Hubbry Logo
Kankanaey peopleKankanaey peopleMain
Open search
Kankanaey people
Community hub
Kankanaey people
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Kankanaey people
Kankanaey people
from Wikipedia

The Kankanaey people (Kankanaey: i-Kankanaëy [ʔi̞ k̠ʌn.k̠ʌˈnʌɨi̯]) are an indigenous peoples of northern Luzon, Philippines. They are part of the collective group of indigenous peoples in the Cordillera known as the Igorot people.

Key Information

Demographics

[edit]
A map of where the Kankanaey language is spoken and where the Kankanaey people live.

The Kankanaey live in western Mountain Province, northern Benguet, northeastern La Union and southeastern Ilocos Sur.[2] The Kankanaey of the western Mountain Province are sometimes identified as Applai or Aplai. Because of the differences in culture from the Kankanaey of Benguet, the "Applai" have been accredited as a separate tribe.[3]

Few Kankanaey can be found in some areas in of the Philippines. They form a minority in the Visayas, especially in Cebu, Iloilo and Negros provinces. They can also be found as a minority in Mindanao, particularly in the provinces of Sultan Kudarat in Soccsksargen and Lanao del Norte in Northern Mindanao.[4][5]

The 2010 Philippines census counted 362,833 self-identifying Kankanaey and 67,763 self-identifying Applai.[6]

Prehistory

[edit]

Recent DNA studies show that the Kankanaey along with the Atayal people of Taiwan, were most probably among the original ancestors of the Lapita people and modern Polynesians.[7][8][9] They might even reflect a better genetic match to the original Austronesian mariners than the aboriginal Taiwanese, as the latter were influenced by more recent migrations to Taiwan, whereas the Kankanaey are thought to have remained an isolated relict population.[10]

Northern Kankanaey

[edit]

The Northern Kankanaey or Applai live in Sagada and Besao, western Mountain province, and constitute a linguistic group. H. Otley Beyer believed they originated from a migrating group from Asia who landed on the coasts of Pangasinan before moving to Cordillera. Beyer's theory has since been discredited, and Felix Keesing speculated the people were simply evading the Spanish. Their smallest social unit is the sinba-ey, which includes the father, mother, and children. The sinba-eys make up the dap-ay/ebgan which is the ward. Their society is divided into two classes: the kadangyan (rich), who are the leaders and who inherit their power through lineage or intermarriage, and the kado (poor). They practice bilateral kinship.[11]

The Northern Kankana-eys believe in many supernatural beliefs and omens, and in gods and spirits like the anito (soul of the dead) and nature spirits.[11]

They also have various rituals, such as the rituals for courtship and marriage and death and burial. The courtship and marriage process of the Northern Kankana-eys starts with the man visiting the woman of his choice and singing (day-eng), or serenading her using an awiding (harp), panpipe (diw-as), or a nose flute (kalelleng). If the parents agree to their marriage, they exchange work for a day (dok-ong and ob-obbo), i.e. the man brings logs or bundled firewood as a sign of his sincerity, the woman works on the man’s father’s field with a female friend. They then undergo the preliminary marriage ritual (pasya) and exchange food. Then comes the marriage celebration itself (dawak/bayas)inclusive of the segep (which means to enter), pakde (sacrifice), betbet (butchering of pig for omens), playog/kolay (marriage ceremony proper), tebyag (merrymaking), mensupot (gift giving), sekat di tawid (giving of inheritance), and buka/inga, the end of the celebration. The married couple cannot separate once a child is born, and adultery is forbidden in their society as it is believed to bring misfortune and illness upon the adulterer.[11]

The Northern Kankana-eys have rich material culture among which is the four types of houses: the two-story innagamang, binang-iyan, tinokbob and the elevated tinabla. Other buildings include the granary (agamang), male clubhouse (dap-ay or abong), and female dormitory (ebgan). Their men wear rectangular woven cloths wrapped around their waist to cover the buttocks and the groin (wanes). The women wear native woven skirts (pingay or tapis) that cover their lower body from waist to knees and is held by a thick belt (bagket).[11]

Their household is sparsely furnished with only a bangkito/tokdowan, po-ok (small box for storage of rice and wine), clay pots, and sokong (carved bowl). Their baskets are made of woven rattan, bamboo or anes, and come in various shapes and sizes.[11]

The Kankana-eys have three main weapons, the bolo (gamig), the axe (wasay) and the spear (balbeg), which they previously used to kill with but now serve practical purposes in their livelihood. They also developed tools for more efficient ways of doing their work like the sagad (harrow), alado (plow dragged by carabao), sinowan, plus sanggap and kagitgit for digging. They also possess Chinese jars (gosi) and copper gongs (gangsa).[11]

For a living, the Northern Kankana-eys take part in barter and trade in kind, agriculture (usually on terraces), camote/sweet potato farming, slash-and-burn/swidden farming, hunting, fishing and food gathering, handicraft and other cottage industry. They have a simple political life, with the Dap-ay/abong being the center of all political, religious, and socials activities, with each dap-ay experiencing a certain degree of autonomy. The council of elders, known as the Amam-a, are a group of old, married men expert in custom law and lead in the decision-making for the village. They worship ancestors (anitos) and nature spirits.[11]

Southern Kankanaey

[edit]
A Kankanaey man from Irisan, Baguio, in typical attire. Note the large blanket worn over the shoulders (c. 1906)

