole ruler who possesses . Known literally as "almighty" in , Imana is depicted as a benevolent figure with "very long arms," capable of intervening in human affairs, such as protecting individuals from , while remaining somewhat remote from daily . This pre-colonial belief system, intact until European contact in the late , positioned Imana as the absolute ruler of the universe, embodying the essence of life, fertility of the land, and human prosperity. Imana's attributes are reflected in numerous epithets that highlight divine qualities, including Hategekimana ("the only ruler"), Hashakimana ("the one who plans"), Habyarimana ("the sole giver of children"), Ndagijimana ("protector of possessions"), and Bigirimana ("owner of all things"), underscoring roles as creator, provider, and guardian. In Rwandan cosmology, the universe is structured in three layers—ijuru (), the earthly realm, and ikuzimu ( below)—all supported by Imana's power to prevent collapse, with benevolent ancestors and spirits mediating human-divine interactions. Worship of Imana involved no temples but rather prayers of gratitude, rituals at sacred sites like trees or animals (e.g., bull calves or rams symbolizing ), and recognition of generous individuals as embodying "imana y'I Rwanda" (the of ). Central myths illustrate Imana's goodness in contrast to opposing forces like Ryangombe, a feared and deadly entity, and explain human suffering as a consequence of disobedience. In one prominent tale, "Imana and the Childless Couple," Imana initially grants humans in the heavens, but a woman's of her divinely bestowed children—sons Kigwa and Lututsi, and daughter Nyinabatutsi—leads to their fall to earth and the introduction of death and toil, promising eventual redemption after earthly trials. These narratives, shared across , , and Nyarwanda groups, emphasize themes of creation, the fall of humanity, and Imana's ultimate benevolence, influencing ancestral knowledge and spiritual practices in eastern even amid later Christian influences.

Etymology and Terminology

Name and Linguistic Roots

"Imana" is the primary term used in and , the languages of the and Barundi peoples, to denote the supreme in their traditional belief systems. These languages form part of the subgroup within the Bantu family, and the word itself carries connotations of ultimate authority and . Linguistically, "Imana" translates literally to "almighty," underscoring the deity's perceived infinite power and sovereignty over creation. The of "Imana" is specific to the branch and remains uncertain, with no direct reconstruction from broader roots identified. Analogous terms appear across , such as "" among East African groups like the Sukuma and Chagga, denoting the high god or creator, and variations like "Nzambi" or "" in other regions, all linked to ideas of an overarching divine authority. These cognates illustrate a shared Proto-Bantu heritage in naming the transcendent power behind existence, though adapted through regional semantic evolution. Historical linguistic evidence places the emergence of "Imana" within the context of ancient Bantu migrations to the , occurring between approximately 1400 and 500 BCE, as Proto-Bantu speakers expanded eastward from their West-Central African origins. This period marked the differentiation of local dialects, including and , from the common ancestral language. Phonetically and semantically, "Imana" belongs to 9 in these dialects, with the initial "I-" prefix typical of Bantu evolution in the area.

Variations Across Ethnic Groups

The term "Imana," denoting the supreme , shows subtle variations in pronunciation and spelling among the of and the Barundi of , stemming from the tonal and phonetic nuances of the closely related and languages. In , it is generally pronounced with high tones on both syllables (approximately /í.mà.nà/), while in Kirundi dialects spoken by the Barundi, it often appears as "Imāna" with a lengthened final and adjusted low-high tonal pattern, reflecting broader dialectical shifts in the . Among subgroups such as the and within and Barundi communities, the core term "Imana" remains consistent, but it frequently incorporates local suffixes in epithets to emphasize attributes of , such as "Habyarimana" (the one who gives , symbolizing provision) or "Hategekimana" (the sole ruler), which are commonly used in names and invocations across these groups. Related ethnic groups like the Bakiga in southwestern and northern , whose Rukiga language shares Bantu roots with , adapt similar concepts of a supreme being, though with potential local emphases on through descriptive compounds akin to those in Rwanda-Burundi traditions. Early 20th-century missionary ethnographies by the in and document regional synonyms and hybrid terms for Imana, such as "Rurema" (the Creator or Maker), which appears interchangeably in narratives among both and Barundi to highlight the deity's role in formation and sustenance, preserving pre-colonial oral traditions amid initial European contact. These accounts note that such terms were widespread in the , with "Rurema" also attested among neighboring groups like the Bafuliiru in eastern DRC, underscoring shared Bantu cosmological frameworks.

