Jewish terrorism
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Jewish terrorism is terrorism, including religious terrorism, committed by extremists within Judaism.[1][2]

Zealotry in the 1st century

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According to Mark Burgess (a Center for Defense Information research analyst), the 1st century Jewish political and religious movement called Zealotry was one of the first examples of the use of terrorism by Jews.[3] They sought to incite the people of Judaea to rebel against the Roman Empire and expel it from Israel by force of arms. The term Zealot, in Hebrew kanai, means one who is zealous on behalf of God.[4][5] The most extremist groups of Zealots were called Sicarii.[3] Sicarii used violent stealth tactics against Romans. Under their cloaks they concealed sicae, small daggers, from which they received their name. At popular assemblies, particularly during the pilgrimage to the Temple Mount, they stabbed their enemies (Romans or Roman sympathizers, Herodians), lamenting ostentatiously after the deed to blend into the crowd to escape detection. In one account, given in the Talmud, Sicarii destroyed the city's food supply so that the people would be forced to fight against the Roman siege instead of negotiating peace. Sicarii also raided Jewish habitations and killed fellow Jews whom they considered apostates and collaborators.

Mandatory Palestine

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From 1939 to 1947, two Jewish terrorist organisations, Irgun and Lehi, engaged in terrorist activities with a view to undermining Britain's control over Palestine.[6]

Post-1948

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Jewish terrorism in Israel existed for a few years during the 1950s and was directed at internal Israeli-Jewish targets, not at the Israeli Arab population.[7] There was then a long intermission until the 1980s, when the Jewish Underground was exposed.[7] The phenomenon of price tag attacks began around 2008. These are hate crimes committed by extremist settler Jewish Israelis that usually involve the destruction of property or hateful graffiti, particularly targeting property associated with Arabs, Christians, secular Israelis, and Israeli soldiers. The name was derived from the words "Price tag" which may be scrawled on the site of the attack — with the allegation that the attack was a "price" for settlements the government forced them to give up and revenge for Palestinian attacks on settlers.[8]

Researchers Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger suggested that similarities exist between Jewish religious terrorists and jihad networks in Western democracies, among them: alienation and isolation from the values of the majority, mainstream culture, which they view as an existential threat to their own community; and that their ideology is not exclusively "religious", as it attempts to achieve political, territorial, and nationalistic goals as well (e.g. the disruption of the Camp David accords). However, the newer of these Jewish groups have tended to emphasize religious motives for their actions at the expense of secular ones. In the case of Jewish terrorism in modern Israel, most networks consist of religious Zionists and ultra-Orthodox Jews living in isolated, homogeneous communities. However, unlike jihad networks, Jewish terrorists have not engaged in mass-casualty attacks, with the exception of Baruch Goldstein.[9]

Shin Bet has complained that the Israeli government is too lenient in dealing with religious extremism of Jewish extremists who want the creation of a Jewish land based on halacha, Jewish religious laws. Says Haaretz: "The Shin Bet complained that the courts are too lenient, particularly in enforcement against those who violate restraining orders distancing them from the West Bank or restricting their movement. The Shin Bet supports the position of Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon, who has called for limited use of administrative detention against Jewish terrorists."[10] Israeli agencies keeping tabs on the religious terrorist groups say they are "anarchist" and "anti-Zionist", motivated to bring down the government of Israel and create a new Israeli "kingdom" that would operate according to halacha (Jewish law).[10] A week after the July 2015 attacks, administrative detention was approved for Jewish terror suspects.[8] In 2024, Haaretz reported that the settlements and outposts from which many settler attacks come are financed by the Israeli government.

Haaretz's investigation reveals that at least six government ministries are involved in financing and maintaining this whole burgeoning enterprise, whose underlying purpose is the forceful takeover of land and systematic dispossession of Palestinian residents.[11]

Terrorist groups

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The following groups have been considered religious terrorist organizations in Israel (in chronological order by establishment year):

1950s

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  • Brit HaKanaim (בְּרִית הַקַנַאִים "Covenant of the Zealots") was a radical religious Jewish underground organization which operated in Israel between 1950 and 1953, against the widespread trend of secularisation in the country. The ultimate goal of the movement was to impose Jewish religious law in the State of Israel and establish a Halakhic state.[12]
  • The Kingdom of Israel group (מלכות ישראל Malkhut Yisrael) or Tzrifin Underground, were active in Israel in the 1950s. The group carried out attacks on the diplomatic facilities of the USSR and Czechoslovakia, and occasionally shot at Jordanian troops stationed along the border in Jerusalem. Members of the group were caught trying to bomb the Israeli Ministry of Education in May 1953, have been described as acting because of the secularisation of Jewish North African immigrants which they saw as 'a direct assault on the religious Jews' way of life and as an existential threat to the ultra-Orthodox community in Israel.'[13]

1980s

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  • Jewish Underground (1979–1984): formed by members of the Israeli political movement Gush Emunim.[14] This group is most well known for two actions: firstly, for bomb attacks on the mayors of West Bank cities on 2 June 1980, and secondly, an abandoned plot to blow up the Temple Mount mosques. The Israeli Judge Zvi Cohen, heading the sentencing panel at the group's trial, stated that they had three motives, "not necessarily shared by all the defendants. The first motive, at the heart of the Temple Mount conspiracy, is religious."[15]
  • Keshet (Kvutza Shelo Titpasher) (1981–1989): A Tel Aviv anti-Zionist Haredi group focused on bombing property without loss of life.[16][17]: 101  Yigal Marcus, Tel Aviv District Police commander, said that he considered the group a gang of criminals, not a terrorist group.[18]
  • Kach, a banned far-right party in Israel (officially registered 1971–1994), and its splinter group Kahane Chai (1991-1994), also banned. Today, both groups are considered terrorist organisations by Israel,[19] Canada,[20] the European Union[21] and the United States.[22] The groups are believed to have an overlapping core membership of fewer than 100 people.[23][24] The Jewish Defense League in America, founded by Kahane, is also considered terrorist. FBI statistics show that, from 1980 to 1985, 15 terrorist attacks were attempted in the U.S. by JDL members.[25] The FBI's Mary Doran described the JDL in 2004 Congressional testimony as "a proscribed terrorist group".[26] The National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism states that, during the JDL's first two decades of activity, it was an "active terrorist organization."[27][28]
  • Terror Against Terror (Terror Neged Terror, "TNT"), active 1975–1984, was a radical Jewish militant organization that sponsored several attacks against Palestinian targets. The group was founded by Meir Kahane's Kach organization, and took its name from Kahane's theory that Arab terrorism should be met with Jewish terrorism.[29][30]
  • Sicarii, an Israeli terrorist group founded in 1989 who made arson and graffiti attacks on leftist Jewish politicians. They were opposed to any process of rapprochement with the Palestine Liberation Organization.[31][32]
  • The "Bat Ayin Underground" or Bat Ayin group. In 2002, four people from Bat Ayin and Hebron were arrested outside of Abu Tor School, a Palestinian girls' school in East Jerusalem, with a trailer filled with explosives. Three of the men were convicted for the attempted bombing.[9][33][34][35][36][37][38]

