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Kitwanga /ˈkɪtwəŋɡə/ or Gitwangak is in the Skeena region of west central British Columbia. Among the Hazelton and Bulkley Mountain Ranges, the place is on the north shore of the Skeena River, east of the Kitwanga River confluence. On BC Highway 37, northeast of the junction with BC Highway 16, the locality is by road about 115 kilometres (71 mi) northwest of Smithers, 99 kilometres (62 mi) northeast of Terrace, and 212 kilometres (132 mi) southeast of Stewart.

Key Information

The Gitwangak Band Council governs the First Nations portion.[1] Adjacent to the northeast, the freehold part is an unincorporated community.[2]

Name origin

[edit]

Meaning "place of rabbits", Gitwangak was formerly called Kitwanga, with variations such as Gitwangar, Kitwangagh, or Kitwangar.[3]

Gitwangak Battle Hill

[edit]

According to legend, Lutraisuh, daughter of a noble family, was kidnapped by a Haida war party. After bearing three sons to a blind chief, she escaped with the surviving third son. The boy, called Nekt, grew up to became a fierce warrior. He killed a grizzly bear, lined the hide with sheets of slate, and created a simple suit of armor. His people built the hilltop stronghold from which they waged war. His enemies regarded Nekt as a mythical bear that could not be killed. His war club was called Strike-Only-Once. Eventually, a shot from the first firearm in the territory killed him.[4]

Designated a national historic site in 1971, the Gitwangak hilltop fort (Ta’awdzep) was burned and abandoned about 1835. Formerly known as Kitwanga Fort, the site was occupied from at least the mid-1700s. Palisades surrounded the hilltop stronghold, which enclosed five longhouses. No above ground structures have survived. From here, the Gitwangak people raided settlements along the Skeena River and the coast.[5] Battles were waged to control fishing sites, protect trade routes, and enhance tribal prestige. A defensive measure was a system of logs designed to roll down upon approaching attackers.[6] The location offered a vantage point over the adjacent Kitwankul Trail and the Kitwanga River Valley.[7]

Gitwangak reserve

[edit]
Totem poles, Kitwanga, 2017.

After abandoning the fort, the inhabitants briefly moved to another village before settling at the present site by the river. The totem poles, erected between 1840 and 1942, depict the history of the fort. More than 500 photos document their presence from 1899 to the early 1980s. The 1924–1926 restoration project comprised extensive work on both standing and fallen totems. From 1926 to 1942, poles were moved back from the river edge to the centre of the village. During summer 1969, a further restoration project was undertaken. Both deliberately and accidentally, fire has destroyed many examples.[8]

Significant earlier painters who captured the poles were Emily Carr (1912 and 1926) and George Pepper (1929).[9] A further reproduction appears on a 1930 postage stamp.[10]

Gitwangak is one of six communities that belong to the Gitxsan grouping.[11]

Rev. Alfred Edward Price established the Anglican mission, having charge 1889–1911.[12] The church also administered the day school on the reserve 1898–1975.[13] During winter 1887, a measles epidemic broke out, which quickly spread because people travelled for cultural events.[14]

St. Paul's Anglican Church and bell tower, Gitwangak, 2017.

In 1974, the rotted church bell tower was replaced.[15]

In 2009, funding from Northern Development and volunteer labour, enabled extensive renovations to the community hall.[16]

Gitwangak Health and a volunteer fire department serve the community.[17]

In 2021, the second of two suspicious fires destroyed the abandoned St. Paul's Anglican Church, which was built in 1893. The adjacent bell tower was saved despite some fire damage.[18]

Opened in 2023 were a childcare centre providing more than 50 spaces[19] and the two-storey 52-unit Gitwangak Affordable Apartment Complex.[20]

On reserve land at the junction of highways 37 and 16, the Kitwanga Petro-Canada provides fuel, a minor repair shop, a small restaurant, and a convenience store.[7]

Railway

[edit]