Theological Role

Creator Deity Attributes

In traditional Rwanda-Burundi cosmology, Imana is conceptualized as the supreme endowed with , , and transcendence, serving as the uncreated and eternal source of all . This positions Imana as an all-powerful force capable of initiating and sustaining the without limitation, while possessing complete knowledge of all events and entities, past and present. Transcendence further emphasizes Imana's separation from the material world, residing in a celestial realm beyond human comprehension, yet maintaining an all-pervading presence that infuses every aspect of reality. Imana's attributes extend to associations with essential natural forces, including , , and celestial bodies, underscoring its role as the generative principle of the , though without any anthropomorphic representations or physical depictions in traditional beliefs. As the life-giving , Imana is intrinsically linked to , embodying the vitality of the land, , and agricultural abundance. Connections to manifest through its overarching control over weather patterns that ensure prosperity, often mediated by celestial intermediaries like thunder, while the deity's celestial domain highlights its over the heavens and cosmic order. Philosophically, Imana is understood as both a benevolent provider, bestowing gifts of , fortune, and sustenance upon creation, and an impartial , who withdraws blessings or imposes misfortune in response to disobedience, thereby upholding a equilibrium. These dual aspects reflect a balanced divine , where benevolence fosters and provision, while judicial enforces without favoritism. Such concepts are derived from oral traditions and proverbs recorded by scholars in the , preserving the abstract, non-personal essence of Imana in Rwanda-Burundi thought.

Relationship to Humanity and Nature

In traditional Rwandan and Burundian beliefs, Imana serves as a moral overseer who rewards ethical with , bountiful harvests, and societal , while punishing failings through misfortunes such as droughts and famines. This oversight is rooted in Imana's as the supreme authority governing human conduct and its consequences, ensuring that virtuous actions align with divine favor to sustain . Post-independence analyses of , such as those in historical studies by Rwandan scholars, emphasize how these principles reinforce by linking personal to collective outcomes. Imana's relationship to nature underscores an interdependence where humans rely on divine benevolence for agricultural cycles, invoking the deity to promote fertile , timely rains, and abundant yields essential for survival in agrarian societies. , including prolonged droughts and calamities, are interpreted as divine warnings signaling communal wrongdoing or imbalance, prompting reflection and correction to restore harmony between people and the environment. This perspective positions nature not as autonomous but as an extension of Imana's will, where human plays a crucial role in preserving ecological balance. Humans are viewed as stewards of Imana's creation, tasked with responsibly managing land, resources, and social relations to honor divine intent and avert discord, a concept drawn from folklore interpretations in post-independence ethnographic works. This stewardship reflects Imana's omnipotence in establishing the framework of existence, while allowing space for human initiative within it.

Worship and Rituals

Traditional Practices

In pre-modern Rwandan and Burundian societies, reverence for , the supreme , was primarily expressed through indirect rituals that emphasized communal harmony and agricultural cycles, as direct was considered unnecessary due to Imana's self-sufficiency. offerings formed a core practice, involving the pouring of , , or at household shrines or on sacred hills to ancestors while invoking Imana's favor, symbolizing gratitude for sustenance and pleas for . These rituals were especially prominent during planting seasons, when families and communities sought protection against environmental uncertainties. Rituals also occurred at sacred natural sites, such as trees, and involved symbolic animals like bull calves or representing . Communal prayers represented another essential observance, typically led by village elders during periods of such as famines, droughts, or floods. These gatherings, held in open spaces or near sacred sites, focused on supplication referencing Imana's intervention, while also expressing thanks for past provisions and reinforcing ethical conduct within the community. In , such prayers often invoked Imana's merciful attributes directly, as in traditional pleas like "O Imana of pity," highlighting the deity's role in alleviating hardship.