2000s

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  • Lehava (est. 2005), was referred to as an extreme religious minority trying through terror to implement their views of how the society should look.[39] In January 2015, Channel 2 reported that Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon may be preparing to categorize Lehava as a terrorist organization. Ya'alon was reported to have ordered the Shin Bet and the Defense Ministry to assemble evidence required for the classification.[40] Former Justice Minister Tzipi Livni stated that Ya'alon's move to name anti-assimilation group Lehava a terrorist organization should have been made months before. "This organization works from hatred, racism, and nationalism, and its goal is to bring an escalation of violence within us", she said.[41] Tamar Hermann, a sociologist and pollster with the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI), reports that government action against Lehava has only come following months of petitioning by "left-leaning Israelis and media commentators."[42][43] Israeli rabbi Binyamin Lau, warned that: "Lehava wants to implement a reign of religious terror."[44]
  • Sikrikim (first appeared in 2005), a radical group of ultra-Orthodox Jews based mainly in the Israeli ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods Meah Shearim in Jerusalem and in Ramat Beit Shemesh. The anti-Zionist group is thought to have roughly 100 activist members.[45] The Sikrikim gained international attention for acts of violence they committed against Orthodox Jewish institutions and individuals who would not comply with their demands.[46] They are loosely affiliated with Neturei Karta.[47][48]
  • "The Revolt" terror group: Members of the Jewish "Revolt" terror group claim the secular State of Israel has no right to existence; they hope to create a Jewish Kingdom in Israel, and that Arabs will be killed if they refuse to leave. Shin Bet says the "Revolt" group's ideology began to evolve in October 2013, shaped by veteran "hilltop youth", including Rabbi Meir Kahane's grandson, Meir Ettinger, who was temporarily put under administrative detention. Before the Duma attack, the group's members had committed 11 arson attacks against Palestinians or Christian churches. 23 of their members were detained because of the Duma attacks.[49]

Individuals

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Several violent acts by Jews have been described as terrorism and attributed to religious motivations. The following are the most notable:[50]

  • Baruch Goldstein, an American-born Israeli physician, perpetrated the 1994 what became known as the Cave of the Patriarchs massacre in the city of Hebron, in which he shot and killed 29 Muslim worshipers inside the Ibrahimi Mosque (within the Cave of the Patriarchs), and wounded another 125 people.[51] Goldstein was killed by the survivors.[52] Goldstein was a supporter of Kach, an Israeli political party founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane that advocated the expulsion of Arabs from Israel and the Palestinian Territories. In the aftermath of the Goldstein attack and Kach statements praising it, Kach was outlawed in Israel.[53]
  • Yigal Amir's assassination of Yitzhak Rabin on 4 November 1995, has been described as terrorism with a religious motivation.[2]: 98–110 [54][55] Amir was quoted as saying he had "acted alone and on orders from God", and that, "If not for a Halakhic ruling of din rodef, made against Rabin by a few rabbis I knew about, it would have been very difficult for me to kill."[17][56]: 45  A former combat soldier who had studied Jewish law, Amir stated that his decision to kill the prime minister was influenced by the opinions of militant rabbis that such an assassination would be justified by the Halakhic ruling of din rodef ("pursuer's decree").[56]: 48  This Jewish religious concept allows for an immediate execution of a person if that person is "pursuing", that is, attempting immediately to take your life or the life of another person, although the characterization of Rabin as din rodef was rejected as a perversion of law by most rabbinic authorities.[17]: 255  According to Amir, allowing the Palestinian Authority to expand on the West Bank represented such a danger.[56]: 48 Amir was associated with the radical Eyal movement, which had been greatly influenced by Kahanism.[56]: 53 
  • Yishai Shlisel, a Haredi Jew, has stabbed three marchers in a gay pride parade in Jerusalem on 30 June 2005. Shlisel claimed he had acted "in the name of God". He was charged with attempted murder.[57]
  • Eden Natan-Zada killed four Israeli Arab civilians on 4 August 2005. His actions were condemned by then-prime minister Ariel Sharon, as "a reprehensible act by a bloodthirsty Jewish terrorist", and author Ami Pedahzur describes his motivations as religious.[2]: 134 [58]
  • Yaakov Teitel, an American-born Israeli, was arrested in the aftermath of the 2009 Tel Aviv gay center shooting for putting up posters that praised the attack. Although Teitel confessed to the gay center shooting, Israeli police have determined that he had no part in the attack.[59] In 2009, Teitel was arrested and indicted for several acts of domestic terror, namely a pipe bomb attack against leftist intellectual Zeev Sternhell, the murders of a Palestinian taxi driver and a West Bank shepherd in 1997, and sending a booby-trapped package to the home of a Messianic Jewish family in Ariel.[60][61][62] A search of his home revealed a cache of guns and parts used in explosive devices.[63] As of January 2011, the case was still pending trial.[64] On 16 January 2013 Teitel was convicted of two murders, two attempted murders, and several other charges.[65][66]
  • The kidnapping and murder of Mohammed Abu Khdeir occurred early on the morning of 2 July 2014, a day after the burial of three murdered Israeli teens. Khdeir, a 16-year-old Palestinian, was forced into a car by Israeli settlers on an East Jerusalem street.[67] Yosef Ben-David and two minors were arrested for the act. Preliminary results from the autopsy suggested that he was beaten and burnt while still alive.[68][69][70] He was beaten repeatedly with a crowbar, each blow accompanied by a recital of Jewish victims of terrorism. Khdeir was recognized by Israel as a victim of terrorism,[71] a move which entitled the family to compensation. The murders contributed to a breakout of hostilities in the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict.[72]
  • Yishai Shlisel again stabbed and injured six marchers at the Jerusalem gay pride parade on 30 July 2015. It was three weeks after he was released from jail.[73] One of the victims, 16-year-old Shira Banki, died of her wounds at the Hadassah Medical Center three days later, on 2 August 2015.[74][75] Shortly after, Prime Minister Netanyahu offered his condolences, adding "We will deal with the murderer to the fullest extent of the law."[74]
  • Duma arson attack: On 31 July 2015, two Palestinian homes were firebombed by masked attackers, leading to the immediate death of a baby and the injury of other family members, in what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu termed a "terrorist" act. Perpetrators left graffiti in Hebrew on the gutted home saying "Revenge!" and "Long live the messiah!", or[76] "Yechi Hamelech Hamashiach", the motto of the messianist wing of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement, which believes that Menachem Mendel Schneerson, a rabbi who died in 1994, "is the messiah and will return to rebuild the ancient kingdom and redeem the world".[77] The motive, as stated in the indictment, was revenge for the murder of the young Israeli Malachi Rosenfeld by Palestinians, near Duma, about a month earlier.[78][79][80] On 8 August, the father of Ali Dawabsha, Saad Dawabsha, died of the burns he sustained in the attack.[81] Amiram Ben-Uliel was convicted of murder and arson as part of a "terrorist act", and a minor who confessed and made a plea deal was convicted of membership in a terrorist organization and involvement in planning the murders; both were sentenced to time in prison.