The Southern Kankanaey are one of the ethnolinguistic groups in the Cordillera. They live in the mountainous regions of Mountain Province and Benguet, more specifically in the municipalities of Tadian, Bauko, Sabangan, Bakun, Kibungan, Buguias and Mankayan.They are predominantly a nuclear family type (sinbe-ey,buma-ey, or sinpangabong), which are either patri-local or matri-local due to their bilateral kinship, composed of the husband, wife and their children. The kinship group of the Southern Kankana-eys consists of his descent group and, once he is married, his affinal kinsmen. Their society is divided into two social classes based primarily on the ownership of land: The rich (baknang) and the poor (abiteg or kodo). The baknang are the primary landowners to whom the abiteg render their services to. The Mankayan Kankana-eys, however, has no clear distinction between the baknang and the abiteg and all have equal access to resources such as the copper and gold mines.[12]

Contrary to popular belief, the Southern Kankana-eys do not worship idols and images. The carved images in their homes only serve decorative purposes. They believe in the existence of deities, the highest among which is Adikaila of the Skyworld whom they believe created all things. Next in the hierarchy is the Kabunyan, who are the gods and goddesses of the Skyworld, including their teachers Lumawig and Kabigat. They also believe in the spirits of ancestors (ap-apo or kakkading), and the earth spirits they call anito. They are very superstitious and believe that performing rituals and ceremonies help deter misfortunes and calamities. Some of these rituals are pedit (to bring good luck to newlyweds), pasang (cure sterility and sleeping sickness, particularly drowsiness) and pakde (cleanse community from death-causing evil spirits).[12]

Tugmena, a Kankanaey girl from Suyoc, Mankayan, Benguet, in the Department of Anthropology at the 1904 St. Louis World's Fair

The Southern Kankana-eys have a long process for courtship and marriage which starts when the man makes his intentions of marrying the woman known to her. Next is the sabangan, when the couple makes their wish to marry known to their family. The man offers firewood to the father of the woman, while the woman offers firewood to the man’s father. The parents then talk about the terms of the marriage, including the bride price to be paid by the man’s family. On the day of the marriage, the relatives of both parties offer gifts to the couple, and a pig is butchered to have its bile inspected for omens which would show if they should go on with the wedding. The wedding day for the Southern Kankana-eys is an occasion for merrymaking and usually lasts until the next day. Though married, the bride and groom are not allowed to consummate their marriage and must remain separated until such a time that they move to their own separate home.[12]

The Southern Kankana-eys have different types of houses among which are binang-iyan (box-like compartment on 4 posts 5 feet high), apa or inalpa (a temporary shelter smaller than bingang-iyan), inalteb (has a gabled roof and shorter eaves allowing for the installation of windows and other opening at the side), allao (a temporary built in the fields), at-ato or dap-ay (a clubhouse or dormitory for men, with a long, low gable-roofed structure with only a single door for entrance and exit), and ebgang or olog (equivalent to the at-ato, but for women). Men traditionally wear a loincloth (wanes) around the waist and between the legs which is tightened at the back. Both ends hang loose at the front and back to provide additional cover. Men also wear a woven blanket for an upper garment and sometimes a headband, usually colored red like the wanes. The women, on the other hand, wear a tapis, a skirt wrapped around to cover from the waist to the knees held together by a belt (bagket) or tucked in the upper edges usually color white with occasional dark blue color. As adornments, both men and women wear bead leglets, copper or shell earrings, and beads of copper coin. They also sport tattoos which serve as body ornaments and "garments".[12]

Southern Kankana-eys are economically involved in hunting and foraging (their chief livelihood), wet rice and swidden farming, fishing, animal domestication, trade, mining, weaving and pottery in their day-to-day activities to meet their needs. The leadership structure is largely based on land ownership, thus the more well-off control the community's resources. The village elders (lallakay/dakay or amam-a) who act as arbiters and jurors have the duty to settlements between conflicting members of the community, facilitate discussion among the villagers concerning the welfare of the community and lead in the observance of rituals. They also practice trial by ordeal. Native priests (mansip-ok, manbunong, and mankotom) supervise rituals, read omens, heal the sick, and remember genealogies.[12]

Gold and copper mining is abundant in Mankayan. Ore veins are excavated, then crushed using a large flat stone (gai-dan). The gold is separated using a water trough (sabak and dayasan), then melted into gold cakes.[12]

Musical instruments include the tubular drum (solibao), brass or copper gongs (gangsa), Jew's harp (piwpiw), nose flute (kalaleng), and a bamboo-wood guitar (agaldang).[12]

There is no more pure Southern Kankana-ey culture because of culture change that modified the customs and traditions of the people. The socio-cultural changes are largely due to a combination of factors which include the change in the local government system when the Spaniards came, the introduction of Christianity, the education system that widened the perspective of the individuals of the community, and the encounters with different people and ways of life through trade and commerce.[12]

Culture

[edit]
Drawing of tattooed Kankanaey people in Mankayan, Benguet, by the French naturalist Antoine-Alfred Marche (1887)[13]

Like most ethnic groups, the Kankanaey built sloping terraces to maximize farm space in the rugged terrain of the Cordillera Administrative Region.

The Kankanaey differ in the way they dress. The soft-speaking Kankanaey women's dress has a color combination of black, white and red. The design of the upper attire is a criss-crossed style of black, white and red colors. The skirt or tapis is a combination of stripes of black, white and red.