During the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway (GTP) construction, camps were established in 1909 at Andimaul.[21] Here, Foley, Welch and Stewart, the prime contractor, wintered its two steamboats.[22] During 1910, a constable was assigned,[23] a steam shovel arrived,[24] and a general store opened.[25] Two years later, the latter was the final one to exit Andimaul.[26]

At the beginning of March 1912, the eastward advance of the GTP rail head from Prince Rupert passed through Kitwanga and reached Mile 151.[27] The standard-design Plan 100‐152 (Bohi's Type E) station building[28] was erected that year.[29]

During the 1920s, the Canadian National Railway (CN) scheduled a longer stop for passengers to view the totem poles.[30][31]

In 1928, a locomotive engineer sustained serious injuries to his scalp.[32]

In 1957, a westbound passenger train derailed east of Woodcock.[33] A few months later, a falling boulder killed a section hand 1.6 kilometres (1 mi) east of Andimaul.[34]

In 1963, a derailment occurred near Kitwanga.[35]

In 1978, Kitwanga was one of several communities between Prince Rupert and the Alberta border, where CN eliminated the agent-operator position.[36]

In 1979, an acting conductor slipped under a boxcar during switching, which caused injuries that required one of his legs to be surgically amputated.[37]

In 1981, the CN Express office shuttered.[38]

Closed in 1985, the station property was relocated back from the tracks. Boarded up and covered with graffiti, the building burned down in 2003.[39]

In 2005, runaway rolling stock struck a locomotive on the main line.[40]

In 2012, a freight train struck a tractor trailer unit at the railway crossing.[40]

A 2019 report investigated the concept of constructing a railway line between Kitwanga and Stewart or at least a transloading facility at Kitwanga.[41]

In 2020, 34 covered hopper cars, containing wood pellets, on a westbound freight train derailed.[42] A month later, a train clipped the end of a transport trailer at the railway crossing.[43]

The Andimaul passing track is 2 kilometres (6,530 ft).[44]

A trackside signpost marks the Kitwanga flag stop for Via Rail's Jasper–Prince Rupert train.[45]

Train Timetables (Regular stop or Flag stop)
Mile 1914 1923 1932 1943 1950 1960 1971 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020
[46] [47] [48] [49] [46] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57]
Ritchie 1625.9 Flag Regular Flag Flag Flag Flag Flag
Cedarvale 1617.5 Flag Regular Regular Regular Regular Both Flag Flag Flag Flag Flag Flag
Woodcock 1612.0 Flag Regular Regular Regular Regular Flag Flag Flag
Kitwanga 1604.5 Both Regular Regular Regular Regular Regular Regular Regular Flag Flag Flag Flag
Andimaul 1599.8 Flag Regular Flag Flag Flag
Nash 1595.2 Flag Regular Flag Flag Flag Flag
Skeena Crossing 1593.4 Regular Flag Regular Regular Flag Flag Flag

^a . From 1989, the next stop eastward was New Hazelton.[58]

Main roads

[edit]

In 1911, the first 160 kilometres (100 mi) of the Naas wagon road north toward Stewart was completed.[59]

By the early 1930s, the 48-kilometre (30 mi) Kitwanga–Hazelton road was considered fairly good.[60] A road extended east to Prince George. To the west, an isolated 40-kilometre (25 mi) section existed in the vicinity of Terrace.[61]

In 1944, work was completed at the Prince Rupert end and on the Pacific–Kitwanga leg, which opened the Prince Rupert–Prince George highway to military traffic.[62]

In 1956–57, Kitwanga–Hazelton was reconstructed to an all-weather highway.[63]

In 1958, Western Coach Lines inaugurated a Prince Rupert–Prince George bus service,[64] which included a scheduled stop at Kitwanga.[65] The next year, the company withdrew the service.[66]

In 1960, when Prince Coach Lines assumed the Prince Rupert–Prince George route, only 121 kilometres (75 mi) was paved. In 1966, when Canadian Coachways bought the company, only 121 kilometres (75 mi) was still gravel.[67]