See also

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Footnotes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Jewish terrorism refers to acts of terrorism, including religious terrorism, committed by extremists within Judaism. These acts, often motivated by religious, political, territorial, or nationalistic goals linked to religious Zionism or ultra-Orthodox extremism, span from ancient times to the present. In the 1st century CE, the Sicarii—a radical offshoot of the Zealots—employed terrorist tactics, including assassinations and attacks on Roman officials and Jewish collaborators, to incite fear and resistance during the Jewish revolt against the Roman Empire.[1] In the 1930s and 1940s, Jewish underground groups such as the Irgun and Lehi conducted sophisticated terror campaigns against British authorities and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine to undermine colonial rule and advance Zionist objectives.[2] In the 1980s, the Jewish Underground (also known as the Gush Emunim Underground), a radical faction of the settler movement Gush Emunim, carried out anti-Arab terrorist acts in the West Bank, including bombings of Palestinian mayors' cars in 1980 and an attack on the Islamic College of Hebron in 1983 that killed three students and wounded dozens, motivated by revenge, messianic redemption, and frustration with government policy.[2] Since around 2008, extremist Israeli settlers have engaged in "price tag" attacks—acts of revenge and intimidation involving arson, assaults, property destruction, and killings targeting Palestinians, Christians, and others in the West Bank—intended to drive out local populations and destabilize the region, as exemplified by groups like Hilltop Youth responsible for fatal attacks in al-Mughayyir in 2024 and Turmus Aiya in 2023.[3] Such violence has been condemned internationally and domestically, though enforcement and accountability have varied.[4][3] These incidents illustrate a recurring pattern of radical Jewish groups or individuals using violence to pursue ideological aims, often in response to perceived threats or to hasten religious or national redemption, while challenging the authority of existing governance—whether Roman, British, or Israeli. Modern manifestations frequently arise in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly in contested territories, where they contribute to cycles of escalation and regional instability.

Definition and terminology

Definition

Jewish terrorism refers to acts of terrorism, including religious terrorism, committed by extremists identifying with Judaism or drawing on Jewish religious and nationalist ideologies. These acts are typically non-state violence motivated by political, territorial, religious, or ideological goals, often aimed at advancing perceived Jewish interests or resisting perceived threats to them.[5] Experts characterize Jewish terrorism as emerging from countercultural or totalistic ideologies within Judaism, distinct from state-sponsored actions or conventional warfare. It is seen as a form of extreme violence that can target external adversaries, such as in the Israeli-Palestinian context, or internal elements within Israeli society perceived as contrary to extremist values.[6] In modern usage, particularly regarding violence in the West Bank (Judea and Samaria), the term describes nationalist attacks by Jewish perpetrators against Palestinians, often intended to intimidate, displace populations, or influence territorial control. Israeli security officials have described it as a serious and escalating threat when it spirals beyond marginal incidents into systematic patterns.[7]