Intermediaries and Diviners

In the traditional religion of the and Barundi peoples, intermediaries such as diviners known as abapfumu (singular: umupfumu) play a crucial role in facilitating communication with Imana, the supreme . These diviners act as mediators between the visible and invisible worlds, interpreting signs from Imana through various methods to diagnose misfortunes, illnesses, or spiritual imbalances. By invoking Imana's will indirectly via ancestral spirits (abaganza or imizimu), abapfumu guide individuals toward restoration, emphasizing Imana's overarching authority while navigating lesser supernatural forces. A primary method employed by abapfumu involves the interpretation of omens, dreams, and animal sacrifices, which are seen as direct channels for Imana's guidance. During rituals, diviners may enter trances or use incantations to discern causes of distress, such as sorcery or spirit possession, often recommending appeasement through offerings like clothing or animal parts to align human actions with divine intent. In particular, bafumu (a variant term for diviners in Ruanda-Urundi contexts) examine the viscera of sacrificed animals—referred to as Imana in ritual speech—to obtain oracles, addressing the organ directly with phrases like "O Imana, be bright or dark" to reveal outcomes. These practices underscore the belief that Imana, though distant, communicates through tangible signs mediated by skilled practitioners. Priestly roles in relation to Imana are often embedded within clan structures among the and , where hereditary healers trained in oral incantations and herbal rituals serve as specialized intermediaries for healing and protection. These clan-based figures, drawing on knowledge passed through lineages, combine spiritual with botanical remedies to address ailments attributed to Imana's displeasure or ancestral unrest, maintaining communal without direct priestly hierarchies dedicated solely to the . Such emphasizes of sacred formulas to invoke Imana's benevolence, integrating herbalism as a practical extension of divine will in daily life. Gender dynamics among intermediaries highlight the prominence of women as spirit mediums, particularly in possession rites that bridge the human and divine realms under Imana's supreme oversight. Women frequently become possessed by intermediary spirits like Ryangombe or Kiranga—legendary heroes who intercede with Imana—serving as mediums in kubandwa ceremonies where they gain elevated status, , and influence over and agricultural matters. These roles empower women within traditionally patriarchal societies, allowing them to channel Imana's will through ecstatic rituals, as documented in mid-20th-century ethnographic studies of Rwandan and Burundian possession cults. While men also participate as abapfumu, women's involvement in these mediums provides a vital avenue for spiritual agency, often publicly performed to resolve communal crises.

Mythology and Narratives

Creation Myths

In the core creation narrative of Rwandan mythology, , the supreme deity, initiates the by forming two distinct realms: a paradise in the and an earthly domain characterized by toil and suffering. then molds the first humans from clay mixed with , incubating them in jars filled with for before animating them to life. These initial beings, including Kigwa ( of the ), Lututsi (father of the Bega), and Nyinabatutsi (their sister and mother of the ), dwell harmoniously in the heavenly paradise alongside , where is absent and abundance prevails. A pivotal event disrupts this idyllic state, leading to humanity's descent to earth. In one version, a childless woman named Nyinakigwa asks Imana for children, who grants her three—sons Kigwa and Lututsi, and daughter Nyinabatutsi—with the condition she not reveal their divine origin. Nyinakigwa’s jealous sister pressures her to disclose the source, and Nyinakigwa reveals the truth, breaking her promise; angered, she kills the children, who then fall through the sky to earth, introducing mortality and hardship. Variations of human creation emphasize Imana breathing life directly into clay figures rather than using saliva, underscoring his role in imparting vitality from chaos to ordered existence. In certain narratives, following the establishment of cosmic order and humanity's relocation, Imana withdraws to the heavens, distancing himself from direct intervention in earthly matters due to human flaws, such as plotting against him over imperfections in creation. This withdrawal leaves semi-divine figures like Ryangombe, a spirit-king and agent of Imana revered as a hunter and protector, to oversee mundane affairs and mediate between the divine and human worlds. These oral myths, transmitted through generations among the and peoples, were systematically collected and transcribed in the mid-20th century by Rwandan scholar and priest , whose works preserved pre-colonial versions and highlighted parallels with broader philosophical traditions. Kagame's efforts, including publications like his 1944 exploration of Rwandan cosmology, ensured the documentation of these cosmogonic tales amid cultural shifts.