In 1963, Woodcock–Kitwanga was completed on the northwest shore, which connected with the existing Cedarvale–Woodcock road. Using the ferries at the respective ends, this provided an alternative scenic route.[68] The Kitwanga ferry was also popular for motorists wishing to view the totem poles.[69]

In 1970, Greyhound Canada purchased Canadian Coachways.[70]

In 1992, when a tanker-trailer crashed though the roadside barrier, 45,000 litres; 12,000 US gallons (10,000 imp gal) of heavy asphalt oil spilled into the Skeena near Andimaul.[71]

Prior to ceasing all intraprovincial services in October 2018, Greyhound had eliminated the Prince Rupert–Prince George run that June.[72] BC Bus North immediately assumed the route.[73]

The current passenger transit providers are BC Bus North[74] and BC Transit.[75]

Ferry and bridge

[edit]
Cable ferry, Kitwanga, 1925.

In 1913, a subsidised seasonal cable ferry was installed over the Skeena.[76][77]

During summer 1921, the ferry did not operate, because of sparse traffic.[78]

In 1923–24, a new 4.5-tonne; 4.5-long-ton (5-short-ton) reaction ferry was installed.[79]

In 1925–26, new towers and floating landings were built.[80]

In the 1936 flood, the north tower of the ferry crossing moved and the landings were damaged. The ferry operator's residence floated down the river past Cedarvale.[81]

During the 1942 spring runoff, the cable of the new tower under construction had to be cut in order to save the structure.[81][82]

In 1943, a RCAF pilot died when his plane struck the ferry cable.[83]

In 1947–48, a new 9.1-tonne; 8.9-long-ton (10-short-ton) ferry with steel pontoons was installed.[84]

When a strong gale in 1959 pushed the ferry upstream, the operator and passengers took six hours to pole across the river.[85]

An ice bridge was used during wintertime and a rowboat during the change of season.[86]

Highway bridge, Kitwanga, 2015.

In 1964, floodwaters collapsed both towers and severely damaged the ferry,[87] cancelling service for several years.[88]

Contracts awarded in 1973 for the new bridge were the substructure to Dillingham ($962,387) and steelwork to Canron ($1,072,000).[89] In 1975, the deck was awarded to Ansha Contracting ($429,370). Officially opened that November, the two-lane bridge included ice-pressure measurement equipment on one of the piers.[90] The ferry was discontinued.[91]

Local confrontation

[edit]

In the early 1920s, First Nations in the Kitwanga Valley ejected government census takers, threatened European settlers, and blocked visitors from passing through the area.[92]

In 1960, when the province expropriated land for highway widening, the Kitwanga band demanded grossly inflated compensation and the prosecution of the highways minister.[93]

In 1985, CN obtained a BC Supreme Court injunction to stop the band from obstructing the main line. However, access to the industrial park beside the track, which housed maintenance facilities, remained blocked.[94] A sawmill operated within the industrial park.[95] The long disputed land included the railyards, the railway right-of-way, and a 12-hectare (30-acre) industrial park, which the band claimed was improperly transferred to the GTP at the time of railway construction in 1910.[96] In return for lifting the blockade, CN returned an 11-hectare (27-acre) site to the band.[97]

Indigenous girl fishing, Kitwanga, 1915.

In 1986, a gathering of hereditary chiefs at Kitwanga affirmed their intention to defy federal and provincial fishery laws regarding the protection of endangered fish stocks.[98] Days later, Gitwangak members prevented three federal fisheries officers from entering reserve land to investigate illegal fishing.[99]

In 1990, the band blockaded a sawmill road following concerns over reduced lumber demand, which had resulted in 35 mill layoffs over a five-month period.[100] Periodic highway blockades caused a dramatic drop in tourist traffic on Highway 37 and threatened the mining and forestry industries.[101]

In 1992, the band defied a court order to end a two-week blockade of a logging road.[102] Later that year, when three band members were charged with defying a court injunction, a five-day blockade of the CN rail line ended.[103]