The hard-speaking Kankanaey women's dress is composed of mainly red and black with a little white styles, as for the skirt or tapis which is mostly called bakget and gateng[clarification needed]. The men wear a woven loincloth known as wanes to the Kankanaeys of Besao and Sagada. The design of the wanes may vary according to social status or municipality.

The Kankanaey's major dances include tayaw, pattong and balangbang. The Tayaw is a community dance that is usually performed at weddings; it may be also danced by the Ibaloi people but has a different style. Pattong is also a community dance from Mountain Province which every municipality has its own style. Balangbang is the modern word for pattong. There are also some other dances that the Kankanaeys dance, such as the sakkuting, pinanyuan (wedding dance) and bogi-bogi (courtship dance). Kankanaey houses are built like the other Igorot houses, which reflect their social status.

Cuisine

[edit]

Wet rice agriculture is the main economic activity of the Northern Kankanaey with some fields toiled twice a year while other only once due to too much water or no water at all. There are two varieties of rice called topeng which are planted in June and July and harvested in November and December, and ginolot which are planted in November and December and harvested in June and July. Northern kankana-eys also farm camote. Camote delicacies include (1) makimpit which are dried camotes, (2) boko which are camote sliced into thin pieces that could be steamed (sinalopsop) or cooked as in and sweetened with sugar (inab-abos-sang). These are good substitutes for rice that could be sliced into thin pieces and added to rice before cooking (kineykey) mixing the sweetness when the rice cooks. Squash, cucumber and other climbing vines are also planted. They also hunt and fish small fishes and eel which is a special delicacy when cooked. Crabs are also caught to make tengba, a gravy of pounded rice mixed with crabs, salted and placed in jars to age. This is common viand of every household and is eaten during childbirth.[11]

Although Southern Kankanaey also engage in wet rice agriculture, the chief means of livelihood is hunting and foraging. Wild animal meat such as deer, boar, civet cats and lizards are salted and dried under the sun to preserve it. Wild roots, honey and fruits are also gathered to supplement diet. Just like their northern counterparts, there are also two varieties of rice namely kintoman and saranay or bayag. The kintoman, just as mentioned earlier, is more popularly known as red rice due to its color. On the other hand, saranay is whitish and small grained. The usual types of fish caught are eel (dagit or igat) and small river fishes as well as crabs and other crustaceans. Pigs, chickens, dogs and cattle are domesticated as additional sources of food. Dog meat is considered as a delicacy and pigs and chickens are used mainly for ceremonial activities.[12]

A blood sausage known as pinuneg is eaten by the Kankanaey people.[14]

Funerary practices

[edit]
Coffins stacked inside the Lumiang Cave in Sagada, Mountain Province, Philippines

Hanging coffins are one of the funerary practices among the Kankanaey people of Sagada, Mountain Province. They have not been studied by archaeologists, so the exact age of the coffins is unknown, though they are believed to be centuries old. The coffins are placed underneath natural overhangs, either on natural rock shelves/crevices or on projecting beams slotted into holes dug into the cliff-side. The coffins are small because the bodies inside the coffins are in a fetal position. This is due to the belief that people should leave the world in the same position as they entered it, a tradition common throughout the various pre-colonial cultures of the Philippines. The coffins are usually carved by their eventual occupants during their lifetimes.[15]

Despite their popularity, hanging coffins are not the main funerary practice of the Kankanaey. It is reserved only for distinguished or honorable leaders of the community. They must have performed acts of merit, made wise decisions, and led traditional rituals during their lifetimes. The height at which their coffins are placed reflects their social status. Most people interred in hanging coffins are the most prominent members of the amam-a, the council of male elders in the traditional dap-ay (the communal men's dormitory and civic center of the village). There is also one documented case of a woman being accorded the honor of a hanging coffin interment.[16]

The more common burial custom of the Kankanaey is for coffins to be tucked into crevices or stacked on top of each other inside limestone caves. Like in hanging coffins, the location depends on the status of the deceased as well as the cause of death. All of these burial customs require specific pre-interment rituals known as the sangadil. The Kankanaey believe that interring the dead in caves or cliffs ensures that their spirits (anito) can roam around and continue to protect the living.[17]

The Northern Kankana-eys honor their dead by keeping vigil and performing the rituals sangbo (offering of 2 pigs and 3 chickens), baya-o (singing of a dirge by three men), menbaya-o (elegy) and sedey (offering of pig). They finish off the burial ritual with dedeg (song of the dead), and then, the sons and grandsons carry the body to its resting place.[11] The funeral ritual of the Southern Kankana-eys lasts up to ten days, when the family honors their dead by chanting dirges and vigils and sacrificing a pig for each day of the vigil. Five days after the burial of the dead, those who participated in the burial take a bath in a river together, butcher a chicken, then offer a prayer to the soul of the dead.[12]

Tattoos

[edit]
A close up of traditional Kankanaey tattoos

Ancient tattoos can be found among mummified remains of various Cordilleran peoples in cave and hanging coffin burials in northern Luzon, with the oldest surviving examples of which going back to the 13th century. The tattoos on the mummies are often highly individualized, covering the arms of female adults and the whole body of adult males. A 700 to 900-year-old Kankanaey mummy in particular, nicknamed "Apo Anno", had tattoos covering even the soles of the feet and the fingertips. The tattoo patterns are often also carved on the coffins containing the mummies.[18] Tattooing survived up until the mid-20th century, until modernization and conversion to Christianity finally made tattooing traditions extinct among the Kankanaey.[19][20]

Language

[edit]

In intonation, there is a hard- (Applai) and soft-speaking Kankanaeys. Speakers of hard Kankanaey are from Sagada, Besao and the surrounding parts or barrios of the said municipalities. They speak Kankanaey with hard intonation and they differ in some words from the soft-speaking Kankanaey. The soft-speaking Kankanaeys come from Northern and some parts of Benguet and from the municipalities of Sabangan, Tadian and Bauko in Mountain Province. In words, for example, an Applai might say otik or beteg (pig) and the soft-speaking Kankanaey may say busaang or beteg as well. The Kankanaeys may also differ in some words like egay or aga, maid or maga. The Kankanaeys also speak Ilocano.