Terminology and classification

The terminology and classification of "Jewish terrorism" vary significantly across academic, governmental, media, and analytical contexts, often depending on whether acts are viewed primarily through political, nationalist, or religious lenses. Scholars and analysts have used the term "Jewish terrorism" to describe violent acts by Jewish extremists, with some classifications framing certain incidents as religious terrorism when motivated by radical interpretations of Jewish law (halakha) or messianic goals, such as redeeming biblical lands for Jewish settlement or preparing for messianic redemption through the establishment of a theocratic state.[8] These interpretations can portray violence as divinely mandated to defend religious identity against secular governance or perceived threats to Jewish holy sites and territories. Groups rooted in Kahanist ideology, which promotes a religiously homogeneous Jewish state through the expulsion of Arabs from biblical lands and condones violence to achieve this, have faced formal terrorist designations. Kach and its offshoot Kahane Chai were outlawed by Israel in 1994 following violent acts associated with their supporters and were designated as foreign terrorist organizations by the United States in 1997 (with the designation upheld in U.S. court in 2006), though the US designation was revoked in 2022. Such classifications reflect their characterization as extremist Jewish militant groups pursuing religious-nationalist objectives through violence.[9][10] In contemporary discourse, violence by Israeli settlers—particularly "price tag" attacks, which involve retaliatory vandalism, arson, or assaults intended to impose a "price" for perceived threats to settlements—is often labeled "settler terrorism" or "price tag terrorism" by critics, think tanks, and international analysts to underscore its systematic, intimidatory intent to displace Palestinians and assert control over contested territories. These terms distinguish such acts from mere "settler violence," which some argue downplays the premeditated and fear-inducing nature of the attacks, and link them to ideological motivations including religious significance of settlement sites and influences from extremist ideologies like Kahanism.[11][12] Israeli authorities, however, have typically avoided classifying these acts as terrorism; for example, in 2013 the security cabinet designated "price tag" perpetrators an illegal organization to facilitate prosecutions but rejected proposals to label the attacks or perpetrators as terrorist in nature.[13] These differing labels reflect ongoing debates over whether such acts constitute religious terrorism (due to messianic or halakhic motivations), nationalist extremism, or criminal activity, with official designations more commonly applied to organized groups than to diffuse settler actions.

Historical instances

Ancient period: Zealots and Sicarii

The Zealots emerged as a militant Jewish faction in the first century CE, motivated by religious and nationalist zeal to expel Roman rule from Judea and establish independence under divine sovereignty alone. They actively sought to incite widespread rebellion against the Roman Empire through forceful means, viewing submission to any foreign power as incompatible with Jewish monotheism.[14] Closely associated with or sometimes considered an extremist offshoot of the Zealots were the Sicarii, a group named after the short dagger (sica) they used as their signature weapon. The Sicarii specialized in stealth assassinations, concealing daggers under their garments and mingling among crowds, especially during festivals and public gatherings in Jerusalem. They would stab their targets in broad daylight and then join those expressing outrage over the killing, blending in to evade detection.[15] Their primary targets included Roman officials, Jewish collaborators deemed friendly to Rome, and those perceived as apostates or internal enemies of the independence cause. These attacks, described in detail by Flavius Josephus, aimed to instill widespread fear and paranoia, as the fear of being targeted proved more debilitating than the acts themselves, leading people to distrust even close associates.[15][14] During the First Jewish–Roman War (66–70 CE), the Sicarii captured the fortress of Masada early in the revolt, eliminated the Roman garrison there, and used it as a base. Some Sicarii infiltrated Jerusalem, where they participated in internal violence against perceived moderates or rivals within the Jewish revolutionary factions. Their actions contributed to a climate of terror and instability, with Josephus characterizing them as perpetrators of lawlessness and assassination to advance their goals.[14][15] Scholars have recognized these groups, particularly the Sicarii, as early practitioners of terrorism through their systematic use of targeted violence and fear to achieve political and religious ends.[14]

British Mandate period: Irgun and Lehi

During the final years of the British Mandate for Palestine, particularly from 1939 to 1947, two Jewish underground organizations—Irgun Zvai Leumi (Irgun) and Lohamei Herut Israel (Lehi, also known as the Stern Gang)—conducted armed campaigns against British authorities, which the British classified as terrorism. These groups aimed to undermine British rule, force the withdrawal of British forces, and pressure for unrestricted Jewish immigration and the establishment of a Jewish state amid restrictions imposed by the 1939 White Paper and post-Holocaust refugee crises.[16] Irgun, led by Menachem Begin from 1943, and Lehi, which had split from Irgun in 1940 under Avraham Stern and later leaders, targeted British military installations, police stations, administrative buildings, railways, and personnel through bombings, assassinations, kidnappings, and sabotage. The British viewed these actions as terrorism due to their use of indiscriminate violence against military and civilian targets, and the groups were pursued through large-scale counteroperations.[16] Notable incidents included Lehi's assassination of Lord Moyne, the British Minister Resident in the Middle East, on November 6, 1944, in Cairo, which sent shock waves through British leadership and temporarily strained relations within the Zionist movement.[16] One of the most destructive attacks was Irgun's bombing of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem on July 22, 1946. The hotel housed British military headquarters, the government secretariat, and intelligence offices. Irgun operatives disguised as workers placed milk churns filled with explosives in the basement, detonating them and killing 91 people (including British, Arabs, and Jews) while injuring 45. The group later claimed multiple telephone warnings were given to evacuate the building but were ignored or dismissed by British officials. The attack drew international attention to Zionist grievances and contributed to Britain's deteriorating position in Palestine.[17] Other significant operations included Lehi's bombing of the Haifa oil refinery on March 31, 1947, which caused a prolonged fire; Irgun's raid on Acre prison in May 1947, which freed dozens of imprisoned militants; and Lehi's kidnapping and hanging of two British sergeants on July 29, 1947, in retaliation for executions of Lehi members, with the bodies booby-trapped. These acts, along with repeated bombings of railways and officers' clubs (such as the March 1, 1947 bombing in Jerusalem that killed 17 and wounded 27), formed part of a sustained insurgency.[16] The violence by Irgun and Lehi resulted in approximately 150 British military and police deaths during the period and eroded British morale and political will, contributing to the decision in 1947 to refer the Palestine question to the United Nations and end the Mandate.

