Hubbry Logo
Religion and sexualityReligion and sexualityMain
Open search
Religion and sexuality
Community hub
Religion and sexuality
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Religion and sexuality
Religion and sexuality
from Wikipedia

Erotic sculptures from Khajuraho temple complex, India

The views of the various different religions and religious believers regarding human sexuality range widely among and within them, from giving sex and sexuality a rather negative connotation to believing that sex is the highest expression of the divine.[1] Some religions distinguish between human sexual activities that are practised for biological reproduction (sometimes allowed only when in formal marital status and at a certain age) and those practised only for sexual pleasure in evaluating relative morality.

Sexual morality has varied greatly over time and between cultures. A society's sexual norms—standards of sexual conduct—can be linked to religious beliefs, or social and environmental conditions, or all of these. Sexuality and reproduction are fundamental elements in human interaction and societies worldwide. Furthermore, "sexual restriction" is one of the universals of culture peculiar to all human societies.[2][3]

Accordingly, most religions have seen a need to address the question of a "proper" role for sexuality. Religions have differing codes of sexual morality, which regulate sexual activity or assign normative values to certain sexually charged actions or ideas. Each major religion has developed a moral code covering issues of human sexuality, morality, ethics, etc. These moral codes seek to regulate the situations that can give rise to sexual interest and to influence people's sexual activities and practices.

Abrahamic religions

[edit]

Abrahamic religions (namely Judaism, Samaritanism, Christianity, the Baháʼí Faith, and Islam) have traditionally affirmed and endorsed a patriarchal and heteronormative approach towards human sexuality.[4][5][6][7]

Catholicism in particular favours exclusively penetrative vaginal intercourse between men and women within the boundaries of marriage over all other forms of human sexual activity,[6][7] including autoeroticism, masturbation, anal sex, oral sex, non-penetrative and non-heterosexual sexual intercourse (all of which have been labeled as "sodomy" at various times),[8] believing and teaching that such behaviors are forbidden and considered sinful,[6][7] and further compared to or derived from the alleged behavior of the residents of Sodom and Gomorrah.[6][9][10][11][12] However, the status of LGBT people in early Christianity[13][14][15][16] and early Islam[17][18][19][20] is debated.

Baháʼí Faith

[edit]

In the Baháʼí Faith, sexual relationships are permitted only between a husband and wife, and marriage is emphasized in the faith.[21] Bahá'u'lláh, the founder of the Baháʼí Faith, forbade any sexual intercourse outside a heterosexual marriage in his book of laws; the Kitáb-i-Aqdas.[22][23][24] Homosexual sexual relationships and same-sex marriages continue to be prohibited.[25][26]

Christianity

[edit]

The Old Testament and Christianity have historically affirmed and endorsed a patriarchal and heteronormative approach toward human sexuality,[6][7] favouring exclusively penetrative vaginal intercourse between men and women within the boundaries of marriage over all other forms of human sexual activity,[6][7] including autoeroticism, masturbation, anal sex, oral sex, non-penetrative and non-heterosexual sexual intercourse (all of which have been labeled as "sodomy" at various times),[8] believing and teaching that such behaviors are forbidden because they're considered sinful,[6][7] and further compared to or derived from the behavior of the alleged residents of Sodom and Gomorrah.[9][6]

In the New Testament, Jesus discussed little about sex, and most of the information about sex comes from the Old Testament and Paul's writings, and some are controversial today.[27]

Sexuality carried out between different sexes, between 2 people (Monogamy, although polygamy is not forbidden) and in particular procreation, is generally understood as the ideal state.[28][29]

New Testament

[edit]

Paul the Apostle stated in 1 Corinthians "To the unmarried and the widows I say that it is well for them to remain unmarried as I am. But if they are not practising self-control, they should marry. For it is better to marry than to be aflame with passion."[30] Importantly, Paul's view of sex is also that it is actually unnecessary for those with certain gifts[31] (presumably "celibacy"). Jennifer Wright Knust says Paul framed desire a force Christians gained control over whereas non-Christians were "enslaved" by it.[32] Further, Paul says the bodies of Christians were members of Christ's body and thus sexual desire must be eschewed.[32]

New Testament scholar N. T. Wright asserts that Paul absolutely forbade fornication, irrespective of a new Christian's former cultural practices. Wright notes "If a Corinthian were to say, 'Because I'm a Corinthian, I have always had a string of girl-friends I sleep with, that's part of our culture,' Paul would respond, 'Not now you're a Christian you don't.'... When someone disagreed with Paul's clear rules on immorality or angry disputes, the matters he deals with in Colossians 3.5–10, he is... firm, as we see dramatically in 1 Corinthians 5 and 6. There is no place in the Christian fellowship for such practices and for such a person."[33]

Some have suggested that Paul's treatment of sex was influenced by his conviction that the end of the world was imminent. Under this view, Paul, believing that the world would soon end, took it as a corollary that all earthly concerns,[34] including sex, should hold little interest for Christians.[35] Paul's letters show far greater concern with sexual issues than the gospel writers attributed to Jesus, since Paul was building Christian communities over decades and responding to various issues that arose.[36]

Early Christianity

[edit]

In early Christianity, reflection on scriptural texts introduced an eschatological hermeneutic to the reading of the Book of Genesis. The Garden of Eden was seen as a normative ideal state to which Christians were to strive; writers linked the future enjoyment of Heaven to the original blessedness of Adam and Eve in their reflections.[37]

The valuation of virginity in the ancient church brought into relief a tension between the Genesis injunction to "be fruitful and multiply"[38] with its understood contextual implication of marriage as a social institution, and the interpretation of the superiority of virginity over marriage, sexual activity and family formation from the Gospel texts Matt 19:11-12, Matt 19:29. One way patristic thinkers tried to harmonize the texts was through the position that there had actually been no sexual intercourse in Eden: on this reading, sex happened after the fall of man and the expulsion from Eden, thus preserving virginity as the perfect state both in the historical Paradise and the anticipated Heaven. John Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa, Justin Martyr, Epiphanius of Salamis, and Irenaeus of Lyons all espoused this view:

  • Gregory of Nyssa, On Virginity, 12 "He did not yet judge of what was lovely by taste or sight; he found in the Lord alone all that was sweet; and he used the helpmeet given him only for this delight, as Scripture signifies when it said that 'he knew her not' till he was driven forth from the garden, and till she, for the sin which she was decoyed into committing, was sentenced to the pangs of childbirth. We, then, who in our first ancestor were thus ejected, are allowed to return to our earliest state of blessedness by the very same stages by which we lost Paradise. What are they? Pleasure, craftily offered, began the Fall, and there followed after pleasure shame, and fear, even to remain longer in the sight of their Creator, so that they hid themselves in leaves and shade; and after that they covered themselves with the skins of dead animals; and then were sent forth into this pestilential and exacting land where, as the compensation for having to die, marriage was instituted".[39]
  • John Chrysostom, On Virginity, 14.3 "When the whole world had been completed and all had been readied for our repose and use, God fashioned man for whom he made the world... Man did need a helper, and she came into being; not even then did marriage seem necessary... Desire for sexual intercourse, conception, labor, childbirth, and every form of corruption had been banished from their souls. As a clear river shooting forth from a pure source, so they were in that place adorned by virginity." 15.2 "Why did marriage not appear before the treachery? Why was there no intercourse in paradise? Why not the pains of childbirth before the curse? Because at that time these things were superfluous."[40]
  • Irenaeus, Against Heresies, Book 3, ch 22:4 "But Eve was disobedient; for she did not obey when as yet she was a virgin. And even as she, having indeed a husband, Adam, but being nevertheless as yet a virgin (for in Paradise they were both naked, and were not ashamed, inasmuch as they, having been created a short time previously, had no understanding of the procreation of children: for it was necessary that they should first come to adult age, and then multiply from that time onward), having become disobedient, was made the cause of death, both to herself and to the entire human race..."[41]
  • Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion, 78.17–19 "And as in paradise Eve, still a virgin, fell into the sin of disobedience, once more through the Virgin [Mary] came the obedience of grace."[42]
  • Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, ch 100 "For Eve, who was a virgin and undefiled, having conceived the word of the serpent, brought forth disobedience and death. But the Virgin Mary received faith and joy, when the angel Gabriel announced the good tidings to her..."[43]

Prof. John Noonan suggests that "if one asks... where the Christian Fathers derived their notions on marital intercourse – notions which have no express biblical basis – the answer must be, chiefly from the Stoics".[44] He uses texts from Musonius Rufus, Seneca the Younger, and Ocellus Lucanus, tracing works of Clement of Alexandria, Origen and Jerome to the works of these earlier thinkers,[44] particularly as pertaining to the permissible use of the sexual act, which in the Stoic model must be subdued, dispassionate, and justified by its procreative intent.[45]

Augustine of Hippo had a different challenge: to respond to the errors of Manichaeism.[46] The Manichees, according to Augustine, were "opposed to marriage, because they are opposed to procreation which is the purpose of marriage".[46] "The method of contraception practised by these Manichees whom Augustine knew is the use of the sterile period as determined by Greek medicine",[46] which Augustine condemns (this stands in contrast to the contemporarily permitted Catholic use of Natural family planning). Elaine Pagels says, "By the beginning of the fifth century, Augustine had actually declared that spontaneous sexual desire is the proof of—and penalty for—universal original sin", though that this view goes against "most of his Christian predecessors".[47]

As monastic communities developed, the sexual lives of monks came under scrutiny from two theologians, John Cassian and Caesarius of Arles, who commented on the "vices" of the solitary life. "Their concerns were not with the act of masturbation, but with the monks who vowed chastity. The monks' vow made masturbation an illicit act; the act itself was not considered sinful... In fact... prior to Cassian, masturbation was not considered a sexual offence for anyone."[48]

Catholicism

[edit]

From the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Catholic Church formally recognized marriage between a freely consenting, baptized man and woman as a sacrament – an outward sign communicating a special gift of God's love. The Council of Florence in 1438 gave this definition, following earlier church statements in 1208, and declared that sexual union was a special participation in the union of Christ in the church.[49] However the Puritans, while highly valuing the institution, viewed marriage as a "civil", rather than a "religious" matter, being "under the jurisdiction of the civil courts".[50] This is because they found no biblical precedent for clergy performing marriage ceremonies. Further, marriage was said to be for the "relief of concupiscence"[50] as well as any spiritual purpose.

The Catholic moral theologian Charles E. Curran stated "the fathers of the Church are practically silent on the simple question of masturbation".[51]

The Catechism of the Catholic Church teaches that "the flesh is the hinge of salvation".[52] The Catechism indicates that sexual relationships in marriage is "a way of imitating in the flesh the Creator's generosity and fecundity"[53] and lists fornication as one of the "offenses against chastity",[54] calling it "an intrinsically and gravely disordered action" because "use of the sexual faculty, for whatever reason, outside of marriage is essentially contrary to its purpose".[54][55] The "conjugal act" aims "at a deeply personal unity, a unity that, beyond union in one flesh, leads to forming one heart and soul"[56] since the marriage bond is to be a sign of the love between God and humanity.[57]

Pope John Paul II's first major teaching was on the theology of the body, presented in a series of lectures by the same name. Over the course of five years he elucidated a vision of sex that was not only positive and affirming but was about redemption, not condemnation. He taught that by understanding God's plan for physical love we could understand "the meaning of the whole of existence, the meaning of life."[58] He taught that human beings were created by a loving God for a purpose: to be loving persons who freely choose to love, to give themselves as persons who express their self-giving through their bodies. Thus, sexual intercourse between husband and wife is a symbol of their total mutual self-donation.[original research?]

For John Paul II, "The body, and it alone, is capable of making visible what is invisible: the spiritual and divine." He says there is no other more perfect image of the unity and communion of God in mutual love than the sexual act of a married couple, whereby they give themselves in a total way – exclusively to one another, and up to the end of their lives, and in a fruitfully generous way by participating in the creation of new human beings. Through this perspective, he understands the immorality of extra-marital sex. It falsifies the language of the human body, a language of total love worthy of persons by using the body for selfish ends, thus treating persons as things and objects, rather than dealing with embodied persons with the reverence and love that incarnate spirits deserve. John Paul II stresses that there is great beauty in sexual love when done in harmony with the human values of freely chosen total commitment and self-giving. For him, this sexual love is a form of worship, an experience of the sacred.[59][60]

Roman Catholics believe that masturbation is a sin.[61]

In September 2015, the Vatican's Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, responsible for enforcing Catholic doctrine, did not permit a transgender man in Spain to serve as a godfather effectively barring transgender Catholics from serving as a baptismal sponsors. The statement concluded: "[...] the result is evident that this person does not possess the requisite of leading a life conformed to the faith and to the position of godfather (CIC, can 874 §1,3), therefore is not able to be admitted to the position of godmother nor godfather. One should not see this as discrimination, but only the recognition of an objective absence of the requisites that by their nature are necessary to assume the ecclesial responsibility of being a godparent."[62]

Protestantism

[edit]
Laws against adultery in the United States in 1996 and when these laws were enacted

Views over sexuality in Protestant churches differ.