Religion

[edit]

Immortals

[edit]
  • Lumawig: the supreme deity; creator of the universe and preserver of life[21]
  • Bugan: married to Lumawig[21]
  • Bangan: the goddess of romance; a daughter of Bugan and Lumawig[21]
  • Obban: the goddess of reproduction; a daughter of Bugan and Lumawig[21]
  • Kabigat: one of the deities who contact mankind through spirits called anito and their ancestral spirits[21]
  • Balitok: one of the deities who contact mankind through spirits called anito and their ancestral spirits[21]
  • Wigan: one of the deities who contact mankind through spirits called anito and their ancestral spirits[21]
  • Timugan: two brothers who took their sankah (handspades) and kayabang (baskets) and dug a hole into the lower world, Aduongan; interrupted by the deity Masaken; one of the two agreed to marry one of Masaken's daughters, but they both went back to earth when the found that the people of Aduongan were cannibals[22]
  • Masaken: ruler of the underworld who interrupted the Timugan brothers[22]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Kankanaey (also spelled Kankanay or Kankana-ey) are an indigenous ethnic group native to the northern , primarily residing in the rugged highlands of the , including Province and southern . Numbering approximately 466,970 according to the 2020 Census of Population and Housing, they form one of the larger subgroups within the broader Igorot peoples and are divided into northern and southern branches, with the latter concentrated in areas like Kibungan and Bakun in . They speak Kankanaey, an Austronesian language distinct from neighboring tongues like Ibaloi, which serves as a vital medium for oral traditions, rituals, and community dialogues. Historically, the Kankanaey have maintained an agrarian lifestyle adapted to steep terraced landscapes, practicing swidden farming known as nem-a for root crops and vegetables, wet-rice terrace cultivation, and for sustenance, though modern influences have shifted some toward cash-crop vegetable production for lowland markets. Their revolves around the ili (village or ), emphasizing ties, collective decision-making through elders, and rituals that reinforce , such as the at-ato gatherings for and . Key cultural practices include elaborate festivals celebrating harvests and life events, of traditional textiles, and for household items, all underpinned by a deep respect for ancestral lands. Spiritually, the Kankanaey worldview centers on inayan—a moral code fostering harmony with nature, ancestors, and the unseen forces governed by Kabunyan (the supreme deity)—expressed through rituals like animal sacrifices, chants, and offerings to appease spirits and ensure prosperity. While many have integrated Roman Catholicism since Spanish colonial times, indigenous beliefs persist in practices addressing health, disasters, and community welfare, often led by mambunong (shamans). Throughout the 20th century, they resisted colonial land grabs, American assimilation efforts, and post-independence development projects like dams and mining, contributing to the passage of the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act of 1997, which affirms their ancestral domain rights. Today, challenges such as environmental degradation and cultural erosion from urbanization persist, yet the Kankanaey continue to advocate for sustainable practices and cultural preservation.

Origins and History

Prehistory

The Kankanaey people trace their origins to the Austronesian migrations that reached the approximately 4,000 to 5,000 years ago, originating from and representing one of the early waves of seafaring expansion across Island . Genetic studies position the Kankanaey as among the closest living representatives of the source population for this broader Austronesian dispersal, with their genome showing a high proportion of an ancestral component (k6 in admixture models) associated with the expansion, exceeding levels observed in Taiwanese Austronesian groups like the Ami and Atayal. This basal affinity underscores their role as a proxy for the early Austronesian mariners whose descendants contributed to the Lapita cultural complex in the Pacific, which in turn gave rise to societies; for instance, Kankanaey genomes are among the closest modern populations to Polynesians in allele-sharing models of ancestry. Specific markers, such as haplogroups B4a1a and M7b1a2a1, further link them to Malayo-Polynesian-speaking populations, reflecting shared maternal lineages from the initial migrations. Archaeological evidence from northern prehistoric sites supports the arrival of these Austronesian groups, with assemblages dated to around 2500–2000 BCE indicating settled communities equipped for maritime and terrestrial adaptation. Key sites along the , such as Nagsabaran and Magapit, reveal early settlements featuring shell middens, red-slipped , and polished stone adzes—hallmarks of Austronesian introduced from . These tools, including adzes for and notched pebble net sinkers for , facilitated resource exploitation in riverine and coastal environments, while plant remains like rice husks embedded in suggest the onset of by 1500–1000 BCE in lowland areas. In the highlands, where the Kankanaey later established themselves, similar influences appear, with wet-rice cultivation practices evidenced from the 13th century CE onward and terrace systems developing later, integrating with local foraging economies. The Kankanaey's genetic profile also indicates long-term isolation as a population in the rugged mountains, with low effective population sizes (estimated at 2000–3000 individuals from 6000–27,000 years ago) suggesting limited compared to lowland Philippine groups. This isolation preserved their distinct Austronesian heritage amid broader regional admixtures, maintaining continuity with ancient migratory lineages into modern highland subgroups.