Post-1948 developments in Israel

Early incidents in the 1950s

In the early 1950s, soon after Israel's establishment in 1948, isolated underground groups emerged to oppose the state's secular policies and the perceived secularization of Jewish immigrants, particularly those from Yemen and North Africa. These groups sought to resist what they viewed as threats to traditional Jewish observance.[18] The most notable was Brit HaKanaim (Covenant of the Zealots), formed in April 1950 by ultra-Orthodox yeshiva students at Porat Yosef Yeshiva in Jerusalem, including future Sephardi Chief Rabbi Mordechai Eliyahu. The group, which grew to around 35 members, advocated for an ultra-Orthodox regime based on "divine justice" without democracy. They targeted secular behavior internally, such as Shabbat desecration and non-kosher practices. Their actions included arson: in November 1950, they set fire to 23 cars driven on Shabbat; they also torched a butcher shop selling pork and placed oil-soaked bags in an Egged bus company garage. Their most ambitious plot occurred on May 15, 1951, when they attempted to disrupt a Knesset debate on women's military conscription by deploying a smoke bomb and cutting electricity in the plenum hall, but Shin Bet infiltration and arrests prevented it.[18][19] Israeli authorities arrested about 42 members that day, uncovering weapons and explosives caches. After initial serious charges, a plea deal resulted in reduced counts and prison sentences ranging from six months to one year, with the trial concluding in March 1952.[18][19] Another group, the Kingdom of Israel (Malkhut Yisrael), also known as the Tzrifin Underground, operated in the early 1950s. It included members from Revisionist Zionist and former Lehi backgrounds alongside some Orthodox Jews, and conducted actions motivated by a mix of opposition to secular policies in immigrant education, anti-communist protests, and resistance to Israeli-German reparations. They attempted to bomb the Ministry of Education on May 26, 1953, to protest secular policies and conducted attacks on foreign diplomatic sites, including the Soviet embassy (February 9, 1953, injuring staff and contributing to a break in diplomatic relations) and the Czechoslovak embassy (multiple times). The group also sent letter bombs to West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and engaged in other acts such as shootings at Jordanian positions. Members were arrested following the Ministry plot, though related activities continued into the late 1950s. Brit HaKanaim's incidents were limited in scope and focused on internal religious coercion. In contrast, Tzrifin Underground actions included broader political and anti-Arab elements. Such organized religious extremism then remained dormant until the 1980s.

Jewish Underground in the 1980s

The Jewish Underground, also known as the Gush Emunim Underground or Makhteret, was a radical Jewish settler organization active from the late 1970s until its dismantlement in 1984, composed mainly of members from the Gush Emunim settler movement.[2] It formed in response to the 1978 Camp David Accords and the 1979 Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty, which the group viewed as dangerous concessions that threatened Jewish settlement in the West Bank (referred to as Judea and Samaria) and delayed messianic redemption.[20][2] The group's actions were driven by a combination of religious Zionism, messianic ideology rooted in the teachings of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook, and retaliation for attacks on Jewish settlers, with some members advocating "active redemption" through violence to remove perceived obstacles to divine will, such as Muslim holy sites on the Temple Mount.[2] They framed their operations as self-defense amid government inaction against Palestinian violence.[2] In June 1980, the Underground carried out coordinated car bomb attacks targeting three West Bank mayors active in Palestinian nationalism: Bassam Shakaa of Nablus lost both legs, Karim Khalaf of Ramallah lost one leg, and a third bomb was discovered and defused before detonation.[20][21] On July 26, 1983, members attacked the Islamic College in Hebron using grenades and automatic rifles, killing three Palestinian students and wounding 33 others, in retaliation for the murder of a yeshiva student.[20][21] The group's most ambitious and potentially catastrophic plan involved destroying the Dome of the Rock mosque on the Temple Mount to enable the rebuilding of the Third Temple, a goal tied to hastening messianic redemption; members stole over 1,000 kilograms of explosives from an Israeli army base in the Golan Heights in 1982 and prepared devices for the operation.[21][22] The plot was abandoned by some leaders due to lack of rabbinical approval but remained a central aspiration for others.[2] The Underground was dismantled in April 1984 when Shin Bet arrested key members, including Yehuda Etzion and Menachem Livni, immediately after they placed bombs on five Arab buses in East Jerusalem as part of a planned mass-casualty attack; the arrests also exposed the Temple Mount scheme and prevented its execution.[20][22][21] The group's activities represented the most organized instance of Jewish settler terrorism in the post-1948 era and influenced later forms of settler extremism.[21]

Settler extremism and price tag attacks since 2008

Since around 2008, settler extremism in the West Bank has been characterized by the so-called "price tag" policy, a strategy of retaliatory violence and vandalism employed by extremist Israeli settlers to exact a "cost" for Israeli government actions perceived as detrimental to settlement expansion, such as the evacuation of unauthorized outposts or restrictions on settler activities.[23][24][25] The policy emerged as a response to the 2005 Gaza disengagement and subsequent enforcement efforts against illegal outposts in the West Bank, with perpetrators aiming to deter authorities through widespread intimidation and to impose consequences on Palestinians and others seen as obstacles to their ideological goals.[25][3] These attacks typically involve arson, property destruction, physical assaults, slashing of tires, uprooting of olive trees, and graffiti featuring anti-Arab, racist, or anti-government slogans, often including the phrase "price tag." Targets have included Palestinian homes, vehicles, agricultural lands, mosques, and churches, as well as Israeli military installations and individuals perceived as opposing settler interests.[23][3] The violence has aimed to intimidate Palestinian communities, disrupt livelihoods, and in some cases contribute to displacement from villages and grazing lands.[26] Such acts have also targeted Christian religious sites, reflecting a broader pattern of aggression against non-Jewish populations in the region.[23] The perpetrators are frequently associated with radical settler networks, including the Hilltop Youth, a violent extremist group comprising Israeli settlers that has carried out "price tag" attacks, assaults, arson, and vandalism to intimidate Palestinians and destabilize the region.[3] Other extremist elements, such as those linked to Kahanist ideologies and groups advocating revolt against the Israeli state, have been implicated in promoting or participating in similar tactics.[3] These decentralized networks often operate from unauthorized outposts and have clashed with Israeli security forces while pursuing their objectives.[23] The phenomenon has persisted since its emergence in 2008, with trends showing periodic escalations, including significant increases in settler violence documented in recent years that have displaced Palestinian communities and heightened regional tensions.[26] Israeli officials have condemned these acts as reprehensible and established specialized units to investigate them, though enforcement challenges and low indictment rates have been noted in reports on the issue.[23][24] Internationally, entities such as the U.S. Department of the Treasury have designated groups involved in "price tag" violence for sanctions due to their role in threatening peace and security.[3]