Conservative Protestants assert that any and all sex outside of marriage, including that conducted between committed, engaged or cohabiting couples, is the sin of fornication.[63][64][65][66][67]

Unlike Roman Catholics, certain Protestants do not disapprove of masturbation due to the lack of a Biblical injunction against the act, including mainline[68][69][70] and conservative denominations.[71] Among those Protestants who do not view masturbation as being sinful, there are various restrictions, such as making sure it does not lead to use of pornography or looking lustfully at people or mutual masturbation or addiction to the act. It must also not be undertaken in a spirit of defiance against God.[72]

Lutheran and Reformed churches
[edit]

The Confessional Lutheran tradition, which includes several denominations worldwide (such as the Lutheran Church – Missouri Synod) takes a traditional stance towards human sexuality, teaching that "God created male and female, sexual human beings".[73] Confessional Lutherans hold that "Upon creating man and women and the rest of creation, God observed that 'it (was) good,' including the gift of sex."[73] The Confessional Lutheran denominations view "pornography, homosexuality and cohabitation" as sinful.[73]

All 20 Lutheran and Reformed churches of the Evangelical Church in Germany welcome LGBT members,[74] as well as the Protestant Church in the Netherlands.[75] In these Lutheran and Reformed churches gay ministers are permitted in ministry and gay married couples are allowed in their churches.[76][77]

Inside the Lutheran Church of Sweden, the Bishop of Stockholm, Eva Brunne is a lesbian in a registered partnership with Gunilla Lindén, who is also an ordained priest of the Church of Sweden.[75]

Anglicanism
[edit]

The Anglican Church upholds human sexuality as a gift from a loving God, designed to be between a man and a woman in a monogamous, lifetime union of marriage. It also recognises singleness and dedicated celibacy as Christ-like. It reassures people with same-sex attraction they are loved by God, and are welcomed as full members of the Body of Christ. The church leadership has a variety of views in regard to homosexual expression and ordination. Some expressions of sexuality are considered sinful, including "promiscuity, prostitution, incest, pornography, paedophilia, predatory sexual behaviour, and sadomasochism (all of which may be heterosexual and homosexual), adultery, violence against wives, and female circumcision." The church is concerned with pressures on young people to engage sexually and encourages abstinence.[27]

In the Anglican Church, there is a large discussion over the blessing of gay couples, and over tolerance of homosexuality. The discussion is more about the aspect of love between two people of the same-sex in a relationship than it is about the sexual aspect of a relationship.[78]

Methodism
[edit]

The Free Methodist Church teaches:[79]

Sexual intercourse is God’s gift to humanity, for the intimate union of a man and woman within marriage. In this relationship, it is to be celebrative (Hebrews 13:4). Marriage, between one man and one woman, is therefore the only proper setting for sexual intimacy. Scripture requires purity before and faithfulness within and following marriage.[79]

The Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection teaches: "We believe that God has commanded that no intimate sexual activity be engaged in outside of marriage between a man and a woman."[80] It additionally holds that those who remarry after divorce are living in a state of adultery.[80]

The United Methodist Church permits its clergy to officiate same-sex weddings.[81]

Metropolitan Community Church
[edit]

The Metropolitan Community Church, also known as the Universal Fellowship of Metropolitan Community Churches, has a specific outreach to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender families and communities.[82]

Latter Day Saints movement

[edit]

Within the many branches of the Latter Day Saints movement, the principal denomination, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), teaches conservative views around sexual ethics in their Law of Chastity, which holds that masturbation, pre- and extra-marital sex, and same-sex sexual activity are sins. In the mid-1800s, however, it was allowed for men to be married to and have children with several women, and this was also discontinued in the late 1800s.[83] On various occasions,[84][85] LDS Church leaders have taught that members should not masturbate[86][87][88] as part of obedience to the LDS law of chastity.[89][90] The LDS Church believes that sex outside of opposite-sex marriage is sinful, and that any same-sex sexual activity is a serious sin.[91] God is believed to be in a heterosexual marriage with the Heavenly Mother, and Mormons believe that opposite-sex marriage is what God wants for all his children. Top LDS Church leaders formerly taught that attractions to those of the same sex were a sin or disease that could be changed or fixed,[91] but now have no stance on the etiology[92] of homosexuality, and teach that therapy focused on changing sexual orientation is unethical.[93] Lesbian, gay, and bisexual members are, thus, left with the option of attempting to change their sexual orientation, entering a mixed-orientation opposite-sex marriage, or living a celibate lifestyle without any sexual expression (including masturbation).[94]: 11 

The LDS Church teaches that women's principal role is to raise children. Women who rejected this role as being a domestic woman in the home, were seen as unstable and corrupted.[95] Before 1890, the Mormon leaders taught that polygamy was a way to salvation, and many had multiple wives into the early 1900s, and some women practiced polyandry.[95][96]

The Mormon religion teaches that marriage should be with a man and a woman. The LDS Church teaches its members to obey the law of chastity, which says that "sexual relations are proper only between a man and a woman who are legally and lawfully wedded as husband and wife." Violations of this code include: "adultery, being without natural affection, lustfulness, infidelity, incontinence, filthy communications, impurity, inordinate affection, fornication." The traditional Mormon religion forbids all homosexual behavior, whether it be intra-marriage or extramarital. In Romans 1:24-32, Paul preached to the Romans that homosexual behavior was sinful. In Leviticus 20:13, Moses included in his law that homosexual actions and behaviors were against God's will. In the 1830s, LDS founder, Joseph Smith, instituted the private practice on polygamy. The practice was defended by the church as a matter of religious freedom. In 1890, the church practice was terminated. Since the termination of polygamy, Mormons have solely believed in marriage between two people, and those two people being a man and a woman. The LDS community states that they still love homosexuals as sons and daughters of the Lord, but if they act upon their inclinations, then they are subject to discipline of the church.[97][98]

Unitarian Universalism

[edit]

Several Unitarian Universalist congregations have undertaken a series of organizational, procedural, and practical steps to become acknowledged as a "Welcoming Congregation": a congregation which has taken specific steps to welcome and integrate gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) members. UU ministers perform same-sex unions and now same-sex marriages where legal (and sometimes when not, as a form of civil protest). On June 29, 1984, the Unitarian Universalists became the first major church "to approve religious blessings on homosexual unions."[99]

Unitarian Universalists have been in the forefront of the work to make same-sex marriages legal in their local states and provinces, as well as on the national level. Gay men, bisexuals, and lesbians are also regularly ordained as ministers, and a number of gay, bisexual, and lesbian ministers have, themselves, now become legally married to their partners. In May 2004, Arlington Street Church was the site of the first state-sanctioned same-sex marriage in the United States. The official stance of the UUA is for the legalization of same-sex marriage—"Standing on the Side of Love." In 2004 UU Minister Rev. Debra Haffner of The Religious Institute on Sexual Morality, Justice, and Healing published An Open Letter on Religious Leaders on Marriage Equality to affirm same-sex marriage from a multi-faith perspective. In December 2009, Washington, DC Mayor Adrian Fenty signed the bill to legalize same-sex marriage for the District of Columbia in All Souls Church, Unitarian (Washington, D.C.).

Unitarian Universalists for Polyamory Awareness is a group within Unitarian Universalism whose vision is "for Unitarian Universalism to become the first poly-welcoming mainstream religious denomination."[100]

Islam

[edit]
Same-sex sexual activity illegal
  Not enforced or unclear
  Penalty
  Life in prison
  Death penalty on books but not applied
  Death penalty

Interfaith marriages are recognized between Muslims and Non-Muslim "People of the Book" (usually enumerated as Jews, Christians, and Sabians).[101][102] According to the traditional interpretation of Islamic law (sharīʿa), a Muslim man is allowed to marry a Christian or Jewish woman, but this ruling does not apply to women who belong to other Non-Muslim religious groups,[103] whereas a Muslim woman is not allowed to marry a Non-Muslim man of any Non-Muslim religious group.[103][104] In general, the Quran tells Muslim men not to marry Non-Muslim women,[103] and it tells Muslim women not to marry non-Muslim men,[105] but it makes an allowance for Muslim men to marry women of the People of the Book under certain conditions, such as a low amount of Muslim women in their vicinity. Additionally, the non-Muslim wife must be devout in her religion and not be unchaste.[103][101] Some Muslim scholars[who?] discourage all interfaith marriages, citing cultural differences between Muslims and Non-Muslims.[106]

In some societies outside the traditional dar al-islam, interfaith marriages between Muslims and Non-Muslims are not uncommon, including marriages that contradict the historic Sunni understanding of ijmāʿ (the consensus of fuqāha) as to the bounds of legitimacy.[107] The tradition of reformist and progressive Islam, however, permits marriage between Muslim women and Non-Muslim men;[108] Islamic scholars opining this view include Khaleel Mohammed, Hassan Al-Turabi, among others.[109] Despite Sunni Islam prohibiting it, interfaith marriages between Muslim women and Non-Muslim men take place at substantial rates.[107][108] In the United States, about 10% of Muslim women are today married to Non-Muslim men.[110]

Istanbul LGBTQ Pride parade in 2013, Taksim Square, Istanbul, Turkey

Attitudes toward LGBTQ+ people and their experiences in the Muslim world have been influenced by its religious, legal, social, political, and cultural history.[18][19][20][111][112] The religious stigma and sexual taboo associated with homosexuality in Islamic societies can have profound effects for those Muslims who self-identify as LGBTQ+.[111][113][114][115] Today, most LGBTQ-affirming Islamic organizations and individual congregations are primarily based in the Western world and South Asian countries; they usually identify themselves with the liberal and progressive movements within Islam.[111][116][117]

Homosexual acts are forbidden in traditional Islamic jurisprudence and are liable to different punishments, including flogging, stoning, and the death penalty,[18][112][115] depending on the situation and legal school.[115] However, homosexual relationships were generally tolerated in pre-modern Islamic societies,[18][19][112] and historical records suggest that these laws were invoked infrequently, mainly in cases of rape or other "exceptionally blatant infringement on public morals".[112] Public attitudes toward homosexuality in the Muslim world underwent a marked negative change starting from the 19th century through the global spread of Islamic fundamentalist movements such as Salafism and Wahhabism,[115] and the influence of the sexual notions and restrictive norms prevalent in Europe at the time: a number of Muslim-majority countries have retained criminal penalties for homosexual acts enacted under European colonial rule.[115] In recent times, extreme prejudice, discrimination, and violence against LGBT people persists, both socially and legally, in much of the Muslim world,[111] exacerbated by increasingly socially conservative attitudes and the rise of Islamist movements in Muslim-majority countries.[115]

Judaism

[edit]
Orthodox Jewish protesters holding Anti-LGBTQ Protest signs during the Gay Pride parade in Haifa, Israel (2010)

In the perspective of traditional Judaism, sex and reproduction are the holiest of acts one can do, the act through which one can imitate God, and in order to preserve its sanctity there are many boundaries and guidelines. Within the boundaries, there are virtually no outright strictures, and it is in fact obligatory. It prohibits sexual relations outside of heterosexual marriage, maintains biblical strictures on relations within marriage including observance of niddah, a prohibition on relations for a period including the menstrual period, and tzniut, requirements of modest dress and behavior. Traditional Judaism views the physical acts of adultery, incest, intentional waste of semen, the physical act of men having sex with men, and male masturbation as grave sins. Judaism permits relatively free divorce, with Orthodox Judaism and Conservative Judaism requiring a religious divorce ceremony for a divorce to be religiously recognized. Worldwide movements in Judaism considered more liberal have rejected Jewish law as binding but rather inspirational and allegorical, so adapted perspectives more consistent with general contemporary Western culture.

Most of mainstream Judaism does not accept polyamory, although some people consider themselves Jewish and polyamorous.[118] One prominent rabbi who accepts polyamory is Sharon Kleinbaum, who was ordained in Reconstructionist Judaism, which considers biblical Jewish law as not necessarily binding, but is treated as a valuable cultural remnant that should be upheld unless there is reason for the contrary. She is the senior rabbi at Congregation Beit Simchat Torah in New York which works independently of any major American Jewish denomination. R Kleinbaum states that polyamory is a choice that does not preclude a Jewishly observant, socially conscious life.[118] Some polyamorous Jews also point to biblical patriarchs having multiple wives and concubines as evidence that polyamorous relationships can be sacred in Judaism.[119] There is an email list dedicated to polyamorous Jews, called AhavaRaba, which roughly translates to "big love" in Hebrew.[119] (Its name echoes the Ahava rabbah prayer expressing thanks for God's "abundant love").

Orthodox

[edit]

There are several levels to the observance of physical and personal modesty (tzniut), according to Orthodox Judaism, as derived from various sources in halakha. Observance of these rules varies from aspirational to mandatory to routine across the spectrum of Orthodox stricture and observance.

Orthodox Judaism also maintains a strong prohibition on interfaith sexual relations and marriage. Orthodox Judaism, alone of all the Jewish denominations, retains relatively mild traditional disabilities on divorce, including a Biblical prohibition on a Kohen (priestly descendant of Aaron) marrying a divorcee or a woman who has engaged in certain types of sexual misconduct. An Orthodox bill of divorce is required for a divorce to be recognized.