Released in 1994, the 90-minute documentary "Blockade" was filmed over a 15-month period. The subject matter was the ongoing conflict between two histories. Further examples were the Gitwangak blocking the logging crews of a family who had been settlers since the 1930s and a mob forcing seniors from their freehold property.[104]

In 2002, an Edmonton resident was fined $12,000 for illegally importing tainted salmon from Kitwanga, which had been caught using an aboriginal communal licence.[105] Two months later, the Gitxsan of Kitwanga proceeded to sell fish illegally.[106]

In 2013, the CN line was blockaded for a day at Kitwanga.[107]

In 2017, the elected band chief obtained a court order to remove a group of hereditary chiefs and other protesters from the band office.[108]

Forestry

[edit]

A Kitwanga Lumber Co sawmill existed from the mid to late 1920s.[109] In the 1930s Roy Doll started a sawmill on his property. In partnership with his brother Leon they created Kitwanga Sawmill and were the main employer through the 1940s and 1950s. In 1960 they sold their interests to Vernon, Lorne, and Alvin Hobenshield who operated as ALV. In 1963, locally owned Kitwanga Lumber Co established a sawmill.[7]

In 1970, Columbia Cellulose acquired the other Kitwanga mill.[110] In 1973, the province acquired Columbia Cellulose and created a new company called Canadian Cellulose.[110][111]

In 1981, the company announced that shift cut backs were not likely at the Kitwanga mill.[112] That year, Canadian Cellulose was renamed BC Timber.[110] In 1982, the mill only operated in June. Employees rejected a proposal to reopen for 10 weeks to yearend.[113] The installation of new machinery, a government training grant, and the prospect of new markets, facilitated reopening a month later.[114] However, the future remained uncertain.[115]

In 1984, BC Timber was renamed Westar Timber.[110] The Kitwanga sawmill, which specialized in export products, was able to sell lumber at premium prices.[116] In 1986, Skeena Cellulose, a subsidiary of Repap Industries, bought the Westar assets.[110]

Unable to sell their Kitwanga mill, Repap implemented another period of closure in 1993.[117] Repap purchased a stake in the mill and licences of Kitwanga Lumber Co in 1995 and took full control in 1999. Skeena Cellulose was renamed Repap BC in 1996. The next year, the name reverted to Skeena Cellulose[110] and the insolvent group ceased operations in June but restarted in October after restructuring. In 2002, NWBC Timber and Pulp bought the group.[118]

During that intermediary period, Skeena received $400 million in various forms of loans from the province,[119] while Kitwanga and the associated BC mills operated intermittently.[120] In 2002, NWBC demanded wage cuts prior to reopening.[119] The next year, Skeena Cellulose was renamed New Skeena Forest Products.[121]

In 2004, the company sold the two Kitwanga mills.[122] The next year, the Kitwanga Lumber mill sold again.[123]

The Kitwanga Lumber mill closed in fall 2008[124] and was purchased by Pacific Bioenergy in 2009. Reopened in June 2011 to provide the raw waste material for a wood pellet plant,[125] production ceased in October, and the company filed for bankruptcy protection in December.[126]

The mill restarted[127] and has operated as Kitwanga Forest Products.[128]

General community

[edit]

By 1910, settlers had found the valley ideal for potato crops.[129]

Rev. A. E. Price was the inaugural postmaster 1910–1911.[130]

In 1912, North Coast Land established an experimental orchard nearby.[131] Apple trees were planted initially.[132]

Jail, Kitwanga, 1925.