Ideological motivations

Religious Zionism and Kahanism

Religious Zionism, particularly its messianic strands, interprets the establishment of the State of Israel and Jewish settlement in the biblical Land of Israel as the initial stages of divine redemption, viewing these developments as fulfillment of prophetic promises and the end of exile. Influenced by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook's theology, this ideology frames secular Zionist efforts as unwitting instruments of God's redemptive plan, enabling religious participation in the national project while anticipating a transformation toward a messianic era.[27] Adherents often emphasize the sanctity of the entire Land of Israel under halakha, regarding settlement and cultivation of the land as religious imperatives that hasten redemption through active human effort rather than passive waiting for miraculous intervention. Territorial concessions are sometimes seen as obstructing this process, potentially delegitimizing political compromises in religious terms.[28][27] Kahanism, founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane, represents a more radical offshoot that advocates the expulsion of Arabs from Israel and the territories to create a religiously homogeneous Jewish state governed by strict halakha. Kahane's ideology frames the conflict as a religious imperative to purify the land of non-Jews, justifying violence as a defensive or divine response to perceived threats.[9][29] Kahane's teachings combined ethnonationalism with apocalyptic fundamentalism, rejecting democratic pluralism in favor of a theocratic order and promoting slogans such as "they must go" to demand Arab removal. The Kach movement he established, along with its splinter Kahane Chai, was banned in Israel in 1994 and designated foreign terrorist organizations by the United States due to their promotion of violence and racism.[9][29] This ideology has influenced specific acts of violence, including the 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre committed by Baruch Goldstein, a Kach supporter.[9]

Ultra-Orthodox and anti-Zionist extremism

Ultra-Orthodox and anti-Zionist extremism within Judaism primarily involves fringe elements in Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) communities that use violence or intimidation to enforce strict religious observance or oppose the State of Israel and its institutions. These acts are typically rooted in theological rejection of Zionism, viewing the modern state as illegitimate until the messianic era, and target perceived violations of halakha (Jewish law) or symbols of secular authority.[30][31] A prominent example is the Sikrikim, a small, fringe anti-Zionist group loosely linked to Neturei Karta, active mainly in Jerusalem's Mea Shearim neighborhood and Beit Shemesh. Comprising perhaps 60–100 members, the Sikrikim have conducted campaigns of vandalism and harassment against businesses and individuals seen as insufficiently observant or promoting Zionist or secular influences.[30][31] Their tactics have included breaking shop windows, gluing locks shut, pelting buildings with fish oil or bags of excrement, blocking customer access, throwing rocks, and protesting outside stores to demand removal of English-language materials, Zionist books, or immodest dress codes. Such actions have created a climate of fear in ultra-Orthodox neighborhoods, targeting local businesses and bystanders who fail to comply with extreme standards.[30] Mainstream Haredi leaders have condemned these acts, with ZAKA founder Yehuda Meshi-Zahav describing the Sikrikim's violence as akin to terrorism and comparable to Islamist extremism, while urging community leaders to speak out against the fringe group that misrepresents the broader Haredi population.[31] Violence has also emerged in anti-draft protests, where ultra-Orthodox extremists have clashed with police, thrown stones and objects, and attacked IDF personnel. In one 2017 incident in Mea Shearim, rioters assaulted officers during a raid on an anti-draft office, injuring a child bystander and prompting Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman to label the perpetrators an “extremist, violent and anti-Zionist group.” More recent cases include Haredi youths surrounding and verbally abusing a reserve soldier in Bnei Brak with hateful chants and blocking his vehicle in opposition to military service.[32][33] These incidents generally target secular or non-compliant Jews, fellow Haredim who serve in the military, and state symbols such as police or the IDF, reflecting ideological resistance to conscription and secular authority within certain ultra-Orthodox circles.[31][32]

Notable incidents

Mass-casualty attacks

The most prominent mass-casualty attack attributed to Jewish extremism in modern times occurred on February 25, 1994, when Baruch Goldstein carried out the Cave of the Patriarchs massacre (also known as the Ibrahimi Mosque massacre) in Hebron, West Bank.[34][35] Goldstein, an American-Israeli physician, settler in Kiryat Arba, and supporter of the far-right Kach movement founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane, entered the mosque during morning prayers in the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, wearing his IDF reservist uniform and armed with an assault rifle. He opened fire on Palestinian Muslim worshippers, killing 29 people and wounding 125 others before being overpowered and beaten to death by survivors.[34][35] The attack took place amid heightened tensions during the Oslo peace process and coincided with the Jewish holiday of Purim. Goldstein had prior affiliations with Kahanist ideology, including activism in Kach and support for the removal of Arabs from Israel.[34] In the immediate aftermath, rioting and clashes erupted across the West Bank and Gaza, resulting in additional Palestinian deaths (approximately 20 reported in confrontations with Israeli forces) and injuries. The Israeli government, including Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, condemned the massacre, with Rabin calling Goldstein a "degenerate murderer" and emphasizing that he did not represent Israeli society.[34] The subsequent Shamgar Commission investigation concluded that Goldstein acted alone, though it criticized security lapses at the site. The Israeli government banned Kach and its offshoot Kahane Chai under counterterrorism laws. The Cave of the Patriarchs site was physically divided, allocating roughly 40 percent to Muslim worshippers and 60 percent to Jewish worshippers with separate entrances, and strict security measures—including checkpoints and curfews—were imposed in Hebron.[35][34][36]

Assassinations and targeted killings

One of the most prominent acts of targeted killing associated with Jewish extremism is the 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. On November 4, 1995, Yigal Amir, a right-wing Jewish extremist and law student, shot Rabin twice in the back as he left a peace rally in Tel Aviv's Kings of Israel Square following a speech supporting the Oslo Accords.[37][38] Rabin died later that night from his wounds.[37] Amir, who opposed the Oslo Accords as a betrayal of Israeli interests and Jewish claims to the land, had openly expressed his intentions to kill Rabin in advance, though Israeli security focused primarily on Palestinian threats at the time.[38] Some extremist rabbis had invoked the halakhic concept of din rodef ("pursuer" law, permitting the killing of someone endangering Jewish lives) to label Rabin a rodef for his role in ceding territory to the Palestinians, providing ideological justification for the act in ultranationalist circles.[37][38] Amir was convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment plus additional years for injuring others.[38] Another notable case of targeted killing occurred in 2014 with the murder of 16-year-old Palestinian Mohammed Abu Khdeir. On July 2, 2014, three Jewish extremists abducted Abu Khdeir from a street in East Jerusalem, beat him severely, and burned him alive in a forest west of the city.[39][40] The perpetrators confessed that the act was revenge for the earlier abduction and murder of three Israeli teenagers by Hamas operatives.[39] Israeli authorities classified the killing as an act of "Jewish terrorism."[39] The main perpetrator, Yosef Haim Ben David, was convicted of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment, while two minors involved received lengthy prison terms.[41][39]