Colonial and Modern History

The Kankanaey people, inhabiting the mountainous Cordillera region, mounted significant resistance against Spanish colonial incursions from the 16th to 19th centuries, primarily to protect their ancestral lands and gold mining practices. Spanish expeditions, driven by the allure of Cordillera gold deposits, began as early as 1572, but the rugged terrain and fierce Igorot defenses, including those of the Kankanaey, thwarted permanent conquest for over 300 years. Military campaigns, such as those led by Captain Pedro de Quiñones in 1662 and later efforts in the 19th century, aimed to subjugate communities for tribute and labor extraction, yet resulted in repeated defeats and no sustained garrisons until the 1890s. Forced labor demands for mine operations and road-building were imposed sporadically, but Kankanaey and allied groups evaded full compliance through guerrilla tactics and alliances among subgroups. Christianization efforts by Spanish friars, emphasizing Catholic conversion to legitimize control, faced staunch opposition; traditional animist beliefs persisted, with only marginal conversions in peripheral areas by the late colonial period. The American colonial era, beginning after the 1898 Spanish-American War, brought further transformations to Kankanaey territories in and surrounding areas. During the Philippine-American War (1899-1902), minor skirmishes occurred in as U.S. forces pacified northern , with Igorot groups like the Kankanaey initially neutral but occasionally aiding against Filipino revolutionaries from the lowlands; organized resistance from Kankanaey communities was limited due to their prior autonomy from Spanish rule. Post-war, established as a in 1900, constructing infrastructure such as the (completed 1905) to access resources, which facilitated commercial and but disrupted traditional migration routes. Education systems were introduced via the in 1901, establishing public schools that promoted English and Western values, creating a new educated elite among the Kankanaey while eroding oral traditions. Land reforms under the Public Land Act of 1902 and Land Registration Act of 1905 imposed titles, converting communal Kankanaey lands into registrable domains and enabling corporate claims, such as the Consolidated Mining Company founded in 1903, which industrialized gold extraction and marginalized indigenous control. Following Philippine independence in 1946, the Kankanaey experienced intensified economic pressures from mining booms and development projects, alongside growing assertions of indigenous rights. Large-scale operations by companies like Benguet Corporation expanded post-World War II, peaking in the 1970s-1980s with open-pit mining in Itogon, leading to environmental degradation, river pollution, and displacement of Kankanaey communities; a 2018 landslide in Barangay Ucab, linked to abandoned tunnels, killed 97 people and highlighted ongoing hazards. Involvement in national politics increased through organizations like the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, founded in 1984, which advocated against "development aggression" such as the Chico River Dam project (1970s-1980s), where Kankanaey leaders joined broader Igorot resistance. The Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act (IPRA) of 1997 marked a pivotal advancement, recognizing ancestral domain titles and requiring Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) for projects on indigenous lands, enabling some Kankanaey groups, like those in Bakun, Benguet, to secure Certificates of Ancestral Domain Title covering 29,400 hectares in 2002. However, implementation challenges persist, with mining firms exploiting procedural gaps in FPIC processes, fueling land disputes and calls for stronger enforcement amid renewed mineral booms since the 1995 Mining Act.

Demographics and Geography

Population and Distribution

The Kankanaey population totaled 466,970 according to the 2020 Census of Population and Housing by the (as of the 2020 Census; the 2025 Census is ongoing with no ethnic-specific data released yet). This figure represents an increase from the approximately 430,596 recorded in the 2010 census, reflecting a growth rate of about 0.84% annually over the decade, consistent with broader trends among indigenous groups in the . Earlier censuses indicate further expansion, with estimates around 218,000 (combined subgroups) in 1990, driven by natural increase and patterns. The vast majority of Kankanaey reside in northern , primarily within the western areas of , northern province, northeastern , and southeastern . In 2010, the Northern Kankanaey (Applai) subgroup numbered 67,763, mainly concentrated in western (e.g., , Besao), while the Southern Kankanaey totaled 362,833, focused in Province (e.g., , Bakun, Kibungan) and southern (e.g., , Tadian). Smaller populations exist outside the due to historical and economic migration, including communities in provinces like , , and , as well as areas including and . Urbanization has influenced distribution, with significant out-migration to lowland urban centers such as Baguio City and for education and employment opportunities, contributing to communities while maintaining ties to ancestral lands. In Baguio City alone, community-based monitoring in 2021 identified around 51,137 Kankanaey residents, underscoring the scale of this shift.

Subgroups and Regional Variations

The Kankanaey people are divided into two primary subgroups: the Northern Kankanaey, also known as Applai, and the Southern Kankanaey, each with distinct social and regional characteristics influenced by their highland environments in the . These subgroups share linguistic ties but differ in settlement patterns, economy, and cultural practices, reflecting adaptations to varied terrains from nucleated villages in the north to more dispersed communities in the south. The Northern Kankanaey, or Applai, primarily occupy the municipalities of and Besao in western . The Southern Kankanaey inhabit southern areas like Tadian and , extending into Province. Regional variations highlight these distinctions, including adaptations to prominent in the , where Southern Kankanaey construct mud-walled terraces for and cash crops, differing from the stone-walled wet fields of the north, to optimize farming on steep, erosion-prone landscapes.