Conservative

[edit]

Conservative Judaism, consistent with its general view that halakha (Jewish law) is a binding guide to Jewish life but subject to periodic revision by the Rabbinate, has lifted a number of strictures observed by Orthodox Judaism. In particular, in December 2006, Conservative Judaism's Committee on Jewish Law and Standards adopted responsa presenting diametrically opposed views on the issue of homosexuality. It adopted an opinion restricting a prior prohibition on homosexual conduct to male-male anal sex only, which it declared to be the only Biblical prohibition, declaring all other prohibitions (e.g. male-male oral sex or lesbian sex) rabbinic, and lifting all rabbinic restrictions based on its interpretation of the Talmudic principle of Kevod HaBriyot ("human dignity"). While declining to develop a form of religious gay marriage, it permitted blessing lesbian and gay unions and ordaining openly lesbian and gay rabbis who agree not to engage in male-male anal sex.[120] It is also a traditionalist opinion, upholding all traditional prohibitions on homosexual activity, also adopted as a majority opinion,[121] The approach permits individual rabbis, congregations, and rabbinical schools to set their own policy on homosexual conduct. It reflects a profound change from a prior blanket prohibition on male homosexual practices. It acknowledges a sharp divergence of views on sexual matters within Conservative Judaism, such that there is no single Conservative Jewish approach to matters of sexuality. Conservative Judaism currently straddles the divide between liberal and traditional opinion on sexual matters within contemporary American society, permitting both views.[122]

Conservative Judaism has maintained on its books a variety of requirements and prohibitions, including a requirement that married women observe the family purity laws and a general prohibition on non-marital heterosexual conduct. The family purity laws require women to be recognized as tumah or niddah during their menstrual period. As a tumah, a woman is to wait 7 days for her menstrual cycle to end and then 7 "clean days" in order to enter the mikveh and begin sexual relations.[123] During this time, it is forbidden to have any type of contact with the niddah, thus anything she touches is not to be touched and no physical contact is permitted.[124] On the same day as the Committee on Jewish Law and Standards released its homosexuality responsa, it released multiple opinions on the subject of niddah including a responsum lifting certain traditional restrictions on husband-wife contact during the niddah period while maintaining a prohibition on sexual relations. The permissive responsum on homosexuality used the Conservative movement's approach to niddah as an analogy for construing the Biblical prohibition against male homosexual conduct narrowly and lifting restrictions it deemed Rabbinic in nature. The responsum indicated it would be making a practical analogy between an approach in which male homosexual couples would be on their honor to refrain from certain acts and its approach to niddah:

We expect homosexual students to observe the rulings of this responsum in the same way that we expect heterosexual students to observe the CJLS rulings on niddah. We also expect that interview committees, administrators, faculty and fellow students will respect the privacy and dignity of gay and lesbian students in the same way that they respect the privacy and dignity of heterosexual students.

The responsum enjoined young people not to be "promiscuous" and to prepare themselves for "traditional marriage" if possible, while not explicitly lifting or re-enforcing any express strictures on non-marital heterosexual conduct.[120]

Even before this responsum, strictures on pre-marital sex had been substantially ignored, even in official circles. For example, when the Jewish Theological Seminary of America proposed enforcing a policy against non-marital cohabitation by rabbinical students in the 1990s, protests by cohabiting rabbinical students resulted in a complete rescission of the policy.

Conservative Judaism formally prohibits interfaith marriage and its standards currently indicate it will expel a rabbi who performs an interfaith marriage. It maintains a variety of formal strictures including a prohibition on making birth announcements in synagogue bulletins for children on non-Jewish mothers and accepting non-Jews as synagogue members. However, interfaith marriage is relatively widespread among the Conservative laity, and the Conservative movement has recently adapted a policy of being more welcoming of interfaith couples in the hopes of interesting their children in Judaism.

Conservative Judaism, which was for much of the 20th century the largest Jewish denomination in the United States declined sharply in synagogue membership in the United States the 1990s, from 51% of synagogue memberships in 1990 to 33.1% in 2001, with most of the loss going to Orthodox Judaism and most of the rest to Reform. The fracturing in American society of opinion between increasingly liberal and increasingly traditionalist viewpoints on sexual and other issues, as well as the gap between official opinion and general lay practice vis-a-vis the more traditionalist and liberal denominations, may have contributed to the decline.[125]

Reform, Liberal, Reconstructionist, and Humanistic

[edit]
A halakhic egalitarian Pride minyan in Tel Aviv on the second Shabbat of Hanukkah

Reform Judaism,[126] Humanistic Judaism, and Reconstructionist Judaism do not observe or require traditional sexuality rules and have welcomed non-married and homosexual couples and endorsed homosexual commitment ceremonies and marriages.

Reform and Reconstructionist Judaism are more tolerant of interfaith partnerships and often explicitly welcome interfaith families at their synagogues and services. Reform and Liberal branches of Judaism do not currently perform religious (and therefore legally binding) marriage ceremonies for interfaith couples; however as of October 2020, Liberal Rabbis may bless an interfaith marriage under a chuppah at their discretion, provided the couple intend to keep a Jewish household.[127][128] Humanistic Judaism permits interfaith marriage. Reform, Reconstructionist, and Humanistic Judaism also do not require a religious divorce ceremony separate from a civil divorce.

It has been speculated that the more tolerant attitudes of Reform, Reconstructionist, and Humanistic Judaism towards both sexual diversity and interfaith marriage may have contributed to the rise in their popularity during the 1990s, from about 33% of affiliated households to 38%, passing Conservative Judaism as the largest Jewish denomination in the United States.[125]

Dharmic religions

[edit]

Buddhism

[edit]

The most common formulation of Buddhist ethics are the five precepts and the Noble Eightfold Path, which say that one should neither be attached to nor crave sensual pleasure. These precepts take the form of voluntary, personal undertakings, not divine mandate or instruction.

Of the five precepts, the third vow is to refrain from sex with another's spouse, someone under age (namely, those protected by their parents or guardians), and those who have taken vows of religious celibacy.[129][130] In Chinese Buddhism, the third vow is interpreted as refraining from sex outside marriage.[131]

Buddhist monks and nuns of most traditions are expected to refrain from all sexual activity and the Buddha is said to have admonished his followers to avoid unchastity "as if it were a pit of burning cinders."[132] While laypersons may have sex within marriage, monastics are not to have any sexual conduct at all.

Hinduism

[edit]
Khajuraho Hindu temple complex is famous for erotic arts.
Erotic sculptures at the main Hindu temples of Khajuraho Group of Monuments

Religiously, Hindus begin life at the Brahmacharya or "student" stage, in which they are directed to chastely advance themselves educationally and spiritually to prepare themselves for a life of furthering their dharma (societal, occupational, parental, etc. duties) and karma (right earthly actions); only once they reach the Grihastya or "householder" stage can they seek kama (physical pleasure) and artha (worldly achievement, material prosperity) through marriage and their vocations, respectively.[citation needed][133]

According to the Dharmasastras or the religious legal texts of Hinduism, marriage in Hinduism is an institution for reproduction and thus is naturally limited to heterosexual couples. Furthermore, sex outside of marriage is prohibited. The Manusmriti list eight types of marriage of which four are consensual and encouraged and four are non-consensual and discouraged. However, popular practices did not necessarily reflect religious teachings.[134]

The Kama Sutra (Discourse on Kāma) by Vatsayana, widely believed to be just a manual for sexual practices, offers an insight into the sexual mores, ethics and societal rules that were prevalent in ancient India. The erotic sculptures of Khajuraho also offer insight. Abhigyana Shakuntalam, a drama in Sanskrit by Kālidāsa, cited as one of the best examples of shringara rasa (romance, one of the nine rasas or emotions), talks of the love story of Dushyanta and Shakuntala.[135][136]

Sikhism

[edit]

A disciplined Sikh is expected to be in control of sexual desire at all times.[137] Kaam, or excessive lust, is one of the five thieves, or vices, that interfere with one's spiritual journey.[138] Normal and healthy amounts of sexuality and lust are not condemned nor considered kaam.[139][140]

East Asian religions

[edit]

Taoism

[edit]

In Chinese mythology, Jiutian Xuannü is the goddess of war, sex, and longevity.[141] She is closely related to Sunü (素女), who is her divine sister.[142] Both their names combined, as xuansu zhidao (玄素之道), signify the Daoist arts of the bedchamber.[142] Most books bearing Jiutian Xuannü's name were about warfare, but there were a few books that were specifically about sex.[141] The Xuannü Jing (玄女經, "Mysterious Woman Classic") and the Sunü Jing (素女經, "Natural Woman Classic"), both dating to the Han dynasty, were handbooks in dialogue form about sex.[141] Texts from the Xuannü Jing have been partly incorporated into the Sui dynasty edition of the Sunü Jing.[141] From the Han dynasty onwards, these handbooks would be familiar to the upper class.[141] On the other side, during the Han dynasty, Wang Chong had criticized the sexual arts as "not only harming the body but infringing upon the nature of man and woman."[141] During the Tang dynasty and earlier periods, Jiutian Xuannü was often associated with the sexual arts.[141] The Xuannü Jing remained a familiar work among the literati during the Tang and Sui dynasties.[141]

The Dongxuanzi Fangzhong Shu (洞玄子房中術, "Bedchamber Arts of the Master of the Grotto Mysteries"), which was likely written by the 7th-century poet Liu Zongyuan, contains explicit descriptions of the sexual arts that was supposedly transmitted from Jiutian Xuannü.[141] The sexual practices, that Jiutian Xuannü supposedly taught, were often compared to alchemy and physiological procedures for prolonging life.[141] In Ge Hong's Baopu Zi, there's a passage in which Jiutian Xuannü tells Huangdi that sexual techniques are "like the intermingling of water and fire—it can kill or bring new life depending upon whether or not one uses the correct methods."[141]

Tu'er Shen (Chinese: 兔儿神 or 兔神), The Leveret Spirit is a Chinese Shenist or Taoist deity who manages love and sex between men. His name is often colloquially translated as "Rabbit God". Wei-Ming Temple in the Yonghe District of New Taipei City in Taiwan is dedicated to Tu'er Shen.[143] About 9000 pilgrims visit the temple each year to pray to find a suitable partner.[144] The Wei-ming temple also performs love ceremony for gay couples.[145][146]

Indigenous religions

[edit]

African Diasporic religions

[edit]

Within Candomblé, a syncretic religion primarily found in Brazil, there is widespread (though not universal) support for gay rights, many members are LGBT, and have performed gay marriages.[147][148][149][150] Practitioners of Santería, primarily found in Cuba, generally (though not universally) welcome LGBT members and include them in religious or ritual activities.[151][152] Also a Brazilian syncretic religion, Umbanda houses generally support LGBT rights and have performed gay marriages.[153][149][150][154] Homosexuality is religiously acceptable in Haitian Vodou.[155][156][157] The lwa or loa (spirits) Erzulie Dantor and Erzulie Freda are often associated with and viewed as protectors of queer people.[158][159] The lao Ghede Nibo is sometimes depicted as an effeminate drag queen and inspires those he inhabits to lascivious sexuality of all kinds.[160][161]

Ancient Mesopotamian religion

[edit]

Individuals who went against the traditional gender binary were heavily involved in the cult of Inanna, an ancient Mesopotamian goddess.[162][163] During Sumerian times, a set of priests known as gala worked in Inanna's temples, where they performed elegies and lamentations.[162] Men who became gala sometimes adopted female names and their songs were composed in the Sumerian eme-sal dialect, which, in literary texts, is normally reserved for the speech of female characters. Some Sumerian proverbs seem to suggest that gala had a reputation for engaging in anal sex with men.[164] During the Akkadian Period, kurgarrū and assinnu were servants of Ishtar who dressed in female clothing and performed war dances in Ishtar's temples.[164] Several Akkadian proverbs seem to suggest that they may have also had homosexual proclivities.[164] Gwendolyn Leick, an anthropologist known for her writings on Mesopotamia, has compared these individuals to the contemporary Indian hijra.[162] In one Akkadian hymn, Ishtar is described as transforming men into women.[164] Some modern pagans include Inanna in their worship.[165]

Pre-colonial religions of the Americas

[edit]
Drawing by George Catlin (1796–1872) while on the Great Plains among the Sac and Fox Nation. Depicting a group of male warriors dancing around a male-bodied person in a woman's dress, non-Native artist George Catlin titled the painting Dance to the Berdache.

Among the Indigenous peoples of the Americas prior to the European colonization, many Nations had respected ceremonial, religious, and social roles for homosexual, bisexual, and gender-nonconforming individuals in their communities and in many contemporary Native American and First Nations communities, these roles still exist.[166][167][168][169] Homosexual and gender-variant individuals were also common among other pre-conquest civilizations in Latin America, such as the Aztecs, Mayans, Quechuas, Moches, Zapotecs, and the Tupinambá of Brazil and were accepted in their various religions.[170][171]

New religious movements

[edit]

Since the beginning of the sexual liberation movement in the Western world, which coincided with second-wave feminism and the women's liberation movement initiated in the early 1960s,[172][173] new religious movements and alternative spiritualities such as Modern Paganism and the New Age began to grow and spread across the globe alongside their intersection with the sexual liberation movement and the counterculture of the 1960s,[172][173] and exhibited characteristic features, such as the embrace of alternative lifestyles, unconventional dress, rejection of Abrahamic religions and their conservative social mores, use of cannabis and other recreational drugs, relaxed attitude, sarcastic humble or self-imposed poverty, and laissez-faire sexual behavior.[172][173] The sexual liberation movement was aided by feminist ideologues in their mutual struggle to challenge traditional ideas regarding female sexuality, male sexuality, and queer sexuality.[173] Elimination of undue favorable bias towards men and objectification of women, as well as support for women's right to choose their sexual partners free of outside interference or societal judgment, were three of the main goals associated with sexual liberation from the feminist perspective.[173]

Modern Paganism

[edit]

Most Neopagan religions have the theme of fertility (both physical and creative/spiritual) as central to their practices, and as such encourage what they view as a healthy sex life, consensual sex between adults, regardless of gender.