Arson and property destruction

Arson and property destruction have formed a significant component of price tag attacks carried out by Jewish extremist settlers since around 2008, primarily in the West Bank and sometimes within Israel. These attacks often involve setting fire to Palestinian homes, vehicles, olive groves, mosques, and Christian religious sites, accompanied by racist graffiti such as "price tag," "revenge," "death to Arabs," or references to illegal settlements.[23][42] Such acts are typically retaliatory, responding to Israeli government measures against unauthorized settlement outposts or to Palestinian violence against Israelis, and are linked to broader patterns of settler extremism.[23][25] Examples include the torching of vehicles, the firebombing of religious buildings, and the vandalism of property with nationalist slogans. Attacks have targeted Palestinian homes and cars, Muslim mosques (with incendiary devices damaging holy books and rugs), and Christian sites such as the Church of the Multiplication in Tabgha (set ablaze in June 2015 with graffiti reading "False idols will be smashed") and a Greek Orthodox seminary in Jerusalem (set on fire and vandalized in February 2015 with anti-Christian slogans).[23] The most lethal such incident was the July 31, 2015, arson attack in the West Bank village of Duma, where assailants hurled Molotov cocktails into the home of the Dawabsheh family in the early hours, killing 18-month-old Ali Dawabsheh and his parents Sa’ad and Riham Dawabsheh, while severely injuring their four-year-old son Ahmed. The perpetrators also firebombed a second empty home and sprayed Hebrew graffiti including "revenge," "long live the messiah," and a Star of David. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu condemned the act as "terrorism in every respect."[43][44][45] In 2020, Amiram Ben Uliel was convicted by the Lod District Court of three counts of murder, two counts of attempted murder, and arson, receiving three life sentences plus additional years for the crimes, which the court attributed to "extreme and racist ideology." A teenage accomplice was convicted for planning the attack.[43][46] The attack drew widespread condemnation in Israel and internationally as an example of Jewish terrorism amid rising settler vigilantism.[43][44]

Responses and countermeasures

Israeli authorities have employed a range of security and legal tools to counter Jewish terrorism, primarily through the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), law enforcement, and judicial measures. The Shin Bet has monitored and addressed Jewish extremist activity since at least the early 1980s, when it exposed the Jewish Underground, a group responsible for terrorist attacks.[47] The agency maintains a dedicated unit focused on Jewish extremism within its structure to counter terrorists perpetrating violence against the state and others.[47] In more recent years, the Shin Bet has continued to identify Jewish terrorism as a significant threat, particularly from settler militants in the West Bank. In 2024, Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar warned senior officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, that violence by "hilltop youth" extremists—such as murder, arson, and intimidation aimed at displacing Palestinians—had escalated out of control and constituted terrorism rather than mere criminality.[48] Bar highlighted a shift toward more severe tactics, including attacks on security forces and the use of weapons, and criticized insufficient police response and political connivance as enabling factors.[48] Legally, Israel has outlawed certain extremist groups. In 1994, the Cabinet unanimously declared Kach and Kahane Chai terrorist organizations under existing anti-terrorism laws, previously applied mainly to Palestinian groups, following evidence linking them to unsolved murders of Palestinians and in the wake of the Cave of the Patriarchs massacre.[49] The ban prohibited support for the groups, including verbal or financial aid, with penalties including imprisonment, and extended to any successor entities sharing similar violent ideologies.[49] Administrative detention, a measure typically used against Palestinian suspects to hold individuals without formal charges based on intelligence, has been applied sparingly to Jewish extremists. Critics have pointed to systemic leniency in responses to settler violence and Jewish extremism. Over decades, Israeli authorities have faced accusations of failing to adequately prevent or punish such acts, contributing to a pattern of impunity that has persisted despite repeated incidents.[50] Former security officials have described this as a long-term failure that endangers both Palestinians and Israel's own interests.[50]

International reactions and designations

International reactions and designations Several countries and international bodies have designated certain Jewish extremist groups as terrorist organizations, primarily focusing on Kach and its offshoot Kahane Chai, founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane and associated with advocacy for expelling Arabs from Israel and violent acts against Palestinians and others. The United States designated Kach and Kahane Chai as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs) in 1997, citing links to attacks including the 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre by Kach supporter Baruch Goldstein.[9] In 2022, the U.S. State Department delisted Kahane Chai from the FTO list following a routine review, determining the group was no longer engaged in terrorism or retained the capability or intent to do so.[10] Canada continues to list Kahane Chai (Kach) as a terrorist entity, a designation in place since 2005 and most recently reviewed in 2024, describing it as an extremist group advocating violence to establish a theocratic Jewish state and expelling Arabs, with activities including threats, grenade attacks, armed violence, and bombings.[51] Other jurisdictions, including Japan and formerly the European Union, have also designated the groups as terrorist organizations.[9] In response to ongoing settler violence in the West Bank, including "price tag" attacks, the U.S. Department of the Treasury in 2024 designated the Hilltop Youth, a violent extremist settler group, under Executive Order 14115 for repeated attacks on Palestinians involving killings, mass arson, property destruction, and intimidation aimed at destabilizing the region.[3] However, all designations under EO 14115 were removed in January 2025, terminating the related sanctions program. The U.S. and other international actors, including the United Nations, have repeatedly condemned settler violence and price tag attacks as threats to regional stability and civilian safety. Internationally, these acts and groups are often framed in media and scholarly contexts as examples of right-wing or religious extremism, though the application of "terrorism" labels to Jewish perpetrators remains limited compared to designations of other extremist groups, with focus on specific incidents rather than broad organizational proscription.