Social Organization

Kinship and Social Classes

The Kankanaey adhere to a bilateral system, tracing descent and equally through both maternal and paternal lines, which emphasizes the (sinba-ey) as the core social unit comprising parents and their children. This structure promotes balanced familial ties, with extended kin often residing nearby to provide mutual support in daily affairs and resource sharing. follows a gender-neutral pattern based on , allowing sons and daughters to receive equal shares of , including , from both parents, thereby facilitating equitable division upon or parental passing. The bilateral system also underpins alliances, particularly among higher-status families, where unions strengthen networks and consolidate resources across lineages. Kankanaey society features a stratified class system rooted in land ownership, wealth accumulation, and participation, with three primary tiers: the kadangyan (or baknang), the middle-class komidwa, and the lower-class kodo (or abiteg/kado). The kadangyan, as hereditary , hold status as principal landowners and specialists, wielding influence in community governance and hosting prestige-enhancing feasts that redistribute resources to affirm their authority. Their prestige derives from accumulated wealth, often symbolized through ownership of gongs and , which are displayed and exchanged during these events to reinforce social hierarchies and alliances. In contrast, the kodo class comprises landless commoners who primarily serve as agricultural laborers for the , facing economic dependence and restricted upward mobility, though inter-class marriages occasionally allow limited advancement. The komidwa occupy an intermediary position as self-sufficient property owners, bridging the extremes without the obligations of the kadangyan. Class terms exhibit minor subgroup variations, such as baknang and abatag among Southern Kankanaey. Gender roles within Kankanaey and class structures are complementary, reflecting shared responsibilities that align with the bilateral system’s emphasis on equality. Women enjoy considerable and status through their central roles in intricate textiles for and , as well as in , where they handle sowing, transplanting seedlings, gathering produce, and managing household resources. Men, meanwhile, focus on physically demanding tasks like clearing and plowing fields, for protein and ritual offerings, and presiding over community ceremonies as kadangyan leaders. typically involves arranged parental negotiations or personal pursuits, often featuring exchanges of traditional during social gatherings to demonstrate , compatibility, and familial ties before formal unions.

Settlement and Economy

The Kankanaey traditionally organize their settlements in nucleated villages situated on hill slopes or humps, typically comprising around 700 inhabitants and 150 houses, positioned for defense and proximity to terraced fields. These villages, often referred to as ato or purey, function as self-regulating communities clustered around rice terraces, with the ato serving as a central space for communal gatherings, dialogue, and knowledge sharing led by elders. House types vary by social status, with the binangiyan (also called inatep) reserved for prosperous families; this elevated structure rests on four sturdy wooden pillars about 1.5 meters high, featuring a single entrance via a detachable ladder, an upstairs living area, and an attic for storage to protect against floods and wildlife. Simpler variants like the apa or allao accommodate less wealthy households, reflecting adaptations to the rugged Cordillera terrain. The traditional economy revolves around wet-rice agriculture on extensive terraces built along mountain slopes, a labor-intensive practice predating Spanish colonization that involves manual construction of stone walls and irrigation channels from nearby streams. This is supplemented by slash-and-burn (swidden) farming for vegetables, fruits, sugarcane, and tobacco, as well as horticulture near dwellings, ensuring food security through diverse crops like rice, camote, and potatoes. Hunting wild game such as deer and boar, using dogs, nets, and tools like bolos, provides protein and is a seasonal activity integrated with farming cycles, while women engage in backstrap weaving to produce cloth for clothing, blankets, and trade. Trade networks historically exchanged gold—mined small-scale from local lodes and placers—and heirloom beads for lowland goods, with social classes like the kadangyan (wealthy) holding greater access to land and resources for these activities. In contemporary times, the Kankanaey economy has diversified amid external pressures, with large-scale and in —initiated by companies like Benguet Corporation since 1907—displacing communities, contaminating water sources with , and causing landslides that erode ancestral lands. Tourism in areas like has boosted local incomes through inns, guides, and cultural sites, attracting global visitors and supporting sustainable alternatives to , though it strains resources and traditional practices. Many Kankanaey migrate seasonally or permanently to urban centers like and for wage labor in services, , or professions, driven by declining terrace yields and cash needs, while challenges such as from mining and climate variability threaten terrace maintenance and food production.

Language

Dialects and Classification

The Kankanaey language is classified as a member of the , specifically within the Malayo-Polynesian branch, the Philippine group, the Northern subgroup, the Meso-Cordilleran division, and the South-Central Cordilleran cluster. It shares close genetic ties with neighboring Cordilleran languages, including Ibaloi (also known as Ibaloy), Bontok, and , exhibiting similar ergative alignment patterns and phonological inventories characteristic of the subgroup. Kankanaey encompasses several dialectal varieties, primarily distinguished by regional distribution and subtle phonological traits. The main dialects, as documented in linguistic surveys, include Bakun-Kibungan, Guinzadan, Kapangan, and Mankayan-Buguias, with the Northern variety (often termed Applai or Northern Kankanay) spoken in areas such as and Besao, and the Southern variety prevalent in Province. These dialects differ phonologically, particularly in vowel realizations—such as variations between /e/ and /a/ sounds—and in intonation, where Northern forms are described as having a sharper or "harder" prosody compared to the smoother "soft" Southern variants. The employs a Romanized based on the Latin alphabet, utilizing 18 primary symbols: a, b, d, e, g, i, k, l, m, n, ng, o, p, s, t, w, y, along with occasional borrowings from the (e.g., c, f, h) for loanwords. Orthographic standardization remains limited, reflecting the language's oral traditions and regional variations, while influences from dominant contact languages like Ilocano and Tagalog introduce lexical borrowings and adaptive spelling conventions in written materials.