Heathenry, a modern Germanic Pagan movement, includes several pro-LGBT groups. Some groups legitimize openness toward LGBT practitioners by reference to the gender-bending actions of Thor and Odin in Norse mythology.[174][175] There are, for instance, homosexual and transgender members of The Troth, a prominent U.S. Heathen organisation.[176] Many Heathen groups in Northern Europe perform same-sex marriages,[177] and a group of self-described "Homo-Heathens" marched in the 2008 Stockholm Pride carrying a statue of the Norse god Freyr.[178] Research found a greater proportion of LGBT practitioners within Heathenry (21%) than wider society, although noted that the percentage was lower than in other forms of modern Paganism.[179]

Wicca, like other religions, has adherents with a broad spectrum of views, ranging from conservative to liberal. It is a largely nondogmatic religion and has no prohibitions against sexual intercourse outside of marriage or relationships between members of the same sex. The religion's ethics are largely summed up by the Wiccan Rede: "An it harm none, do as thou wilt", which is interpreted by many as allowing and endorsing responsible sexual relationships of all varieties. Specifically in the Wiccan tradition of modern witchcraft, one of the widely accepted pieces of Craft liturgy, the Charge of the Goddess instructs that "...all acts of love and pleasure are [the Goddess'] rituals",[180] giving validity to all forms of sexual activity for Wiccan practitioners.

In the Gardnerian and Alexandrian forms of Wicca, the "Great Rite" is a sex ritual much like the hieros gamos, performed by a priest and priestess who are believed to embody the Wiccan God and Goddess. The Great Rite is almost always performed figuratively using the athame and chalice as symbols of the penis and vagina. The literal form of the ritual is always performed by consenting adults, by a couple who are already lovers and in private. The Great Rite is not seen as an opportunity for casual sex.[181]

Raëlism

[edit]
Raëlian participants attending the Korea Queer Culture Festival (2014)

Raëlism, an international new religious movement and UFO religion which was founded in France in 1974,[182][183] promotes a positive outlook towards human sexuality, including homosexuality.[182][183][184][185] Its founder Raël recognised same-sex marriage, and a Raëlian press release stated that sexual orientation is genetic and it also likened discrimination against gay people to racism.[186] Some Raëlian leaders have performed licensed same-sex marriages.[187]

Santa Muerte

[edit]

The cult of Santa Muerte is a new religious movement[188] centered on the worship of Santa Muerte, a cult image, female deity, and folk saint which is popularly revered in Mexican Neopaganism and folk Catholicism.[189][190] A personification of death, she is associated with healing, protection, and safe delivery to the afterlife by her devotees.[191] Santa Muerte is also revered and seen as a saint and protector of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) communities in Mexico,[192][193][194][195][196] since LGBTQ+ people are considered and treated as outcasts by the Catholic Church, evangelical churches, and Mexican society at large.[192][193] Many LGBTQ+ people ask her for protection from violence, hatred, disease, and to help them in their search for love. Her intercession is commonly invoked in same-sex marriage ceremonies performed in Mexico.[197][198] The Iglesia Católica Tradicional México-Estados Unidos, also known as the Church of Santa Muerte, recognizes gay marriage and performs religious wedding ceremonies for homosexual couples.[199][200][201][202] According to R. Andrew Chesnut, PhD in Latin American history and professor of Religious studies, the cult of Santa Muerte is the single fastest-growing new religious movement in the Americas.[188]

Satanism

[edit]

LaVeyan Satanism is critical of Abrahamic sexual mores, considering them narrow, restrictive and hypocritical. Sex is viewed as an indulgence, but one that should only be freely entered into with consent. The Eleven Satanic Rules of the Earth only give two instructions regarding sex, namely "Do not make sexual advances unless you are given the mating signal" and "Do not harm little children", although the latter is much broader and encompasses physical and other abuse. This has always been consistent part of Church of Satan policy since its inception in 1966 as Peter H. Gilmore wrote in an essay supporting same sex marriage:

Finally, since certain people try to suggest that our attitude on sexuality is "anything goes" despite our stated base principle of "responsibility to the responsible," we must reiterate another fundamental dictate: The Church of Satan's philosophy strictly forbids sexual activity with children as well as with non-human animals.[203]

Satanists are pluralists, accepting gays, lesbians, bisexuals, BDSM, polyamorists, transgender people, and asexuals. In that essay, he also stated:

The Church of Satan is the first church to fully accept members regardless of sexual orientation and so we champion weddings/civil unions between adult partners whether they be of opposite or the same sex. So long as love is present and the partners wish to commit to a relationship, we support their desire for a legally recognized partnership, and the rights and privileges which come from such a union.[203]

Allegations have been made by antifascist organisations, several British politicians and the media that the Order of Nine Angles condones and encourages sexual abuse, and this has been given as one of the reasons why the O9A should be proscribed by the British government. Many O9A members openly view rape as an effective way to undermine society by transgressing against its norms. White Star Acception commits rapes by their own admission and O9A texts such as "The Dreccian Way", "Iron Gates", "Bluebird" and "The Rape Anthology" recommend and praise rape and pedophilia, even suggesting rape is necessary for "ascension of the Ubermensch". To advance in rank, ONA member must perform assaults, lynching and sexual assault being the most recommended.[204][205][206] Material promoting pedophilia has also appeared in ONA's in house magazine Fenrir.[207] According to BBC News, "the authorities are concerned by the number of paedophiles associated with the ONA".[208]

Western esotericism and occultism

[edit]
Aleister Crowley in ceremonial garb, photographed in 1912

Sex magic is a term for various types of sexual activity used in magical, ritualistic, or otherwise religious and spiritual pursuits found within Western esotericism which is a broad spectrum of spiritual traditions found in Western society, or refers to the collection of the mystical, esoteric knowledge of the Western world. One practice of sex magic is using the energy of sexual arousal or orgasm with visualization of a desired result. A premise of sex magic is the concept that sexual energy is a potent force that can be harnessed to transcend one's normally perceived reality. The earliest known practical teachings of sex magic in the Western world come from 19th-century American occultist Paschal Beverly Randolph, under the heading of The Mysteries of Eulis.[209] In the latter part of the 19th century, sexual reformer Ida Craddock published several works dealing with sacred sexuality, most notably Heavenly Bridegrooms and Psychic Wedlock. Aleister Crowley reviewed Heavenly Bridegrooms in the pages of his journal The Equinox, stating:

It was one of the most remarkable human documents ever produced, and it should certainly find a regular publisher in book form. The authoress of the MS. claims that she was the wife of an angel. She expounds at the greatest length the philosophy connected with this thesis. Her learning is enormous. [...]

This book is of incalculable value to every student of occult matters. No Magick library is complete without it.[210]

Aleister Crowley became involved with Theodor Reuss and Ordo Templi Orientis following the publication of The Book of Lies between 1912 and 1913.[211] According to Crowley's account, Reuss approached him and accused him of having revealed the innermost (sexual) secret of O.T.O. in one of the cryptic chapters of this book. When it became clear to Reuss that Crowley had done so unintentionally, he initiated Crowley into the IX° (ninth degree) of O.T.O. and appointed him "Sovereign Grand Master General of Ireland, Iona and all the Britains."[211][212][213]

While the O.T.O. included, from its inception, the teaching of sex magick in the highest degrees of the Order, when Crowley became head of the Order, he expanded on these teachings and associated them with different degrees as follows:[214]

  • VIII°: masturbatory or auto-sexual magical techniques were taught, referred as the Lesser Work of Sol
  • IX°: heterosexual magical techniques were taught
  • XI°: anal intercourse magical techniques were taught.

Hugh Urban, professor of comparative religion at Ohio State University, noted Crowley's emphasis on sex as "the supreme magical power".[212] According to Crowley:

The Book of the Law solves the sexual problem completely. Each individual has an absolute right to satisfy his sexual instinct as is physiologically proper for him. The one injunction is to treat all such acts as sacraments. One should not eat as the brutes, but in order to enable one to do one's will. The same applies to sex. We must use every faculty to further the one object of our existence.[215]

Zoroastrianism

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Religion and sexuality encompasses the doctrines, rituals, and ethical frameworks of religious traditions that govern human sexual conduct, typically linking it to procreation, marital fidelity, and spiritual purity. Major , including , , and , historically prescribe sexual activity exclusively within heterosexual oriented toward childbearing, deeming extramarital relations, , and homosexual acts as violations of divine order. In contrast, some Eastern traditions like exhibit a spectrum from ascetic to celebratory in temple art and texts, though still emphasizing dharma-aligned reproduction. These prescriptions stem from ancient efforts to channel sexual impulses toward stable structures, fostering group cohesion and for offspring survival, as evidenced by cross-cultural patterns in religious moral codes. Empirical studies confirm that higher correlates with delayed sexual initiation, reduced , and lower incidences of sexually transmitted infections among adherents, particularly youth. Such norms also underpin family stability, with religiously homogeneous marriages showing lower dissolution rates compared to secular or interfaith unions. Contemporary tensions arise as secular challenges traditional restraints, evident in global legal divergences where religiously influenced societies maintain prohibitions on non-procreative acts, while others prioritize personal ; these frictions highlight causal trade-offs between doctrinal adherence and modern metrics, with favoring restraint in averting relational and demographic declines.

Theological and Scriptural Foundations

Purpose of Human Sexuality

In religious traditions, is framed as a divinely ordained mechanism for procreation and the establishment of enduring pair bonds within , aligning with observable biological functions that sustain species continuity and social cohesion. Scriptural narratives across faiths depict sexual union not as an end in itself but as instrumental to fulfilling cosmic or ethical orders, where ensures generational perpetuation and bonding fosters mutual support essential for child-rearing. This functional orientation counters views prioritizing personal pleasure, emphasizing instead regulated expression to prevent societal fragmentation from unchecked impulses. Abrahamic scriptures exemplify this through creation mandates tying sexuality to multiplication and unity. Genesis 1:28 instructs humanity to ", and fill the ," interpreting male-female complementarity as enabling both reproductive increase and relational oneness reflective of divine intent. Similarly, Quranic depictions of highlight procreation alongside tranquility and affection, positioning lawful sexual relations as means to propagate communities while averting moral disorder from illicit desires. In Dharmic traditions, (grihastha) stage mandates sexual activity within wedlock primarily for progeny and fulfillment, viewing it as a controlled pursuit that upholds ancestral lineages and societal duties before ascetic withdrawal. for permit sexual conduct under ethical precepts to support stability, subordinating desire to reproductive and communal roles rather than liberation from attachment. These prescriptions underscore sexuality's role as a provisional gift, harnessed for ordered human flourishing under transcendent norms.

Procreation, Bonding, and Divine Order

Many religious traditions conceptualize as integral to a divine or cosmic order, directing it toward procreation to perpetuate lineage and pair-bonding to foster mutual tranquility and social stability. This framework posits heterosexual complementarity as foundational, with sexual acts outside marital unions or non-procreative expressions viewed as disruptions to natural harmony. Ancient legal codes exemplify this, such as the (circa 1754 BCE), which prescribed death by drowning for to preserve familial integrity and inheritance lines, thereby maintaining societal order through assured paternity and kin continuity. In Islamic theology, the (30:21) articulates spousal relations as a divine sign, wherein mates are created "that you may find tranquility in them; and He placed between you affection and mercy," emphasizing bonding as a mechanism for emotional and reproductive fulfillment within . Similarly, Christian theory, as developed by in the 13th century, holds that the primary purpose of the sexual act is procreation, with its unitive aspect secondary and ordered to the same end, reflecting an inherent in that aligns pleasure with generative outcomes. Such prescriptions underscore a causal link between regulated sexuality and empirical advantages, including enhanced paternal , as assured paternity incentivizes to offspring, a observed in evolutionary models of pair-bonding. Dharmic traditions integrate sexuality into broader soteriological aims, subordinating it to enlightenment while acknowledging its role in continuity. In , tantric practices may employ sexual union symbolically or ritually to transcend desire, yet these remain advanced methods directed toward non-attachment and ultimate liberation rather than standalone procreation or bonding. Overall, these religious constructs prioritize sexuality's alignment with observable causal realities—such as pressures favoring for reduced intrasexual competition and sustained units—over unconstrained expression, thereby embedding it within a teleological order that supports human flourishing and communal endurance.

Sexual Sin, Purity, and Moral Regulation

In many religious traditions, sexual sin constitutes a transgression against divine order, manifesting as a failure to align human impulses with sacred purposes such as procreation within stable unions and spiritual discipline. Doctrinal texts frame such acts—ranging from to non-procreative indulgences—as disruptions that profane the body as a temple of holiness, necessitating rituals and moral codes to restore purity. For instance, enumerates prohibitions against , , and bestiality, declaring them abominations that defile the land and incur , thereby establishing purity laws as safeguards against moral contagion. These regulations extend beyond ritual cleanliness to embody a broader theological imperative: curbing unchecked desires to prevent the soul's entanglement in base instincts, as echoed in where , the disordered sexual appetite inherited via , exemplifies humanity's fallen propensity toward self-gratification over covenantal fidelity. In Dharmic faiths, illicit sexual conduct accrues negative karma, binding the individual to cycles of suffering by violating ethical precepts against misconduct such as relations with protected or committed persons, which hinder progress toward liberation. Buddhist scriptures, for example, proscribe as a root unwholesome action that generates rebirth in lower realms, emphasizing from exploitative or non-consensual acts to cultivate mental clarity and ethical restraint. Similarly, like the Srimad Bhagavatam Purana prescribe severe karmic repercussions for , portraying it as a catalyst for torment in hellish states, underscoring purity's role in preserving and familial harmony. Across these frameworks, moral regulation through precepts like serves not merely as prohibition but as a disciplined path to transcendence, redirecting energy toward contemplative or communal ends. From a causal realist perspective, unregulated sexuality empirically correlates with heightened relational instability, as evidenced by studies showing higher religiosity—often entailing adherence to purity norms—predicts delayed sexual debut, reduced premarital activity, and lower divorce rates among adherents. Such patterns align with first-principles observation: unrestricted mating strategies dilute paternal investment in offspring, exacerbating resource competition and jealousy, which evolutionary pressures manifest as adaptive responses to infidelity risks but devolve into social discord without institutional constraints. Religious mandates for exclusive pair-bonding mitigate these dynamics by fostering assured paternity and cooperative child-rearing, thereby enhancing group cohesion and individual well-being over transient pleasures. This regulatory function underscores sexual sin not as arbitrary taboo but as maladaptive deviation from equilibria that sustain human flourishing.