In 1915, the first general store opened.[133] Three additional general stores, plus a grocer, followed, signalling a peak in retail outlets, which ended with the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) store[134] in 1925.[135]

The public cemetery, which appears to have existed by this time, was enlarged in 1939.[136]

In 1927, an RCMP constable took up residence.[137] In 1929, the RCMP detachment closed.[138]

During the 1950s to 1980s, Doll's service station was the only one in the area.[139] This Esso outlet operated into the early 1990s.[140]

A new, larger post office building opened in 1966.[141]

The three local stores struggled to maintain sufficient funds to cash payroll cheques issued by the two sawmills during the early 1970s. Consequently, the RBC Hazelton branch introduced a sub-branch at Kitwanga, which opened one day per week in the corner of a general store.[142]

St. Saviour's Anglican church was active until the mid-1970s.[143]

In 1978, the band purchased the vacant HBC store for $1.[144] Near the railway track, the building was eventually demolished.[28][145]

In 1993, fires destroyed a machine shop[146] and the post office.[147] In 1994, a weekend reunion of past residents was held.[148] In 1996, Kitwanga received house numbering.[149]

Around 2014, an ambulance station was set up in the former Forest Services building.[150] Fundraising has continued with respect to a new building, which will have one bay for an ambulance and another for a firetruck, along with crew quarters and office space.[151]

In 2023, The 37 Grille burned to the ground.[152]

Local infrastructure includes a general store,[153] post office,[154] and two campgrounds.[155]

Public school

[edit]

In 1921–22, the public school opened.[156]

In 1949–50, the school was enlarged and modernized.[157]

To handle the influx from the closure of the reserve day school, the provincial public school was rebuilt. Comprising four classrooms, an activity room, change rooms, library, and office,[158] the complex opened in November 1975.[159] A further $1,350,000 extension to the school in 1979 introduced grades 8–10.[160]

In 1989, the school celebrated the 10th anniversary of including junior secondary grades.[161]

In 2004, the school reverted to elementary grades only.[162]

Part of School District 82 Coast Mountains, Kitwanga Elementary has about 70 enrolled students of which most,[163] if not all, are indigenous.[164]

Notable people

[edit]

Maps

[edit]
  • "Standard Oil BC map". www.davidrumsey.com. 1937.
  • "Shell BC map". www.davidrumsey.com. 1956.

See also

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]

Footnotes

[edit]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Kitwanga

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Kitwanga is an unincorporated Indigenous community on the traditional territory of the Gitxsan Nation in the Regional District of Kitimat-Stikine, northwestern British Columbia, Canada, located on the north bank of the Skeena River at its confluence with the Kitwanga River. The community, also known as Gitwangak, features a collection of historic totem poles erected between 1840 and 1942 by the Frog-Raven, Eagle, and Wolf clans, which document family histories, crests, and assertions of territorial rights and resource ownership under Gitxsan oral traditions including adaawk and kungax. These poles, preserved in an open-air setting, represent a key cultural and historical landmark affirming Gitxsan sovereignty and legal claims to land. Nearby Gitwangak Battle Hill National Historic Site preserves an 18th-century earthwork fortress constructed by Gitxsan warriors to defend against coastal raiders, illustrating pre-colonial defensive strategies and conflicts in the region. The area's significance extends to its role in Gitxsan governance and heritage, with structures like St. Paul's Anglican Church reflecting early missionary influences alongside enduring Indigenous practices.

Etymology

Name Origin and Linguistic Roots

The name Kitwanga is an anglicized form of the term Gitwangak, the traditional designation for the community and its associated fortified village site on the in northwestern . In the Gitsenimx language spoken by the (also known as Gitksan), a member of the , Gitwangak literally translates to "place of rabbits," referring to the local abundance of snowshoe hares or similar species in the region's ecology. This etymology reflects the practice of naming settlements based on prominent environmental features or resources, underscoring the community's historical reliance on hunting and gathering in the Skeena watershed. Linguistic variations of the name include Gitwangar, Kitwangagh, and Kitwangar, which emerged during early European transcription efforts in the 19th and early 20th centuries, often simplifying Gitxsan phonology for English orthography. The Gitwangak Indian Band, part of the broader Gitxsan Nation, officially reverted to the indigenous spelling Gitwangak in the late 20th century as part of cultural revitalization efforts, emphasizing the term's roots in Gitsenimx oral traditions and place-naming conventions. Gitsenimx, an interior branch of the Tsimshianic languages distinct from coastal variants like Nisga'a, features consonant clusters and vowel harmonies that distinguish Gitwangak from similar terms in neighboring tongues, such as those of the Tsimshian to the west. This nomenclature also extends to the Gitwangak people themselves, denoting "people of the place of rabbits" and linking identity to territorial ecology.