Usage and Preservation

The Kankanaey language plays a vital role in daily life among its speakers in northern , particularly through oral traditions that include , songs, and folktales passed down in settings. These practices foster social cohesion and cultural transmission, with elders often reciting narratives during gatherings to educate the young on moral values and historical knowledge. Bilingualism is prevalent, especially in interactions with lowland groups, where speakers frequently code-switch with Ilocano, the regional , to facilitate communication in markets and trade activities. In cultural contexts, Kankanaey is essential for rituals, proverbs, and epic recitations, embedding spiritual and ethical teachings within ceremonies like feasts and rites. Proverbs, known as liwliwa, and chants such as oggayam are used to convey wisdom during social events, while epic recitations reinforce communal identity. However, the language faces challenges from the dominance of English and Tagalog in formal education, leading to reduced proficiency among younger generations and limited instructional materials. Preservation efforts have intensified in the through community-led programs and documentation projects, including the compilation of over 60 resources such as dictionaries, theses, and collections from 1981 to 2023. These initiatives aim to standardize and integrate Kankanaey into curricula via the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual policy. The ' Rights Act (IPRA) of 1997 provides a legal framework by recognizing indigenous cultural integrity, supporting as part of broader rights to and in native tongues.

Culture

Traditional Practices and Arts

The Kankanaey people engage in traditional weaving using the back-strap loom technique known as pinnagod, producing textiles such as ules (blankets) and tapis (skirts) that serve functional and ceremonial purposes. These fabrics incorporate geometric patterns like tiktiko (zigzag motifs resembling rice mortars), matmata (diamond shapes), sopo (flower designs), and kulibangbang (butterfly figures), derived from natural elements and symbolizing fertility, abundance, and reverence for rice cultivation central to their agrarian lifestyle. Colors are obtained from local plant dyes, with red and black dominating borders and panels to denote status during exchanges or rituals. Wood carving represents a vital among the Kankanaey, employing adzes to shape into ritual objects such as anito or tinagtaggu figures, which act as guardians for homes and granaries. These carvings embody spiritual protection and healing properties, often integrated into daily tools like rice cutters and bowls, reflecting the group's deep connection to ancestral beliefs and environmental resources in the highlands. Tattooing, or batek, constitutes a significant form of for the Kankanaey, traditionally applied by puncturing the skin with thorns or and soot-based to create designs signifying status and protective wards against harm. These tattoos enhance aesthetic appeal, denote social prestige through rites of passage, and serve as markers of identity and fertility, though the practice waned in the early due to colonial influences and modernization; contemporary revival initiatives by cultural organizations aim to preserve it as intangible heritage. Kankanaey musical traditions feature instruments like the (flat gongs struck for rhythmic ) and solibao (hollow wooden drum covered with animal skin, played by hand), which provide the sonic foundation for communal performances. Dances such as tayaw (a graceful, improvisational dance performed at weddings), pattong (a vigorous mimicking battle movements), and balangbang (a celebratory harvest dance with synchronized steps) express social bonds and life events, often accompanied by these instruments to foster community cohesion during festivals.

Cuisine and Daily Life

The cuisine of the Kankanaey people centers on locally sourced staples that reflect their agricultural and practices in the highlands. , cultivated from terraced fields, forms the foundation of meals, often paired with camote () prepared through boiling, roasting, or mashing as a versatile essential for daily sustenance. , a salted and fermented preserved in jars, serves as a key protein source, adding to and dishes while symbolizing communal sharing during everyday gatherings. Pinuneg, a traditional made from pig's blood, fat, and , is boiled or grilled and consumed as a hearty accompaniment to these staples, highlighting resourcefulness in meat preservation. Wild greens, from surrounding forests, are commonly stir-fried or added to soups, providing nutritional variety amid the emphasis on fresh, seasonal ingredients. Traditional Kankanaey clothing emphasizes functionality and , with variations tied to subgroups such as the soft-speaking and strong-speaking communities. Women wear the tapis, a woven wrap-around typically in black and white for everyday use among strong-speaking groups, or incorporating red stripes for soft-speaking women, paired with a like the kambal or lamma. These textiles, handwoven from , originally served practical purposes in farming and household tasks before evolving into attire for special occasions. Men don the bahag or wanes, a or in dark blue, black, or striped patterns, wrapped around the waist for mobility during labor-intensive activities. In contemporary settings, these traditional elements fuse with Western clothing, such as shirts and pants, allowing adaptation while preserving woven accessories like necklaces for cultural continuity. Daily life among the Kankanaey revolves around collective routines that blend subsistence activities with community bonds, often centered in the at-ato, a communal hall or subvillage space for gatherings. Gender roles exhibit flexibility, with women frequently handling farming, , and foraging wild foods, while men focus on , building structures, and heavy agricultural labor; however, both genders participate in shared tasks like harvesting and group hunting to ensure household resilience. Children contribute by assisting parents in chores or sibling care, integrating early into these practices amid challenges like environmental hazards. Community interactions at the at-ato, including sessions for and , foster social cohesion, where women prepare simple meals like with indigenous staples to sustain these evening assemblies.