Abrahamic Religions

Judaism

In traditional Judaism, sexuality is regulated by the Torah and subsequent halakhic codes, with Orthodox interpretations emphasizing fidelity to divine commandments as articulated in scripture and rabbinic literature. The Torah explicitly prohibits adultery in the Seventh Commandment (Exodus 20:14), viewing it as a violation of marital exclusivity and familial stability essential to covenantal society. Similarly, Leviticus 18:22 forbids male homosexual intercourse, classifying it as an to'evah (abomination) that disrupts the natural order of procreation and male-female complementarity mandated for human propagation. The narrative of Onan in Genesis 38:9–10 extends this to condemn non-procreative emission of semen, underscoring the imperative for sexual acts to align with the biblical command to "be fruitful and multiply" (Genesis 1:28). These strictures confine licit sexuality to heterosexual marriage, where it serves dual purposes of procreation and spousal unity, sanctified as a mitzvah rather than mere indulgence. Rabbinic authorities, culminating in the Shulchan Aruch (16th century), elaborate these foundations into comprehensive halakhah, including laws of niddah (menstrual impurity) that mandate temporary abstinence and ritual immersion to maintain ritual purity. Couples observe separation during a woman's menstrual period and for a subsequent "clean" period of counting seven blood-free days, resuming relations only post-mikveh immersion, as codified in , Yoreh De'ah 195–197. These taharat hamishpacha (family purity) practices, observed rigorously in Orthodox communities, foster periodic renewal in marital intimacy while reinforcing and holiness, contributing causally to demographic resilience; post-exilic Jewish survival amid correlates with adherence to such fertility-sustaining norms, as evidenced by sustained communal continuity despite historical dispersions. Non-Orthodox branches, such as , diverge by accommodating contemporary norms, with the Central Conference of American Rabbis endorsing same-sex unions in a 1996 resolution, framing them as valid despite textual prohibitions. Orthodox critics regard these adaptations as concessions to secular assimilation rather than derivations from authority, arguing they erode halakhic integrity and the procreative imperative central to Jewish perpetuity. Empirical data supports differential outcomes: a 2020 Pew Research Center survey found Orthodox Jewish adults averaging 3.3 children per household versus 1.4 for non-Orthodox Jews, aligning higher fertility with traditional observance amid broader assimilation trends.

Christianity

In the , reinforces the creational basis of as an exclusive union between man and woman, citing Genesis 1:27 and 2:24: "He who created them from the beginning made them , and said, 'Therefore a man shall leave his father and his mother and hold fast to his wife, and the two shall become one flesh'" (Matthew 19:4–6). He allows solely for porneia—typically interpreted as sexual immorality such as —while deeming otherwise adulterous (Matthew 19:9). The Apostle Paul echoes this by commanding flight from porneia, the sole against one's own body, which belongs to Christ as a temple of the (1 Corinthians 6:18–20). Patristic writers built on these foundations, with (354–430 CE) characterizing —the inclination toward sexual pleasure—as a post-Fall disorder wherein the flesh rebels against rational control, originating from original sin's disruption of . In On Marriage and Concupiscence (c. 419–420 CE), Augustine distinguishes this from marital intercourse itself, which remains lawful for procreation and , though tainted by unruly desire that marriage mitigates but does not eliminate. This framework underscores sexuality's redirection toward divine order amid human fallenness, influencing subsequent theology on and continence. Catholic doctrine codifies these views in the and papal teachings, prohibiting contraception as a severance of sex's unitive and procreative ends; Pope Paul VI's (July 25, 1968) warns that artificial methods foster marital infidelity, of spouses, and public moral decay, drawing on and scriptural principles. Protestant traditions initially converged on marital exclusivity and opposition to , as reflected in Reformers' emphasis on biblical norms, though post-20th-century divergences emerged, with some permitting contraception and broader grounds while others uphold stricter interpretations. Vows of have empirically correlated with monastic endurance, as studies in Tibetan Buddhist contexts—analogous to Christian orders—show households with celibate members exhibiting 69% lower all-cause mortality risks over seven years, suggesting indirect familial and communal stability benefits from redirected reproductive energies. Contemporary fissures reveal strains from interpretive shifts: The Dicastery for the Doctrine of the Faith's (December 18, 2023) authorized spontaneous blessings for same-sex couples in irregular situations, without endorsing their unions, yet elicited global backlash for risking confusion with sacramental marriage and diluting orthodoxy. African episcopal conferences rejected implementation, citing cultural incompatibility and fidelity to unchanging doctrine. These tensions mirror Protestant schisms, including the Anglican Communion's fractures since 2003 over consecrations of openly gay bishops and 2023 same-sex blessings, culminating in GAFCON's de facto separation from Canterbury-led structures, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America's 2009 policy allowing partnered gay clergy, which prompted the formation of the by departing conservatives. Such divisions, affecting over 600 ELCA congregations by 2010, illustrate causal strains when progressive accommodations diverge from historic scriptural prohibitions on non-marital and same-sex acts, eroding institutional cohesion as traditionalists prioritize exegetical fidelity over accommodation.

Islam

Islamic doctrine regulates primarily through the and , framing it as a permissible act confined to to preserve , familial stability, and divine limits. The mandates for both men and women, instructing believers to lower their gazes and guard their as a means of purity and deterrence against illicit desires (Quran 24:30–31). is presented as the lawful outlet, with permitted up to four wives provided justice is maintained among them, a condition rooted in equitable treatment amid orphans' welfare (Quran 4:3). Fornication and adultery () are severely prohibited, incurring punishments under : 100 lashes for unmarried offenders and to death for married ones, enforced upon strict evidentiary standards like four witnesses to uphold communal deterrence. These regulations derive from prophetic traditions and aim to curb chaos (fitna) arising from unregulated lust, with empirical correlations in observant societies showing divorce rates as low as 1.0 per 1,000 population in compared to 4.0 in the United States. Homosexuality is traditionally condemned as an abomination akin to the sin of Lut's (Lot's) people, who were destroyed for approaching men with desire instead of women, exemplifying temptation leading to societal corruption (Quran 7:80–84). Classical jurists across schools classify such acts as zina variants, warranting severe penalties including death by stoning or throwing from heights in some interpretations, to prevent moral decay. Sectarian differences emerge on marital forms: Sunni scholars deem temporary marriage (mut'ah) abrogated post-initial permission, equating it to prostitution if time-bound, while Shia maintain its validity as a contractual safeguard against illicit relations, citing non-abrogation in their narrations. These views prioritize causal containment of sexual impulses within fiqh-derived bounds, fostering empirical outcomes like reduced family dissolution in adherent communities where Sharia norms prevail over permissive alternatives. In the 2020s, authoritative bodies like have issued statements and plans to counter the "homosexual phenomenon" as a Western cultural intrusion threatening , reaffirming scriptural prohibitions. Attempts at , such as to repeal Tunisia's Article 230 criminalizing with up to three years' imprisonment, encounter resistance invoking to dissolve LGBT groups, highlighting tensions between traditional jurisprudence and external pressures. Such reforms, often framed by activists as rights advancements, deviate from fiqh's evidence-based constraints, potentially eroding the social cohesion historically linked to strict enforcement, as laxity correlates with elevated relational instability in secular contexts.

Baháʼí Faith

The Baháʼí Faith, founded by Bahá'u'lláh in the 19th century, prescribes sexuality as permissible solely within monogamous heterosexual marriage, emphasizing chastity for both sexes outside this union as essential to spiritual purity and societal harmony. The Kitáb-i-Aqdas, Bahá'u'lláh's central book of laws revealed around 1873, explicitly forbids adultery, sodomy, and lechery, while mandating strict abstinence from sexual relations prior to marriage. Marriage is recommended but not obligatory, defined as a spiritual and physical union between one man and one woman, with the family unit serving as the foundational element of a progressive world order. Homosexuality is regarded in Baháʼí teachings as contrary to human nature and divine intent, with homosexual acts prohibited as they deviate from the purpose of sexuality in procreation and marital unity; however, individuals with homosexual inclinations are encouraged to receive community support and abstain from such behavior to uphold chastity. The Universal House of Justice, the Faith's governing body established in 1963, has clarified that same-sex marriage cannot be recognized within Baháʼí communities, distinguishing personal orientation from moral action, while prohibiting proselytization or condemnation of non-adherents' practices. Unlike Islamic jurisprudence, which permits under conditions of , Baháʼí abrogates plurality of wives, stipulating contentment with one to align with the principle of sexual equality and eliminate potential inequities in dynamics. This shift reflects Bahá'u'lláh's emphasis on as a prerequisite for civilization's advancement, requiring mutual in and equal responsibilities in child-rearing, though critiques persist that the Faith's unchanging laws on sexuality conflict with evolving societal norms on personal rights.

Dharmic Religions

Hinduism

In Hinduism, sexuality is integrated into the framework of the purusharthas, the four aims of human life—dharma (righteousness), (prosperity), (pleasure), and (liberation)—with kama recognized as essential for householders but strictly subordinated to to maintain social and cosmic order. Vedic and Puranic texts emphasize the grihastha (householder) stage as the foundation for procreation and fulfillment of kama within marriage, viewing sexual union as a sacred duty that sustains dharma through lineage continuity, while ascetic stages like vanaprastha and advocate restraint or to redirect energy toward spiritual liberation. This balance reflects a causal understanding that unregulated desire disrupts familial and societal harmony, whereas disciplined expression supports varnashrama dharma, the ordered progression through life stages and social classes. The Manusmriti, a key dharmashastra text compiled around 200 BCE to 200 CE, prescribes marital fidelity as central to dharma, prohibiting adultery with fines scaled by severity—such as the highest fine for violations involving married women—and equating it to grave moral transgression that incurs karmic debt. Premarital sex is similarly condemned as adharma, undermining the purity of marriage vows and progeny, with texts like the Manusmriti (4.176) urging avoidance of acts driven solely by unchecked kama. Mainstream Hindu ethics thus prioritize heterosexual marriage for procreation, viewing extramarital or non-procreative sex as deviations that weaken lineage and societal stability, though the Kama Sutra (c. 400 BCE–200 CE) provides detailed guidance on erotic techniques primarily for married couples to enhance mutual pleasure within dharma-bound limits. Homosexuality appears in ancient texts like the Kama Sutra as tritiya prakriti (third nature), categorizing same-sex acts among variants of human behavior—such as between masculine and feminine-typed males or females—but frames them as non-normative pursuits outside the procreative ideal, often linked to specific social roles like courtesans or eunuchs rather than mainstream endorsement. Puranic narratives occasionally depict in deities, such as Vishnu's form, yet these serve symbolic or mythological purposes without prescribing societal norms, which remain anchored in binary gender roles for fulfillment. Tantric traditions, emerging around the 5th–9th centuries CE within Shaiva and Shakta sects, diverge by employing sexuality esoterically—through practices like ritual union (maithuna)—to transmute sexual energy (kundalini) for enlightenment, but these remain confined to initiated adepts and contrast sharply with Vedic prohibitions on sensual excess for the laity. Mainstream Hinduism, guided by smritis, rejects such esotericism for householders, prioritizing restraint to avoid karmic entanglement. Arranged marriages within the same varna (social class) or jati (sub-caste) are mandated to preserve ritual purity and lineage integrity, as inter-varna unions risk diluting dharma-specific qualities in offspring, a principle rooted in texts like the that classify such matches as (approved) or (disapproved). This ensures continuity of familial duties and prevents social discord, with empirical persistence in contemporary where over 90% of marriages remain arranged and caste-bound, correlating with stable networks. In modern contexts, Hindu nationalist groups like the () advocate traditional binary gender norms and family structures, critiquing Western individualism and LGBTQ advocacy as cultural imports that erode indigenous , though positions vary with some factions tolerating textual acknowledgments of diversity while prioritizing procreative heterosexual unions for national vitality. This stance aligns with scriptural emphasis on sexuality as ordered by , resisting reinterpretations that detach it from lineage and restraint.