Moral and Ethical Tales

In the mythology surrounding Imana, the supreme creator deity of the Banyarwanda and Barundi peoples, moral and ethical tales often depict divine tests of human obedience, highlighting the consequences of defiance and the importance of humility and acceptance. These narratives, passed down through oral traditions, explain the origins of suffering, death, and labor as direct results of human failings, serving as cautionary lessons for societal conduct. One prominent tale, known as "Imana and the Quest for Death," recounts how Imana initially protected humanity from mortality by pursuing Death, portrayed as a savage wild animal, with the aid of his hunting dogs. In a pivotal moment, a woman encounters the fleeing Death and, out of pity or fear, hides it by swallowing it whole, defying Imana's pursuit. When confronted, she lies to the all-seeing Imana, prompting him to decree that Death would now afflict her and all humankind, introducing mortality as a permanent condition. This story of the first disobedience underscores the ethical imperative of truthfulness and obedience to divine authority, illustrating how individual actions can disrupt the harmony of creation and bring collective hardship. A related episode in the same tradition describes parents rejecting a crippled child crafted by Imana, plotting to kill the deity in their anger; foreseeing this ingratitude, Imana withdraws his direct presence from humanity, forcing people to navigate life without his immediate guidance and emphasizing the virtue of humility in accepting all forms of life as sacred. The myth of "Imana and the Childless Couple" further explores themes of obedience and its breach through jealousy, as detailed in the creation narratives. Imana grants children to a barren woman named Nyinakigwa—two sons and a daughter—but instructs her to keep their divine origin secret. Her envious sister extracts the truth, leading Nyinakigwa to disobey by revealing it; in remorse, she slays the children, causing them to plummet to earth and endure suffering, labor, and irreversible death. Imana eventually promises their return to the heavens after atonement, but the tale portrays this as humanity's "fall" from paradise, where death was once reversible, into a world of toil and separation from the divine. This account teaches the perils of succumbing to envy and breaking sacred covenants, reinforcing that fidelity to Imana's will preserves communal well-being and averts widespread affliction. These tales collectively form an ethical framework that prioritizes obedience, humility, and respect for divine creation, aligning with the Bantu philosophy of ubuntu, which views human fulfillment as interdependent and rooted in communal harmony rather than individual gain. By portraying violations as catalysts for shared consequences like death and laborious existence, the stories promote virtues essential to social cohesion, urging individuals to act in ways that sustain collective prosperity under Imana's oversight.

Historical and Cultural Context

Pre-Colonial Beliefs

In pre-colonial , Imana was revered as the supreme and absolute ruler of the , embodying a dynamic principle of life, , and prosperity that permeated indigenous spiritual systems without dedicated shrines or direct sacrifices, as worship focused instead on intermediaries like ancestors. This monotheistic framework positioned Imana as an omnipotent, benevolent force distant from human affairs yet foundational to moral order and natural abundance. Imana's centrality was deeply integrated into kingship rituals, where the mwami (king) served as Imana's earthly representative, legitimizing royal authority through divine association. Court traditions ritually linked the mwami to Imana, portraying the king as a semi-divine who shared in the deity's power over and , often encapsulated in the "Umwami si umuntu ni Imana" (the king is not a man, he is a ). Key ceremonies, such as the Festival of the (Ubwiru), were performed by ritual specialists known as abiru to renew the king's connection to Imana, ensuring agricultural success and societal harmony; this secret rite, renewed by each monarch, symbolized the transmission of supernatural capacities during enthronement. The Umuganura first-fruits further reinforced this bond, with the mwami overseeing strict rituals to invoke Imana's blessings on the kingdom's bounty. Belief in Imana enjoyed widespread acceptance across social strata, from royal courts to peasant communities, manifesting in daily invocations for guidance in and , as evidenced by archaeological remains of sacred sites like royal palaces and enclosures where such ceremonies occurred. These sites, including hilltop enclosures and sacred groves used for ancestor-linked offerings tied to Imana's overarching providence, underscore the deity's role in unifying diverse clans through shared practices rather than localized cults. Oral histories from the 18th and 19th centuries, preserved through ibitéekerezo (dynastic poems and narratives), depict Imana as a unifying force amid clan rivalries, with myths crediting the deity for empowering kings like Mibambwe III Sentabyo (late 18th century) to forge alliances and stabilize the kingdom against fragmentation. These traditions, collected and analyzed in works drawing on hundreds of Rwandan oral sources, highlight how Imana's favor was invoked to legitimize conquests and matrimonial ties that integrated rival groups into a cohesive polity.