Religion and Beliefs

Deities and Spirits

In Kankanaey cosmology, the supreme deity is Kabunyan, revered as the sky god and creator who oversees the and all life within it. Another prominent figure is Adikaila, regarded as a powerful entity in the and encompassing unseen forces, serving as a mediator between the divine and human realms. These deities form the apex of the spiritual hierarchy, influencing prosperity, health, and environmental balance. Culture heroes Lumawig and Bugan hold significant roles as the first ancestors and immortals in creation myths, distinct from later human forebears. Lumawig, often depicted as a son or emissary of Kabunyan, descended to to teach humanity skills like , , and communal living, eventually ascending back to the sky after his mortal phase. Bugan, paired with Lumawig as his wife or sister in these narratives, represents the origins of human society; together, they populated the world through their descendants, symbolizing and foundations in Kankanaey lore. The Kankanaey also venerate a range of spirits, including , which are ancestral ghosts believed to linger as intermediaries between the living and the divine. are typically benevolent if properly honored, offering guidance and protection, but can turn malevolent if neglected, causing misfortune or illness. Nature entities, such as tumungaws—human-like spirits inhabiting natural features—further populate this worldview, owning natural resources and demanding respect to ensure abundance. These spirits are classified by their disposition: benevolent ones aid in daily sustenance and , while malevolent variants, often linked to environmental disruptions, require to avert harm. Immortals in Kankanaey myths, including Kabunyan, Adikaila, Lumawig, and Bugan, originate from primordial times before human creation, playing pivotal roles in shaping the . For instance, myths describe Kabunyan forming the and skies, with Lumawig and Bugan emerging as divine progenitors who introduced moral and , setting them apart from mortal ancestors who arose later through earthly unions. This distinction underscores the immortals' eternal nature and their ongoing influence on Kankanaey ethical and ecological harmony.

Rituals and Ceremonies

The Kankanaey people perform a variety of life-cycle rituals that mark significant transitions and seek spiritual and . For birth, postpartum rites such as ngilin and gobgobbaw are conducted in the communal dap-ay (stone-paved gathering space), where elders and members perform cleansings and offerings to safeguard the and newborn from malevolent spirits, emphasizing community solidarity and cultural continuity. These practices, less resource-intensive than those of neighboring groups, reinforce familial bonds and responsible parenting within the Kankanaey . Courtship and marriage rituals among the Kankanaey often culminate in cañao feasts, where prospective partners' families host communal gatherings involving betrothal ceremonies like gaysing, typically arranged in childhood to strengthen alliances. Marriage proceedings include pedit offerings, prestige feasts featuring animal sacrifices and sharing to invoke blessings for and harmony, with the groom's family providing to the bride's kin as a gesture of commitment. rituals, such as pasang, involve communal prayers and minor offerings at the dap-ay to cure sterility or sleeping sickness and ensure prosperity, reflecting the Kankanaey's deep ties to their terraced fields. Communal ceremonies center on the prestigious cañao, a socio-religious rite where pigs or chickens are sacrificed, gongs are beaten rhythmically, and chant invocations to appease ancestral and spirits for . These events, led by mansip-ok (native ), foster social cohesion and status elevation among participants, often spanning days with feasting and shared labor. In contemporary settings, Kankanaey rituals have adapted amid Christian influences, with many incorporating biblical prayers into cañao proceedings while retaining core elements like sacrifices for and prosperity. Economic pressures have scaled down elaborate feasts, yet they persist in rural indigenous communities as vital expressions of identity, blending animist traditions with Protestant or Catholic elements to address modern challenges.

Funerary Customs

The funerary customs of the Kankanaey people center on rituals that honor the deceased, guide their spirit to the , and maintain harmony with ancestral spirits. A primary practice is the sangadil vigil, which involves seating the corpse on a death chair constructed from , often positioned at the home's entrance, where members perform chants, wailing, and offerings over several days to several weeks, depending on . During this period, the body is washed, dressed in traditional textiles such as woven skirts, upper garments, belts, and blankets like the aladdang (an ikat-dyed shroud signifying high rank), and positioned in a fetal pose to symbolize a return to the womb and the cycle of life. Animal sacrifices, including pigs or chickens, accompany the rites to appease spirits and ensure the deceased's prosperous journey. Burial methods vary by region but emphasize elevation and natural repositories to protect the body from animals and floods while facilitating the spirit's ascent. In northern Kankanaey communities, such as in , respected elders are interred in carved from hollowed logs and suspended from limestone cliffs, a practice reserved for those of pure ethnic lineage and high status to signify prestige and deter . More commonly, coffins are placed in s, where bodies may undergo a drying process akin to natural mummification through exposure to cool, dry air before final placement in crevices or stacks. Southern Kankanaey groups favor ground burials or cave interments without hanging, reflecting adaptations to terrain and accessibility. Central to these customs are beliefs in , the spirits of ancestors and nature that dwell underground or in the sky world, who must guide the deceased—known as kak-kading upon death—through a perilous journey to become honorable ap-apo (deified ancestors). Improper rites risk the spirit lingering on earth, causing illness or misfortune to the living, thus necessitating priestly consultations (mankotom) for omens and offerings like wine to secure safe passage. Taboos include avoiding actions that offend , such as neglecting rituals, with family members carefully handling the body during preparation to prevent spiritual contamination. Contemporary influences have led to shifts, with many Kankanaey now using public or memorial parks for ground burials due to , limited cave access, and practical needs like migration, though traditional elements like sangadil persist in rural areas. , once limited to animals, is increasingly adopted, particularly post-pandemic, allowing ashes to be transported for home or placement.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.