Buddhism

In Buddhism, sexuality is approached through the framework of reducing attachment and craving, which are seen as sources of dukkha (suffering), with the ultimate aim of liberation via the Noble Eightfold Path. Theravada and Mahayana traditions emphasize moderation for lay practitioners and complete renunciation for monastics, viewing excessive indulgence as reinforcing samsara (cyclic existence). The Vinaya Pitaka, compiled around the 4th century BCE, mandates celibacy for bhikkhus (monks) and bhikkhunis (nuns) as a parajika offense—complete defeat entailing expulsion from the sangha—rooted in the need to eliminate sensory distractions for deep meditation and insight. Lay followers adhere to the pancasila (five precepts), where the third prohibits kamesu micchacara (sexual misconduct), defined as non-consensual acts, adultery, or exploitation, often interpreted traditionally as sexual relations confined to heterosexual marriage to align with procreative intent and social harmony. Traditional interpretations extend this to deem non-procreative acts, including , as misconduct. In 1997, the , representing Tibetan , stated that Buddhist tradition considers homosexual acts improper because sexual organs are intended for vaginal intercourse leading to , labeling other forms—including oral or among heterosexuals—as violations of ethical conduct improvable through karma and practice. This aligns with classical texts like the Abhidharmakosha, which classify non-vaginal penetration as akusala (unwholesome), though the emphasized compassion and non-discrimination in treatment of individuals. Peer-reviewed studies link Buddhist practices, such as vipassana, to reduced compulsive sexual behaviors by enhancing awareness of urges and decreasing , with dispositional negatively correlating with indicators of in samples of over 200 adults. Vajrayana, a tantric extension of Mahayana emerging in India from the 5th-7th centuries CE, incorporates symbolic sexual union (mahamudra or karmamudra) in advanced sadhanas to transmute desire into wisdom, representing the union of method (upaya) and emptiness (prajna), but these are esoteric, reserved for realized practitioners under strict guru guidance, and often visualized rather than literal to avoid literal indulgence. Historical texts like the Hevajra Tantra (8th century) prescribe such practices only after mastery of lower tantras, with orgasmic release prohibited to preserve bindu (vital energy), critiqued by reformers for potential abuse among unqualified adepts. Contemporary Western Buddhism often liberalizes these views, accommodating diverse orientations and under broad non-harm principles, contrasting with conservative Asian traditions where cultural norms reinforce marital fidelity and monastic purity. This divergence reflects adaptation to secular , yet core texts prioritize detachment over permissiveness, with empirical data supporting meditation's role in curbing rather than endorsing varied expressions.

Sikhism

Sikhism views sexuality through the lens of grihastha jeevan, the householder stage of life deemed essential for spiritual progress, rejecting ascetic denial of worldly duties in favor of controlled engagement within . The emphasizes conquering (lust), one of the five cardinal vices—alongside anger, greed, attachment, and ego—that obstruct union with the divine, portraying uncontrolled desire as a force that "leads mortals to " and wastes the body. Marital relations are affirmed as a means to fulfill , procreate, and experience divine love analogously, but only within strict bounds of fidelity and moderation, as excess invites karmic suffering. The Rehat Maryada, the code of conduct approved by the in 1945, mandates monogamous heterosexual marriage via the ceremony, confining sexual activity to husband and wife for mutual support and progeny. and are explicitly prohibited as hukam nama violations, equating them to breaches of Sikh discipline that undermine family sanctity and self-control. Homosexual acts and same-sex unions are similarly barred by edicts, including a 2005 directive labeling gay relationships incompatible with Sikh maryada and a 2020 statement rejecting their solemnization, interpreting scriptural silence on as affirmation of binary male-female complementarity for procreation and order. Gender equality in spiritual worth coexists with distinct marital roles—men as providers and protectors, women as nurturers—rooted in binary norms, with males adopting "Singh" and females "Kaur" surnames to signify lion-like dignity without conflating sexes. In traditional Punjabi Sikh communities, these ethics correlate with robust family structures, evidenced by India's overall divorce rate of approximately 1% (with Sikhs aligning closely due to cultural stigma and religious non-recognition of dissolution), fostering intergenerational cohesion through arranged unions and communal oversight. Diaspora Sikhs in the UK exhibit higher separation rates—around 10% as of 2010-2013—attributed to Western individualism eroding rehat adherence, prompting orthodox critiques of permissive reinterpretations that dilute scriptural mandates on chastity and gender polarity. Such dilutions, often amplified by secular influences, contrast with core teachings prioritizing conquest of vices for liberation over accommodation of desires.

Jainism

In Jainism, the principle of —complete celibacy for ascetics and chastity for lay adherents—forms a cornerstone of ethical conduct, aimed at preventing the influx of karmic particles through sensual indulgence. This vow, one of the five mahavratas (great vows) for monastics, prohibits all sexual activity, thoughts, and even verbal references to sensuality, as such engagements stir passions that attract and bind karma to the soul, obstructing liberation (). The Tattvarthasutra, a foundational text compiled between the 2nd and 5th centuries CE, delineates brahmacharya as essential for shedding karma, equating violations with deliberate influxes of obstructive karmas that obscure spiritual knowledge. This restraint extends (non-violence) to the subtlest levels, as sexual acts generate intense attachments and micro-violences through bodily fluids and emotional turbulence, which Jains view as disseminating karmic matter capable of harming infinite souls. Monastic practice enforces gender segregation in orders— monks practicing nudity to symbolize detachment (women cannot due to societal norms and perceived impurity), while both male and female ascetics undertake lifelong celibacy to transcend biological imperatives. Texts like the Sutrakritanga warn of women's temptations as tests for monks' resolve, reinforcing doctrinal purity over permissive interpretations. Lay Jains (shravakas and shravikas) follow partial vows (anuvratas), restricting intercourse to procreative purposes within monogamous , prohibiting , oral acts, or excess that depletes vital energy and invites karma. Violations, such as or non-vaginal penetration, are censured as abrahmacharya, accruing papa (demerit) karma. uniquely categorizes non-binary genders (e.g., tritiya prakriti or third nature) in karmic schemata, attributing rebirth into such forms to past , yet mandates for all pursuing enlightenment regardless of orientation. Contemporary surveys indicate low strict adherence among India's approximately 4.5 million Jains (per 2011 census data), with urban youth often prioritizing economic pursuits over rigorous , though festivals like Dashalakshana Parva (observed annually, e.g., September 2023) reaffirm doctrinal ideals through teachings on chastity. Sectarian differences persist—Svetambara allowing nuns potential liberation, requiring male rebirth—but both uphold sexuality as a karmic trap to be transcended via ascetic discipline.

East Asian Religions

Taoism

Taoist cosmology frames sexuality as an expression of yin-yang complementarity, wherein the union of male (yang) and female (yin) energies mirrors the Tao's natural harmony and sustains vital force for health and longevity. Sexual activity is not merely procreative but alchemical, aimed at circulating and refining (vital energy) to prevent depletion of (essence), with texts like the Taiping Jing (circa 2nd century CE) describing intercourse as achieving cosmic peace through balanced essences. Excess, particularly frequent , is cautioned against as it drains yang essence, potentially causing illness or shortened lifespan, as noted in early medical compilations. Historical practices, termed fangzhong shu ("bedchamber arts"), include techniques for energy retention such as —intercourse without emission—and multi-partner engagements to absorb yin fluids, detailed in texts like the Su Nu Jing (pre-Han dynasty, preserved in later sources) and silk manuscripts unearthed in 1973, dated to approximately 168 BCE. These prescribe regulated frequencies, e.g., men in their 20s limiting to twice weekly and avoiding emission to build vitality, with women advised multiple orgasms to release yin essence for mutual benefit. The Ishinpō (984 CE), a Japanese compendium drawing from Tang-era Chinese sources, elaborates "sexual kung fu" methods like perineal pressure to redirect upward, transforming it into spiritual energy rather than loss. Such restraint is linked empirically in traditional lore to enhanced physical vigor, though modern studies on analogous practices suggest correlations with improved endocrine function and stress reduction. Taoism views homosexuality neutrally, absent the moral prohibitions of Abrahamic faiths, evaluating it by whether it maintains personal harmony and energy flow rather than rigid gender binaries. Same-sex relations may diverge from orthodox yin-yang pairing but are deemed acceptable if they avoid excess and align with one's innate nature, as some sects prioritize individual essence over prescriptive norms. Ancient alchemical texts occasionally reference male-male exchanges for yang cultivation without condemnation, contrasting modern commodified expressions that ancient critiqued as disruptive to vital conservation.

Confucianism

Confucianism subordinates sexuality to the maintenance of social hierarchy and familial duties, emphasizing li (ritual propriety) as the framework for proper conduct in relationships, particularly within the family. In the Analects, Confucius stresses the primacy of filial piety (xiao), wherein individuals fulfill roles that ensure generational continuity and harmony, with sexual relations implicitly confined to marital contexts that support these obligations. Mencius extends this by advocating strict separation between men and women to preserve propriety, stating that "when giving and receiving, men and women should not touch each other," thereby reinforcing distinct gender roles that prioritize relational order over individual desires. These principles align with ren (benevolence), achieved not through personal indulgence but through empathetic adherence to one's position in the family and society, where deviations risk eroding communal benevolence. Sexual activity in Confucian thought serves procreation to produce heirs, fulfilling the duty to ancestors and ensuring the family's perpetuation, rather than pursuit of pleasure, which is deemed secondary and potentially disruptive to propriety. Confucian norms explicitly separate sex from erotic enjoyment, stipulating its primary role in reproduction to sustain lineage and social stability, as reflected in historical texts and later interpretations that view unregulated desire as antithetical to disciplined self-cultivation. Sexuality is thus regulated strictly within heterosexual marriage, with any expression outside this structure—such as premarital relations or non-procreative acts—regarded as taboo, as it undermines the formal arrangements essential for familial and societal harmony. Non-conformist sexual behaviors, including or , are seen as threats to ren by disrupting the hierarchical family unit central to Confucian , potentially leading to discord in ties and broader social order. Historical practices like foot-binding, while not directly prescribed in Confucian texts, emerged in a society shaped by these ideals, serving to limit female mobility and reinforce submissive roles that aligned with male-dominated propriety, though scholars note its conflation with Confucian adherence over time despite early condemnations. In modern , amid demographic challenges from the (1979–2015), which skewed sex ratios and delayed marriages, neo-Confucian advocates and state-backed initiatives have promoted traditional marital norms to revive birth rates and family structures, framing them as essential for restoring benevolence and stability.

Shintoism

Shinto, Japan's indigenous religion, regards sexuality as a natural aspect of human life intertwined with the vitality of kami (spirits or deities) and the cycles of and renewal, without prescriptive moral codes akin to those in Abrahamic traditions. Core practices emphasize (purification) to maintain harmony with kami, as sexual activity, like childbirth or , can introduce (impurity or pollution) that requires ritual cleansing to restore balance. This focus on experiential purity over doctrinal judgment allows for cultural adaptability, with historical evidence showing phallic symbols and integrated into since ancient times, such as stone kanamara (iron phalluses) used for protection against ailments and to invoke prosperous births. Ritual purification via , involving immersion in cold flowing water like rivers or waterfalls, traces to mythological precedents in the (712 CE), where the deity performed it to cleanse after encountering death and impurity. In practice, addresses bodily pollutions from sex or other life processes, enabling participants to approach shrines untainted; ethnographic accounts from pre-modern document its use post-coitus or before sacred duties to align physical and spiritual states with kami harmony. celebrations, evident in archaeological finds of Yayoi-period (c. 300 BCE–300 CE) clay phalli and shrine processions, underscore sexuality's role in communal prosperity, predating modern events like the (revived in 1969 at Kanayama Shrine but drawing on Edo-period (1603–1868) customs for sex workers praying against disease and for safe deliveries). Shinto texts and traditions contain no explicit condemnations of , reflecting an absence of centralized that prioritizes ritual over sexual ethics; historical records, including chronicles (720 CE), depict same-sex relations among nobility and warriors without religious rebuke, and certain like were invoked as patrons of male-male bonds. This doctrinal silence, combined with purity's universal application irrespective of , fosters empirical flexibility, as seen in contemporary endorsements of LGBTQ+ rites amid Japan's low institutional opposition (e.g., Shinto's 2018 affirmation). Under (1868–1945), imperial ideology linked family procreation to national vitality, promoting heterosexual and via shrine rituals to bolster for , with policies like the 1940 National Eugenics Law indirectly aligning sexuality with state goals. Post-World War II disestablishment under the 1947 Constitution separated from state control, shifting it toward voluntary, secularized practice that diminished prescriptive familyism, allowing sexuality to revert to localized, non-dogmatic expressions amid Japan's declining birth rates (1.26 children per woman in 2023). This evolution highlights Shinto's low doctrinal rigidity, enabling adaptation to modern demographics without core ritual alterations.

Indigenous and Folk Religions

African Traditional Religions

In African Traditional Religions, which vary widely across ethnic groups but share emphases on ancestral and communal survival, sexuality is primarily instrumentalized for procreation and lineage perpetuation, aligning with empirical necessities of high in subsistence-based societies where total fertility rates historically exceeded 6 children per woman to offset mortality and sustain clans. This orientation stems from causal linkages between reproduction and group viability, with often attributed to spiritual disequilibrium rather than biological factors alone, prompting rituals to invoke ancestral fertility blessings. Polygyny prevails in many traditions, such as among the Yoruba, where men may marry multiple wives to amplify progeny and reinforce patrilineal structures, embedding sexuality within spiritual frameworks that view marital multiplicity as conducive to family value sustenance and demographic robustness. Such practices, permitted under traditional cosmologies, prioritize reproductive output over monogamous exclusivity, though colonial influences later eroded their prevalence to under 3% of unions by the 1970s in some regions due to economic pressures and missionary opposition. Initiation rites, integral to transitioning youth into adulthood, frequently impart knowledge of sexual roles, procreation, and familial duties, with variations emphasizing restraint to preserve communal purity—such as chastity customs among Swazi girls or timed puberty education in Malawi to channel sexuality toward marriage and fertility rather than premarital indulgence. Illicit sex outside these bounds invites witchcraft fears, as it is perceived to harness destructive spiritual energies, potentially cursing fertility and provoking communal sanctions to safeguard ancestral lineages. Homosexuality finds scant affirmation in traditional frameworks, often deemed disruptive to procreative imperatives and ancestral continuity, with pre-colonial ethnographic records indicating marginal occurrences but normative taboos rooted in fertility-centric worldviews rather than imported colonial morals. Syncretic overlays from have reinforced these stances in hybrid practices, yet core ATR logics remain oriented toward heterosexual as causal to endurance.