Impact of Colonialism and Missionaries

The arrival of European missionaries in and during the late 19th and early 20th centuries profoundly disrupted traditional beliefs in Imana, the supreme central to Rwandan . Catholic missionaries from the Society of Missionaries of Africa, known as the , established their first permanent station at Save in February 1900 under German colonial auspices, marking the formal introduction of Catholicism. Protestant missions followed in the , with Danish Baptists beginning evangelization from in 1928 and Anglican influences emerging through revivals in the early 1930s, further diversifying Christian pressures on indigenous practices. These efforts aligned closely with colonial administrations, which viewed Imana-centered worship as incompatible with European governance and modernization. The frequently demonized associated rituals and intermediary cults, such as Iyangombe, as pagan superstitions, portraying aspects of the broader traditional religion as devilish and antithetical to , while often equating Imana with the . Intermediary cults like Iyangombe, which mediated human connections to Imana, were explicitly branded the "Devil’s Sabbath" in missionary reports, with spirit mediums (abacumu) dismissed as sorcerers. This rhetoric extended to royal kingship, where the mwami's divine authority derived from Imana, seen by missionaries as idolatrous and a barrier to conversion. Colonial laws reinforced this suppression: under German rule (1899–1916), edicts banned "heathen" gatherings, while Belgian authorities post-1916 tied administrative favors to Christian adherence, prohibiting rituals such as sacrifices and spirit consultations. Key suppressions included the 1907 extinguishing of the royal sacred at Nyanza—a of Imana's ongoing presence—and the 1925 colonial-missionary ban on the Umuganura first-fruits ceremony, which invoked Imana's blessings for prosperity. Despite these measures, rituals persisted underground, with catechists secretly participating and communities adapting practices in hidden lineage-based settings. Conversions accelerated through coercive mechanisms, peaking in the 1930s as colonial policies linked , land rights, and to . By 1930, over 9,000 annual baptisms occurred, predominantly among Hutu initially but shifting to Tutsi elites after 1922 school reforms favored Christian instruction. Forced elements were evident in Ganda labor requisitions, where non-converts faced exploitation, and in mission stations that withheld aid from "pagans." Underground persistence of Imana worship endured, as many converts viewed as a protective rite akin to traditional invocations, maintaining dual allegiances. Vatican policies in the mid-1920s promoted cultural adaptation to accelerate evangelization in , encouraging missionaries to identify parallels between local deities and the Christian . In , this facilitated by equating Imana—the benevolent creator—with the Biblical deity, as noted in ' reports where Tutsi converts described dreams linking the two. Pius XI's 1926 Rerum Ecclesiae formalized this approach, urging respect for "noble" native customs to avoid alienating converts, though implementation remained inconsistent amid ongoing demonization of rituals. This policy eased elite conversions, such as those in the royal court, but did little to halt the broader erosion of Imana-centered practices.

Modern Interpretations

Syncretism with Abrahamic Religions

In , the traditional worship of Imana, the supreme , underwent significant with during the , particularly through Catholic missionary efforts that identified Imana with the Biblical to facilitate conversions and cultural continuity. This alignment emphasized shared attributes such as Imana's role as an omnipotent creator, protector, and source of moral order, allowing Rwandan Christians to retain traditional and concepts within Christian frameworks. Catholic teachings, introduced by the in the late , promoted this equivalence explicitly, portraying Imana as the Christian while adapting indigenous practices like ancestor veneration into prayers for the dead and communal rituals. This approach enabled the continued use of "Imana" in prayers and liturgical contexts, including the Kinyarwanda , where the term directly renders "," preserving linguistic and spiritual familiarity for converts. For instance, early 20th-century catechisms and versions, such as those initiated by missionaries like Rev. Harold Guillebaud in , integrated Imana to bridge traditional beliefs with Christian doctrine, fostering widespread adoption among the population. Scholarly analyses by Abbé , a prominent Rwandan Catholic , , and philosopher, further documented this hybridity from the 1950s onward through his examinations of and religious poetry. In works like La Divinité Créatrice (Imana) chez les (1956) and La Notion de personne et la personne humaine chez les Bantu, Kagame explored how Imana's transcendent and immanent qualities paralleled , arguing for a philosophical compatibility that enriched both traditions. His documentation highlighted hybrid hymns and festivals, where traditional Rwandan music and dances—such as intore performances—were incorporated into church services and celebrations like , blending indigenous rhythms with Christian lyrics to promote unity and evangelization. These syncretic elements, evident in post-colonial church festivals, allowed communities to honor ancestral heritage while embracing Christian sacraments.

Contemporary Cultural Significance

In the aftermath of the 1994 , Imana has experienced a cultural revival through traditional festivals like Umuganura, the annual harvest celebration held on the first Friday of August, which promotes national unity and healing. Historically rooted in rituals where the king invoked Imana's blessings for prosperity and harmony, Umuganura was suppressed during colonial rule but reinstated in 2007 as a to foster and amid post-genocide reconstruction. Today, the festival draws on these invocations symbolically to symbolize collective resilience, with communities sharing first harvests in ceremonies that echo Imana's role as a benevolent force, aiding Rwanda's efforts to rebuild social cohesion. Imana's influence persists in contemporary Rwandan and , where it serves as a for endurance and spiritual recovery. In Véronique Tadjo's 2000 work The Shadow of Imana: Travels in the Heart of , a polyphonic blending testimonies from genocide survivors, Imana represents the elusive divine presence amid trauma, highlighting themes of and human fragility to underscore national resilience. Similarly, modern often invokes Imana to evoke cultural continuity, as seen in works exploring post-genocide identity that blend traditional with personal fortitude. As of 2020, approximately 93.4% of Rwandans identify as Christian, while 10-20% actively adhere to traditional elements associated with Imana, such as consulting healers or believing in spiritual forces, reflecting a persistent undercurrent of indigenous beliefs amid dominant Abrahamic faiths. This syncretic adherence contributes to Imana's role in shaping modern Burundian and Rwandan identity, where has not erased its symbolic value in fostering communal bonds and ethical reflection.