Geography and Environment

Location and Physical Features

Kitwanga lies in northwestern , , within the Cassiar Land District, approximately 80 kilometers west of Hazelton at the junction of () and Highway 37 (Stewart-Cassiar Highway). The community is positioned on the north bank of the , immediately east of its confluence with the Kitwanga River, a originating in the Hazelton Mountains. The terrain surrounding Kitwanga features rugged mountain ranges, including the Hazelton and Bulkley Mountains, which frame the broad valley. Elevations in the immediate area range from about 163 meters at the Kitwanga River mouth to higher slopes exceeding 1,500 meters in the adjacent Hazelton Mountains. The landscape is dominated by coniferous forests, glacial river deposits, and active fluvial features, with the providing a key hydrological corridor through the otherwise mountainous region.

Climate and Resource Base

Kitwanga lies within the Skeena River valley, experiencing a humid continental climate classified as Dfb under the Köppen system, characterized by cold, snowy winters and cool summers influenced by Pacific maritime air masses moderated by surrounding mountains. Average high temperatures reach 17.9°C in July, the warmest month, while winter lows frequently drop below freezing, with significant snowfall accumulation due to orographic lift from coastal storms penetrating inland. Annual precipitation totals approximately 516 mm of liquid equivalent, primarily as rain over 158.7 days, though total water year equivalents are higher when accounting for snowmelt, supporting the region's hydrological systems. The resource base of Kitwanga is dominated by renewable natural assets, including extensive coniferous forests of cedar, , and hemlock that cover the valley slopes and provide timber for operations. The Kitwanga River, a of the Skeena, hosts biologically rich populations, particularly sockeye, coho, and , which sustain commercial, subsistence, and enhancement fisheries through annual runs enumerated at facilities like the Kitwanga River Salmon Enumeration Facility operational since 2003. Riparian and upland ecosystems also yield non-timber products such as pine mushrooms and support limited for cultural and recreational uses. Mineral resources are modest, with local interest in rocks and gemstones for activities, but no major deposits drive extraction. Soils in the valley bottoms permit small-scale agriculture, though constrained by climate and terrain, emphasizing the primacy of forest and aquatic resources in the local environmental foundation.

Indigenous History and Heritage

Pre-Colonial Gitxsan Societies and Warfare

The , speakers of a Tsimshianic language, organized pre-colonial society around a matrilineal system divided into four exogamous phratries or : Lax Gibuu (Wolf), Ganeda or Lax Seel (Frog), Giskaast (Fireweed), and Lax Sgik (Eagle). Each comprised multiple autonomous houses (wilp), typically 30–60 in number across Gitxsan territories, with membership inherited through the maternal line and averaging 20–30 individuals per house. Houses were led by hereditary chiefs known as simgiigyet, who held authority over specific territories, resource sites, and crest privileges, validated through oral histories (adaawk), songs, and feasts. This structure enforced reciprocal obligations, including resource sharing and conflict mediation via customary laws (ayook), which prioritized restoration over retribution. Economic life centered on seasonal exploitation of the Skeena River watershed's abundant runs, supplemented by deer, , and bears, gathering berries and roots, and crafting cedar-based technologies like plank houses, canoes, and woven goods. Villages, often comprising several related houses, were semi-permanent winter settlements along river valleys, with summer dispersal for fishing camps; trade networks extended inland for and marine shells, fostering alliances through marriage and ceremonies that redistributed wealth to affirm status hierarchies ranging from high-ranking chiefs to commoners and . Social rank was achieved via demonstrations of generosity and prowess, with slaves—acquired through warfare or debt—forming the lowest stratum and comprising up to 25% of some communities. Warfare among pre-colonial involved intermittent raids and feuds, primarily over territorial boundaries, resource access, or prestige, conducted as opportunistic nighttime attacks rather than pitched battles, reflecting broader Northwest Coast patterns of elite-led slave-taking and revenge cycles. Conflicts were regulated by house chiefs invoking ayook to negotiate truces, often via compensation feasts, though escalation could lead to fortified defenses or alliances with kin groups; oral traditions record such disputes as integral to adaawk, underscoring warfare's role in reinforcing chiefly authority without disrupting core economic pursuits. Archaeological evidence, including defensive earthworks, corroborates sporadic but defensive-oriented hostilities against neighboring groups like the Wet'suwet'en or coastal .