Pre-Columbian American Religions

In Mesoamerican religions, particularly among the , sexuality was embedded in cosmological aimed at sustaining and cosmic order. Human served as a central mechanism to nourish deities like Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc, with blood offerings symbolizing the life-giving essence required for agricultural abundance and the sun's renewal, paralleling seminal fluid in regenerative cycles. The goddess Tlazolteotl, associated with carnal desire, filth, and purification, presided over rites involving of sexual excesses, which were seen as threats to purity and communal harmony. These practices underscored a where sexual energy, when properly channeled through and , ensured the cyclical renewal of life against . Andean Inca religion integrated sexuality into state cosmology, regulating it to support imperial expansion and demographic stability. Marriages were arranged by authorities to forge alliances and maximize labor contributions, with commoners restricted to monogamous unions while elites practiced to produce heirs and consolidate power. Ritual figures known as quariwarmi, male temple attendants adopting feminine attire and roles, participated in ceremonies invoking same-sex eroticism to honor deities, yet such roles reinforced hierarchical procreative norms rather than challenging them. Sexuality outside state-sanctioned procreation, including , faced severe penalties, reflecting a causal emphasis on reproduction for societal endurance. Celibate priestesses dedicated to the sun god maintained ritual purity, their virginity symbolizing cosmic balance but subordinated to the empire's reproductive imperatives. Among North American indigenous groups, pre-Columbian traditions featured berdache individuals—typically males assuming female dress, labor, and sometimes sexual partners—who functioned as spiritual intermediaries or shamans, embodying dual-gendered mediation between human and supernatural realms. These roles, documented across tribes like the (nádleehí) and others, integrated homoerotic elements into cosmology but remained ancillary to tribal survival, which prioritized heterosexual reproduction for population viability amid harsh environments. European observers often conflated such variances with deviance, but anthropological evidence indicates they held respected, though non-normative, statuses tied to visionary capacities rather than egalitarian . The Spanish conquest from 1519 onward profoundly disrupted these indigenous sexual frameworks, imposing Catholic doctrines that condemned non-procreative acts as sodomy and idolatry, leading to executions and cultural erasure. Conquest narratives highlight the suppression of berdache and quariwarmi practices through forced Christianization, shifting cosmology toward binary gender hierarchies aligned with patriarchal inheritance. While empirical records from ethnohistorians like Garcilaso de la Vega affirm pre-conquest tolerances in specific ritual contexts, post-conquest revivals in isolated communities have largely realigned with binary procreative emphases, influenced by enduring colonial legacies and adaptive survival strategies.

Australian Aboriginal and Oceanic Traditions

In Australian Aboriginal traditions, sexuality is embedded in systems shaped by ancestral beings during , which prescribe exogamous marriages to sustain social alliances, land affiliations, and population viability while prohibiting unions with close kin. These systems, utilizing moieties (dual divisions) or sections (four- to eight-fold classifications), structurally enforce outside one's group, thereby reducing risks through categorical restrictions that promote genetic mixing across generations. Empirical patterns in pre-colonial societies reflect low coefficients, attributable to these rules rather than individual aversion alone, as violations could disrupt totemic balances tied to ecological and spiritual responsibilities. Initiation ceremonies mark the transition to adulthood with enforced taboos on premarital intercourse, for pubescents, and oversight by elders to align conduct with Dreaming-derived laws emphasizing reproduction within approved kin categories. and rank among the gravest prohibitions, inviting communal retribution to preserve group cohesion, while in-law avoidance practices further limit extramarital expressions. Anthropological accounts note scant institutionalization of , with any same-sex attractions often reframed or suppressed under heteronormative imperatives favoring lineage continuity, though tribal variations exist without uniform mythic endorsement. Among Oceanic traditions, particularly in , boyhood initiations incorporate fellatio or anal by mature men to impart as a life-force, cosmologically linked to growth and in animistic beliefs, ceasing post-puberty and distinct from ongoing homosexual orientation. These practices underscore sexuality's role in ontological transformation, not pleasure, contrasting with Polynesian acceptance of gender-variant roles like fa'afafine in , who navigate fluid expressions within frameworks without ritual compulsion. European colonization commencing in 1788 imposed Christian and procreative exclusivity via missionaries, stigmatizing , ritual same-sex acts, and kin-based freedoms as immoral, progressively eroding elder authority and fostering internalized taboos that fragmented traditional regulations by the mid-19th century.

Ancient and Iranian Religions

conceptualizes sexuality through its ethical dualism, positing that procreative acts within bolster Ahura Mazda's forces against Angra Mainyu by generating souls to combat evil, whereas non-procreative or impure unions aid the adversary. The extols fertility and childbirth as sacred, with rituals invoking divine aid for healthy offspring to expand the ranks of good in the eschatological war, framing not merely as biological but as a metaphysical imperative. Marriage rules enforce strict to safeguard ritual purity, prohibiting unions with non-Zoroastrians to avert spiritual defilement, a principle rooted in ancient texts that favored even close-kin marriages (xwēdōdah) among to consolidate property and lineage sanctity. Later Pahlavi reinforces this by classifying intercourse with outsiders as a cardinal sin equivalent to polluting the faith's core. Non-procreative sexual acts, including , incur severe penalties in Zoroastrian , deemed violations that thwart renewal of life and equate to daevic perversion, with texts explicitly condemning as a grave offense warranting or excision from the community. These doctrines persist in influencing demographics, as seen in the Parsi subgroup's fertility crisis: their numbers fell from 114,890 in 1941 to 69,001 by 2001, with annual births lagging deaths (e.g., 174 births versus 735 deaths in 2013), exacerbated by limiting marital pools and cultural reticence toward expansion.

Mesopotamian and Egyptian Traditions

In Mesopotamian traditions, sexuality was conceptualized as a potent divine mechanism for cosmic and biological renewal, with deities like (Sumerian) and her Akkadian counterpart Ishtar embodying erotic desire intertwined with fertility and warfare. Myths portrayed gods' sexual acts as generative forces; for instance, Inanna's descent to the underworld and sacred marriage () rites symbolized seasonal vegetation cycles and royal legitimacy, linking human procreation to agricultural abundance in a river-valley civilization dependent on . The Enūma Eliš, a Babylonian creation epic from the late second millennium BCE, incorporated primordial watery unions—such as Apsu (fresh water, male fertility) and (salt water, chaos)—as origins of divine progeny, underscoring sexuality's role in ordering chaos into fertile . Debates persist over in Inanna/Ishtar cults, with (c. 450 BCE) claiming Babylonian women once prostituted themselves in temples for fertility blessings, yet texts provide no unambiguous confirmation of ritual sex; scholars increasingly attribute such accounts to Greek misunderstandings of temple dedications or economic transactions by nadītu priestesses. The (c. 1754 BCE), inscribed on a , imposed severe penalties for sexual infractions to safeguard lineage and social stability, mandating drowning for a man and wife caught in adultery (laws 129–133), while allowing husbands discretion to spare unfaithful wives but not vice versa, reflecting patriarchal control over reproduction in a where supported labor-intensive farming. Egyptian religious practices elevated sexuality as integral to ma'at (cosmic order) and renewal, with royal —such as sibling marriages among pharaohs—aimed at concentrating divine essence (akhu) in the bloodline, as the king incarnated and required unadulterated godly heritage for mediating fertility and state prosperity. New Kingdom evidence, including genetic analysis of (r. c. 1332–1323 BCE) revealing parental , confirms this custom's prevalence from the Eighteenth Dynasty onward, though it contributed to health declines like congenital deformities amid empirical pressures for dynastic continuity. Fertility cults centered on gods like Min, whose ithyphallic depictions and festivals emphasized male virility to invoke inundation cycles yielding 3–5 annual harvests; sexual motifs in myths, such as Osiris's via Isis's magic, reinforced procreation's sanctity without taboos on pleasure, aligning religious imperatives with demographic needs in a economy prone to famine. These traditions prioritized empirical outcomes—stable populations via regulated unions and rites—over moralistic restraint, influencing subsequent Near Eastern legal and mythic frameworks.

New Religious Movements and Esotericism

Modern Paganism and Wicca

, encompassing movements like , emerged in the mid-20th century as a revivalist spiritual tradition emphasizing the sacredness of nature, the body, and sexuality. Founded by in during the 1940s and publicly revealed in the , posits a duotheistic framework of a and triple goddess whose union symbolizes cosmic fertility and balance. Sexuality is framed as a divine , with practices like the enacting—either symbolically via and or, in some traditional covens, through actual intercourse—the , or sacred marriage, to invoke creative energies. This ritual underscores a core polarity between masculine and feminine principles, often interpreted as heterosexual complementarity essential for magical efficacy. While early Gardnerian Wicca prioritized this gender binary for initiatory purposes, contemporary practitioners frequently adapt it to affirm diverse sexual orientations, viewing homosexuality and other expressions as valid manifestations of polarity balance or natural diversity within the goddess's rituals of "all acts of love and pleasure." Surveys of U.S. Pagans reveal widespread acceptance, with 89.2% supporting same-sex marriage and broad endorsement of LGBTQ+ rights, polyamory, and gender fluidity, aligning with a sex-positive ethos that deems consensual adult sexuality inherently sacred. This fluidity contrasts with historical pagan traditions, which varied widely and lacked uniform affirmation of homosexuality; ancient sources, such as Roman or Greek texts, often tolerated but did not sacralize same-sex relations in the modern liberal sense. Critics, including scholars, argue that 's progressive stem from its status as a 20th-century rather than a faithful reconstruction of pre-Christian paganism. Gardner drew from , , and discredited theories like Margaret Murray's ", fabricating claims of unbroken ancient lineages to lend antiquity, but empirical confirms as a syncretic product of Romantic occultism and post-war . This modern origin explains the high with liberal ideologies: Pagan self-identification correlates with political moderation to left-leaning views, prioritizing , , and sexual liberation over traditional moral constraints found in historical religions. Such adaptations prioritize personal autonomy and empirical self-expression, yet lack the causal continuity with ancient practices that proponents assert.

Satanism and Thelemic Traditions


LaVeyan Satanism, established by Anton LaVey with the founding of the Church of Satan on April 30, 1966, posits Satan as a symbol of human carnality and individualism rather than a literal entity, rejecting supernatural beliefs in favor of atheistic philosophy. In The Satanic Bible (1969), LaVey endorses responsible indulgence in natural desires, including sexual expression, as a counter to ascetic religious repression, while prohibiting non-consensual acts or involvement with minors and animals. The Church of Satan affirms acceptance of all consensual adult sexual orientations, such as homosexuality, bisexuality, and asexuality, framing sexuality as a vital aspect of self-fulfillment under controlled hedonism akin to Epicureanism rather than unchecked excess.
Thelemic traditions, originating from Aleister Crowley's reception of in 1904, emphasize adherence to one's "" through the maxim " shall be the whole of the Law," interpreting sexuality as a liberating force integral to magickal practices. Crowley advocated sex magick, employing orgasmic energy for spiritual attainment, and openly embraced , viewing fluid sexual expression as aligned with antinomian defiance of societal moral constraints. These rituals, including techniques like ero-to-comatose lucidity developed by Crowley in 1912, position erotic acts as sacramental tools for transcending ego and achieving union with the divine, often incorporating elements of transgression against conventional norms. Critics contend that the antinomian focus on sexual liberation in both traditions risks fostering self-destructive behaviors, as empirical studies link excessive pleasure-seeking to cycles where short-term gratification undermines long-term health and . For instance, neuroscientific indicates that repeated pursuit of hedonic highs, including sexual compulsions, activates reward pathways akin to substance dependencies, leading to tolerance, withdrawal, and diminished capacity for sustained fulfillment. Crowley's personal trajectory—marked by heroin , financial ruin, and relational chaos amid prolific sexual and drug experimentation—exemplifies potential causal pitfalls of prioritizing will-driven excess over restraint. While mitigates this through emphasis on mastery over indulgence, its atheistic framework renders it more a secular ethic than a involving theistic elements or communal transcendence.

Raëlism and Similar Movements

Raëlism, established in 1974 by French founder Claude Vorilhon (known as ), teaches that extraterrestrials called the scientifically engineered humanity as an act of creation through DNA manipulation and technologies. Sexuality holds a sacred status in Raëlian doctrine, portrayed as a sensual gift from the Elohim to foster joy and enlightenment, with adherents urged to pursue and diverse sexual expressions among consenting adults without moral prohibitions on orientation or practices. This perspective derives from Raël's claimed encounters with the Elohim, who allegedly inhabit a pleasure-oriented society free from earthly inhibitions. Key rituals emphasize bodily sensuality, including "sensual meditation," a practice involving guided to expand pleasure thresholds and overcome societal conditioning, often conducted in group settings. Public demonstrations, such as annual "" events initiated in 2007, promote and topless equality as expressions of Elohim-inspired liberation, with participants framing these as anti-censorship tied to sexual freedom. The movement's "Order of Angels," an elite female cadre selected for devotion and physical appeal, performs ceremonial duties including companionship for , underscoring a hierarchical integration of sexuality into spiritual hierarchy. Raëlians advocate human reproductive cloning through , founded in 1997 under Raëlian direction, as a pathway to physical by transferring into youthful clones, emulating methods. In December 2002, Clonaid announced the birth of "Eve," purportedly the first cloned human infant, but provided no DNA evidence or independent verification despite media scrutiny and scientific demands, resulting in the claim's dismissal as unsubstantiated. ties into broader sensuality by rejecting traditional procreation taboos, positioning scientific replication as superior to biological for eternal sensual existence. Critics, including former members and religious analysts, have raised concerns of exploitation, alleging that the heavy emphasis on sexual openness and leader-centric rituals fosters coercive dynamics and financial demands under cult-like structures, though Raëlians counter these as consensual expressions of . Despite official estimates of 60,000 to 100,000 adherents across 90 countries as of recent reports, active participation remains empirically low, with membership stabilizing post-2000s fluctuations but showing limited societal penetration beyond publicity stunts. Similar UFO-centric groups, like those influenced by early narratives, occasionally endorse relaxed sexual norms but rarely elevate sensuality to Raëlism's ritualized, alien-derived worship.