References

  1. https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095958261
  2. https://us.boell.org/en/2021/10/19/indigenous-and-ancestral-knowledge-case-study-eastern-part-rwanda
  3. https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803095958263
  4. https://www.encyclopedia.com/environment/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/god-african-supreme-beings
  5. https://copernic.udg.edu/QuimFort/PLoS_One_2019.pdf
  6. https://www.matana.de/kirundi_kinyarwanda.pdf
  7. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/history-in-africa/article/early-rwanda-history-the-contribution-of-comparative-ethnography/3EC954B1E4DF8D17EE067337B9D0CA59
  8. https://francegenocidetutsi.org/IanLindenTheWhiteFathersMissionInRwanda1900-1932.pdf
  9. https://e-ihuriro.rcsprwanda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/The-Dual-Role-of-Religion-Regarding-the-Rwandan-1994-Genocide-by-BANYANGA-Jean-dAmour.pdf
  10. https://www.101lasttribes.com/tribes/fuliiru.html
  11. https://www.igwebuikeresearchinstitute.org/journal/3.4.10.pdf
  12. https://research.manchester.ac.uk/files/54531915/FULL_TEXT.PDF
  13. https://utppublishing.com/doi/pdf/10.3138/uram.4.4.260
  14. https://afroart.ru/books/Encyclopedia-of-African-religion.pdf
  15. https://symbaty.files.wordpress.com/2016/05/the-belief-system-of-banyarwanda.pdf
  16. http://francegenocidetutsi.org/ByanafasheRwandaHistory.pdf
  17. https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/cultures/fo57/summary
  18. https://e-ihuriro.rcsprwanda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Philosophy-Ethics-and-Rwanda-culture_-Julius-O.-Adekunle_Culture-and-Customs-of-Rwanda.pdf
  19. https://www.centroafrobogota.com/attachments/article/21/33739700-General-Manifestations-of-African-Religiosity.pdf
  20. https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2017.1408324
  21. https://journal.fi/scripta/article/view/67015/27313
  22. https://www.africa.upenn.edu/NEH/rwreligion.htm
  23. https://ohioopen.library.ohio.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1049&context=oupress
  24. https://brill.com/downloadpdf/book/edcoll/9789047422976/Bej.9789004157651.i-424_006.pdf
  25. https://umuco.centreforelites.com/exploring-the-rich-tapestry-of-rwanda-mythology/
  26. https://folktales.africa/imana-and-the-quest-for-death-a-burundian-folktale/
  27. https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/oi/authority.20110810105755100
  28. https://dacb.org/stories/rwanda/kagame-alexis/
  29. https://1000wordphilosophy.com/2019/09/08/the-african-ethic-of-ubuntu/
  30. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/348959793_Sacred_Kingship_and_Political_Power_in_Ancient_Rwanda
  31. https://mospace.umsystem.edu/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10355/45680/research.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
  32. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272308434_Challenges_for_Pre-Colonial_Archaeological_Site_Management_in_Rwanda
  33. https://boydellandbrewer.com/book/antecedents-to-modern-rwanda-pb/
  34. https://repository.globethics.net/bitstream/handle/20.500.12424/166431/n83_Gatwa_rwanda.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
  35. https://www.gov.rw/blog-detail/rwanda-celebrates-umuganura
  36. https://en.igihe.com/arts-culture/article/embracing-tradition-a-firsthand-experience-of-umuganura-day
  37. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/369998125_THEMATIC_ISSUES_IN_TADJO%27S_THE_SHADOW_OF_IMANA_TRAVELS_IN_THE_HEART_OF_RWANDA
  38. https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/3/article/177837/pdf
  39. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/feature/religious-composition-by-country-2010-2020/
  40. https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2010/04/15/traditional-african-religious-beliefs-and-practices-islam-and-christianity-in-sub-saharan-africa/
  41. https://www.pewresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2010/04/sub-saharan-africa-full-report.pdf
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.