Gitwangak Battle Hill: Fortifications and Archaeology

Gitwangak Battle Hill, known in Gitxsan as Ta'awdzep, is a steep-sided natural mound overlooking the confluence of the and Skeena Rivers in central , utilized as a fortified village site by the Gitwangak people during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The hill's elevated position provided a strategic defensive advantage in regional inter-tribal conflicts, particularly for controlling trade trails between the Nass and watersheds. Designated a National Historic Site of in 1971, it exemplifies pre-colonial Gitxsan military architecture adapted to the local topography. The fortifications centered on a wooden enclosing five plank longhouses on the hilltop, with additional defensive features including water pits, earthworks, and concealed escape routes. Attributed to the warrior chief Nekt, the incorporated innovative mechanisms such as spiked logs suspended from the palisade by cedar ropes, which could be released to roll down upon attackers, and underground hiding places accessed via trap doors beneath house floors. These elements, combined with the mound's natural slopes, rendered the site a formidable stronghold against raids, reflecting engineering prowess in leveraging terrain for protection. Archaeological investigations have uncovered remnants of the longhouses, palisade posts, storage and puberty initiation pits, and associated artifacts, confirming occupation for at least a century prior to abandonment. Tree-ring analysis of charred timbers dates the site's destruction by fire and subsequent desertion to approximately 1835, after which inhabitants relocated to the adjacent Gitwangak village. Excavations, including those facilitating site interpretation, have involved periodic clearing of vegetation to expose structural features, underscoring the hill's role in Gitxsan oral histories of warfare and resilience.

Colonial and Modern Development

Early European Contact and Fur Trade

European trade goods, such as iron axes and knives, reached the district, including Kitwanga territories, as early as the early , likely originating from Russian activities by around 1730. These items filtered inland through established Indigenous networks, primarily via intermediaries, introducing metal tools and other manufactures to communities like the Gitwangak at Kitwanga without direct European presence. Archaeological from Kitwanga Fort, including beads and a trade kettle, confirms integration into these proto-fur trade exchanges by the late , coinciding with heightened regional trading monopolies and peaks. Direct European of the Skeena began at the river's in 1793, when Lieutenant Whidby of George Vancouver's expedition surveyed upstream to the Ecstall River, though this remained coastal and did not penetrate interior territories. Inland ventures followed, with trader Donald Manson ascending approximately 50 miles up the Skeena by canoe in October 1832, marking one of the earliest recorded European incursions into upper river areas. The establishment of by the in 1831–1834 at the Skeena estuary further centralized operations, drawing furs—primarily , , and pelts—downriver via grease trails and canoe routes for exchange with coastal posts. This trade supplied with firearms, blankets, and metal goods, contributing to the abandonment of traditional fortifications like Kitwanga Fort around 1835, as rifles rendered wooden palisades obsolete against raids, such as those from Haida groups. By the mid-19th century, transient traders and miners increasingly traversed lands, prompting resistance; in 1872, during the Skeena Rebellion, communities blockaded the river to halt fur traders and settlers whose abandoned campfires had damaged village properties at Gitsegukla, demanding compensation for territorial incursions. This event underscored tensions over unregulated trade disrupting salmon fisheries and land use, with leveraging their control of river access to enforce claims. participation in the fur trade remained largely indirect and mediated through coastal allies until the decline of maritime fur markets in the – shifted focus to overland routes, though no permanent post was established at Kitwanga during the peak fur era.