Modern Controversies

Homosexuality and Same-Sex Relations

Major Abrahamic traditions have historically condemned homosexual acts through scriptural prohibitions. In , the New Testament's :26–27 describes same-sex relations as contrary to natural order, leading to divine disapproval. Similarly, the Hebrew Bible's Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13 prescribe penalties for male homosexual intercourse, framing it as an abomination. In , the recounts the destruction of the people of Lut (Lot) for engaging in same-sex acts, interpreted as divine punishment for , while collections explicitly condemn male homosexual behavior with severe repercussions. These texts reflect a near-universal ancient religious consensus aligning sexual norms with biological , rooted in observable human dimorphism where male-female complementarity ensures species propagation, as evolutionary studies link sexual selection pressures to reproductive variance favoring opposite-sex pairings. Contemporary religious responses diverge. Conservative branches, such as , prohibit homosexual conduct outright, enforcing community exclusion or rather than formal , to uphold mandates against same-sex unions. In , traditional views as , with some interpretations prescribing punishments like , though varies by ; Sunni and Shi'a scholars generally reject same-sex relationships, leading to social or legal penalties in adherent societies. Conversely, liberal denominations have liberalized: the authorized rites blessing same-sex unions in 2009, formalizing gender-neutral marriage canons by 2015 amid broader cultural pressures. has affirmed homosexual equality since 1970, supporting and ordination without doctrinal reservations. Traditionalists critique such shifts as yielding to secular over scriptural fidelity, prioritizing cultural accommodation over empirical reproductive imperatives evident in . Empirical data underscore tensions in these doctrinal stances. Despite affirming policies in progressive religious settings, homosexual individuals exhibit elevated burdens, including depression and suicidality, with 2020–2025 studies indicating religious involvement can exacerbate internalized stigma even in supportive contexts, though general correlates with lower depression odds overall—moderated negatively for sexual minorities. Bans on conversion therapies, intended to curb non-affirming interventions, have shown limited success in improving outcomes; empirical reviews find such therapies sometimes yield voluntary reductions in same-sex attraction for motivated participants, while prohibitions restrict access without addressing underlying distress, as evidenced by persistent high rates of psychological issues post-bans. These patterns align with causal realities of biological dimorphism, where deviations from binary reproductive norms correlate with fitness costs, informing religions' historical prohibitions as adaptive safeguards rather than mere . Academic sources on these outcomes often reflect institutional biases favoring affirmation, yet raw data reveal no resolution of disparities through doctrinal revision alone.

Transgenderism and Gender Dysphoria

In Abrahamic traditions, is doctrinally defined by biological sex as a divine binary, with transitions often rejected as defiance of creation. draws from Genesis 1:27, which states that created humanity "," a verse interpreted by confessional bodies to affirm immutable and preclude surgical or hormonal reconfiguration of the body. The explicitly opposes theory, asserting that biological sex is ontologically ordered toward complementarity and cannot be changed without rejecting as given. Similarly, mainstream Islamic prohibits reassignment surgery except in rare cases, viewing it as and ingratitude toward Allah's creation per 4:119, which condemns altering what has made. These stances frame —a profound distress over perceived mismatch between body and psyche—not as a mandate for affirmation but as a condition amenable to spiritual and psychological reconciliation with biological reality, often linked to underlying comorbidities like trauma or autism rather than an innate incongruence requiring bodily intervention. Some progressive religious movements accommodate transgender identities, prioritizing self-identification over doctrinal binaries. , for instance, passed resolutions in 2015 endorsing transgender rights, including in liturgies, non-binary Torah honors, and facilities adapted for transitions, framing inclusion as an extension of (repairing the world). Certain liberal Protestant denominations similarly revise creeds to de-emphasize sexed embodiment, allowing clergy transitions and affirming surgeries as congruent with divine image-bearing. However, these adaptations contrast with empirical outcomes of medical transitions, where regret and rates vary widely across studies—ranging from 0.5% in short-term clinic data to 13.1% in broader surveys of gender-affirming pursuits, with youth cohorts showing 5-7% cessation of treatments within years. High loss-to-follow-up in legacy studies (often 20-60%) likely underestimates true regret, as evidenced by rising detransitioner testimonies and policy shifts in countries like and restricting youth interventions due to poor long-term data. The 2024 Cass Review, commissioned by the UK's National Health Service, underscored the fragility of evidence for pediatric gender care, finding "remarkably weak" support for puberty blockers or hormones in alleviating dysphoria, with minimal advantages over watchful waiting and elevated risks of infertility, bone density loss, and persistent mental health issues. Traditional religious frameworks counter affirmation models by positing that dysphoria's roots—frequently tied to social contagion, unresolved sexual confusion, or neurodevelopmental factors—yield better to therapies fostering embodiment of one's given sex, aligning with causal mechanisms where biological sex anchors identity and relational norms. This approach, while politically contested, prioritizes verifiable sex dimorphism (e.g., gamete production and secondary traits) over subjective identity, offering dysphoric individuals pathways to peace through covenantal acceptance rather than irreversible modifications amid contested efficacy.

Contraception, Abortion, and Family Planning

In , the prohibits artificial contraception and , viewing both as violations of the natural law inherent in marital acts, which must remain open to procreation. Pope John Paul II's Evangelium Vitae (1995) explicitly condemns contraception as rejecting the procreative dimension of sexuality and links it causally to the acceptance of , arguing that separating from undermines human dignity and societal moral fabric. The similarly deems a grave sin equivalent to murder from conception, with canons imposing severe penances, while non-abortifacient contraception is sometimes permitted under pastoral oikonomia for spacing births but not as a norm, emphasizing family as a divine mandate for multiplication. In , temporary contraception is generally permitted for to ensure maternal and child welfare, drawing from hadiths allowing coitus interruptus ('azl), but permanent sterilization like is prohibited unless pregnancy poses immediate life-threatening risk to the mother, as it alters God's creation without necessity. is forbidden after (around 120 days per some scholars) and restricted earlier except to save the mother's life, reflecting a balance between preserving lineage and avoiding harm. extend the principle of (non-violence) to the fetus, considered a living soul undergoing karmic development; Hindu texts like the equate to killing one's parents or ancestors, while Jain ethics prohibit it as intentional harm to a (soul) incarnate, aligning with pronatalist duties to sustain through progeny. The 2022 U.S. decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization overturned Roe v. Wade, returning abortion regulation to states and invigorating religious liberty arguments for exemptions from mandates compelling participation in procedures conflicting with faith-based views on life's sanctity, as seen in Catholic and evangelical advocacy for conscience protections. Empirical studies indicate surgical abortions elevate risks through uterine damage or adhesions, with one analysis of over 1 million women finding prior evacuation procedures associated with 1.5-2 times higher secondary odds, particularly from repeated interventions. Meta-analyses further link induced to elevated risks, including 81% higher odds of disorders like depression and anxiety compared to term pregnancies or no , persisting long-term despite adjustment for confounders. In contrast, religious populations exhibit higher total rates—e.g., U.S. women deeming "very important" average 2.5 children versus 1.6 for others—correlating with demographic resilience amid secular collapses below replacement levels (1.3-1.6 in ), where widespread contraception and access causally accelerate declines by decoupling reproduction from sexual activity, as evidenced by post-liberalization drops in cohort . Secular framings of unrestricted "choice" overlook this chain, prioritizing individual autonomy over collective sustainability, whereas pronatalist religious norms empirically buffer against aging populations and labor shortages.

Empirical and Sociological Dimensions

Health Outcomes and Empirical Data on Sexual Norms

Observant religious groups adhering to traditional sexual norms, such as premarital and monogamous pair-bonding, exhibit lower rates of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) compared to less religious populations. A of Danish religious minorities found significantly reduced STD incidence among church members, attributing this to behavioral norms discouraging . Similarly, analyses of U.S. data indicate that frequent religious service attendance correlates with lower odds of STD diagnosis, independent of demographics. Religiosity overall is linked to reduced sexual risk in 22 of 25 reviewed studies, primarily through delayed sexual debut and fewer partners. Divorce rates are also markedly lower among religiously observant individuals who prioritize marital and family stability. Longitudinal data from a 14-year Harvard study show that regular religious service attendance halves the risk of among married adults. Among U.S. Catholics and evangelicals, lifetime prevalence stands at 19% and 26%, respectively, versus higher rates in unaffiliated groups. These patterns hold in cohort studies of nurses, where frequent attendance predicts sustained marital stability into midlife. Adherence to norms emphasizing sexual restraint contrasts with outcomes in permissive environments, where casual sex correlates with elevated mental health risks. Surveys of college students reveal that hookup participation is associated with increased depression, anxiety, and regret, with 82.6% reporting negative emotional consequences. Prospective studies confirm short-term links between hookups and diminished well-being, particularly for those with prior symptoms. In contrast, committed monogamous relationships foster oxytocin-mediated pair-bonding, which empirical research in humans and voles links to enhanced social reward, reduced stress, and lower mortality from stable attachments. Programs promoting , often aligned with religious , demonstrate in delaying sexual initiation and reducing teen in select longitudinal evaluations, outperforming no- baselines. Critiques of affirmative approaches to highlight persistent risks post-intervention; a Swedish cohort study found 4.71–12.12 times higher rates among those receiving gender-affirming surgery compared to controls, with no evidence of resolution. Finnish data on gender-dysphoric youth similarly elevated suicidality persisting despite affirmation, underscoring limits in causal reduction of distress.

Family Stability and Societal Impacts

Religious communities emphasizing traditional , including lifelong monogamous and procreation within it, demonstrate sustained family stability and amid broader secular fertility declines. The , adhering to strict norms against and , maintain total rates exceeding six children per woman, contributing to a North American of 410,955 as of June 2025, with annual growth around 3%. Ultra-Orthodox Jewish groups, which prioritize marital fidelity and large families, average 6-7 children per woman, far surpassing the 1.4 average among non-Orthodox and sustaining communal viability. In contrast, global secular trends project rates as low as 1.2 long-term, risking halving by 2240 and severe societal strains from aging demographics. These patterns align with evolutionary models positing monogamy's advantages in , where pair-bonding minimizes intrasexual competition and directs toward fewer offspring, fostering stability over polygynous alternatives that exacerbate inequality and conflict. Empirical critiques of highlight its association with elevated , emotional strain, and relationship dissolution rates, often undermining long-term cohesion compared to monogamous structures. from Barna Group forecasts intensified cultural battles over sexual in 2025, correlating with worldview fragmentation that erodes interpersonal trust and communal bonds. Broader sociological data link religious adherence to enhanced societal order, as shared ethical norms on sexuality—such as those in promoting marital exclusivity and familial duty—cultivate cooperation and reduce . Islamic , emphasizing mutual support and moral upbringing, bolster harmony by mitigating conflicts through prescribed roles, while Christian teachings on covenantal historically underpin stable institutions amid modernization pressures. Such frameworks counter claims of harm from restraint, evidencing causal contributions to resilient demographics and reduced social fragmentation. Legal conflicts between religious doctrines on sexuality and secular nondiscrimination mandates have intensified in Western jurisdictions, particularly regarding and identification. , these tensions manifest in disputes over religious exemptions from laws prohibiting based on or . A landmark case, Masterpiece Cakeshop, Ltd. v. Civil Rights Commission (2018), saw the rule 7-2 that officials violated baker Jack Phillips's free exercise rights under the First Amendment by exhibiting hostility toward his Christian beliefs when penalizing his refusal to design a cake celebrating a same-sex . This decision underscored the requirement for government neutrality toward but left broader exemptions unresolved, prompting subsequent litigation. Extending this framework, (2023) affirmed that free speech protections allow a web designer to decline creating content endorsing same-sex marriages without violating Colorado's , prioritizing expressive conduct over compelled participation in events conflicting with religious convictions. By 2025, conflicts escalated to parental rights in , as in Mahmoud v. Taylor, where the on June 27 recognized religious parents' objections to school curricula conflating biological sex with self-identified , holding that such policies infringe on free exercise when they mandate affirmation over family-held views of sex as divinely fixed and immutable. These rulings highlight ongoing judicial balancing, where religious claims succeed when secular authorities demonstrate animus or lack neutrality, rather than deference to progressive mandates. Internationally, bans on ""—practices aimed at aligning or with religious norms—have proliferated, with at least 20 countries including (2022), (2020), and (2022) enacting prohibitions, alongside over a dozen U.S. states. Critics, including religious advocates, contend these laws suppress voluntary counseling rooted in traditions and overlook data on natural resolution of dysphorias, such as studies documenting 80-90% desistance rates for childhood-onset into adulthood absent medical interventions. In the U.S., challenges to Colorado's minor conversion therapy ban reached the in 2025 via Chiles v. Salazar, arguing the statute unconstitutionally burdens religious speech by equating exploratory therapy with harm, despite evidence of client-initiated change efforts. Such impositions often stem from institutional momentum favoring affirmation models, sidelining religious perspectives and empirical qualifiers on fluidity in youth identities, thereby privileging secular authority over pluralistic accommodation.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.