Controversies and scholarly perspectives

Debates over the term and labeling

The application of the term "terrorism" to acts of violence committed by Jewish extremists has sparked considerable debate, particularly regarding "price tag" attacks carried out by Israeli settlers and their supporters since around 2008. These attacks typically involve vandalism, arson, tire-slashing, and graffiti targeting Palestinian property, Arab-Israeli communities, Christian sites, and occasionally Israeli military targets, often in retaliation for government actions against illegal outposts or Palestinian attacks.[52][23] In Israel, a key point of contention has been whether such acts meet the legal and conceptual threshold for terrorism, which would allow authorities to apply enhanced investigative powers, longer detentions, and harsher penalties similar to those used against Palestinian militants. In 2013, amid a surge in incidents, Justice Minister Tzipi Livni and some human rights advocates supported classifying price tag attacks as terrorism, arguing that they constitute politically motivated violence and intimidation aimed at civilians to influence policy or settlement dynamics.[52] In contrast, opponents—including settler representatives and some government figures—maintained that the attacks, which at the time rarely resulted in fatalities, do not equate to terrorism as commonly understood in Israel (such as suicide bombings in crowded areas) and should instead be treated as criminal offenses or hate crimes. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu resisted the full terrorism designation, leading to a compromise in which price tag groups were outlawed as an illegal organization, granting broader enforcement tools without formally adopting the terrorism label for all such acts.[52][53] Subsequent developments have seen partial shifts in practice. As of 2025-2026, Israeli security bodies including the IDF and Shin Bet classify severe incidents of "nationalistic crime" by settler extremists—such as shootings, arson causing deaths, and other violent acts—as terrorism, with such severe cases rising significantly in recent years. However, this classification remains inconsistent, with stringent definitions, no blanket legal designation for "price tag" attacks as terrorism, and perpetrators often not labeled as terrorists (e.g., described instead as "anarchists"). Debates persist over full legislative recognition, equal application of terrorism laws, and enforcement adequacy.[54][7][12] Critics of the prevailing approach have highlighted perceived selective labeling and enforcement, noting that nationalist-motivated violence by Jews is sometimes downplayed as vigilantism, revenge, or isolated extremism rather than systematically addressed as terrorism. This has been contrasted with the more routine application of terrorism designations to Palestinian acts, raising questions about political will and equal application of the law.[50] While Israeli leaders across the spectrum have publicly condemned price tag and similar extremist attacks, inconsistencies in classification and response have fueled ongoing arguments over terminology and adequacy.[23]

Comparisons to other forms of religious terrorism

Scholars such as Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger have analyzed Jewish religious terrorism in comparison to other manifestations of religious terrorism, particularly jihadist or Islamic terrorism, situating it within the "fourth wave" of terrorism characterized by predominantly religious motivations.[55] Both Jewish and jihadist terrorist networks exhibit similarities in their formation of isolated counterculture communities that perceive their broader cultural and political contexts as existential threats, fostering a shared sense of alienation and radicalization.[55] These groups are often driven by mixed motives that blend religious imperatives—such as visions of redemption or holy war—with political and territorial objectives.[55] Recruitment patterns also show parallels, with Jewish terrorist networks primarily drawing members from synagogues, yeshivas, and personal connections within tight-knit religious communities, much as jihadist networks utilize mosques and local organizations for mobilization.[55] However, significant differences emerge in the operational scale and tactics. Jewish terrorism typically avoids mass-casualty attacks, with the 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre by Baruch Goldstein representing a rare exception, whereas many jihadist groups frequently employ suicide bombings and large-scale operations to maximize casualties and impact.[55] This divergence reflects differing perceptions of threat and strategic priorities within each form of religious extremism.[55]

Scholarly analysis and databases

Scholarly analysis and databases Scholarly research on Jewish terrorism has primarily focused on its ideological roots, historical evolution, and sociological dynamics, often framing it within broader theories of religious extremism and political violence. A foundational work is Jewish Terrorism in Israel by Ami Pedahzur and Arie Perliger, which proposes a theory of violence rooted in totalistic ideologies. The authors argue that religious terrorism emerges in countercultural communities perceiving external threats, strengthening group cohesion and leadership rhetoric to justify violence. Drawing on interviews with former terrorists, leaders, and officials, as well as rare documents and network surveys, they trace Jewish terrorism from ancient sicarii assassinations against Romans to modern acts like the 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin.[56] Ehud Sprinzak provided key early analysis of specific Jewish extremist networks, particularly the Gush Emunim Underground. In his study of the group, Sprinzak examines its radicalization from messianic settlement ideology to vigilante terrorism following the Camp David Accords, which members viewed as betraying redemption. He details the underground's shift from grand plans like destroying the Dome of the Rock to retaliatory attacks on Arab targets, such as the 1980 car bombings of West Bank mayors and the 1983 Hebron Islamic College attack. Sprinzak situates this within democratic societies' capacity for internal terrorism, driven by unmet messianic expectations and perceived state failures.[2] Mark Juergensmeyer's comparative study Terror in the Mind of God incorporates Jewish religious terrorism within a global analysis of faith-based violence. The book explores cases like Baruch Goldstein's 1994 Cave of the Patriarchs massacre and ideological influences from Meir Kahane, framing such acts through concepts like "cosmic war" that sacralize violence against perceived existential threats. Juergensmeyer uses interviews and case studies to highlight how religion supplies motivation, justification, and organization for extremism across traditions.[57] Empirical research on Jewish terrorism benefits from databases tracking terrorist incidents. The Global Terrorism Database (GTD), maintained by the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) at the University of Maryland, compiles open-source data on over 200,000 incidents worldwide from 1970 onward. It includes details on perpetrators, targets, weapons, and casualties, enabling researchers to query and analyze Jewish extremist attacks in Israel and elsewhere.[58]

References

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