Railway Era: Construction and Initial Settlement (1910-1920s)

The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway (GTPR), chartered in 1903 to connect to the , advanced through northern British Columbia's Skeena Valley in the early 1910s as part of its western division from Prince Rupert eastward. Grading and track-laying crews, employing thousands of laborers including many recent immigrants, navigated challenging terrain along the , completing segments near Kitwanga by 1912 amid ongoing surveys and bridge-building efforts that began as early as 1908 in adjacent areas. A standard GTPR Type E station was erected at Kitwanga in 1912 to serve as a flag stop for freight, passengers, and maintenance, marking the site's integration into the transcontinental network that reached full operation to Prince Rupert by April 1914. The railway's arrival facilitated initial non-Indigenous settlement in Kitwanga, previously a village site with pre-colonial fortifications, by providing access for surveyors, railway workers, and homesteaders seeking land along the fertile Skeena floodplain. Construction camps temporarily housed hundreds of transient laborers, but emerged in the mid-1910s as section hands and families acquired nearby acreage for farming and , drawn by the line's promise of economic linkage to markets in Prince Rupert and beyond. By the early , following GTPR's financial collapse and absorption into the Canadian National Railways in 1919–1920, a modest cluster of European-descended residents had formed around the station, supplementing the longstanding population on adjacent reserves. Tensions arose during this period between incoming settlers and Gitxsan communities over land use and resource access, exemplified by instances in the early 1920s where local First Nations resisted external intrusions including efforts and settler encroachments near traditional territories. These frictions underscored the disruptive impact of rail development on Indigenous autonomy, though the infrastructure ultimately anchored Kitwanga's transition from isolated Gitxsan outpost to a nascent railway-dependent .

Mid-20th Century Expansion and Resource Extraction

During the post-World War II period, British Columbia's sector experienced significant growth driven by wartime lumber demands and subsequent reconstruction efforts, with production rebounding vigorously by the as markets expanded. In the Skeena region, this boom facilitated increased timber harvesting, supported by rail and river transport networks, though local communities like Kitwanga saw more modest, localized development tied to small-scale milling rather than large industrial operations. Resource extraction focused primarily on coniferous timber from surrounding valleys, with activities providing seasonal employment to both Indigenous and non-Indigenous residents amid broader provincial trends toward mechanized felling and skidding. The Kitwanga Sawmill emerged as a central hub for this activity, processing local logs into and serving as a key employer in the community through the mid-20th century. Operational by at least the , the mill capitalized on accessible timber stands along the Skeena and Kitwancool rivers, contributing to in an otherwise subsistence-oriented area. By 1959, it was officially listed among British Columbia's active , reflecting its role in regional supply chains for and pulp. This operation spurred incremental expansion, including minor improvements in local roads for log haulage and temporary worker housing, though growth remained constrained by the community's remote location and small scale compared to larger coastal or interior mills. By the late , corporate consolidation in the industry led to acquisitions of facilities like the Kitwanga Sawmill, signaling a shift toward integrated operations amid fluctuating markets and technological upgrades. While not driving explosive population increases—Kitwanga's demographics stayed tied to reserves— extraction provided a vital cash economy supplement to traditional and , with output feeding into provincial exports. Environmental impacts, such as localized and riverbank from log drives, were typical of the era's practices but undocumented in scale for Kitwanga specifically, underscoring the period's emphasis on resource yield over sustained yield principles later formalized in policy.

Economy

Forestry Dominance: Mills, Employment, and Market Dynamics

Kitwanga's economy has long been anchored by , with local sawmills processing timber harvested from the adjacent Kispiox Timber Supply Area (TSA), a 1.22 million region encompassing coniferous forests dominated by , , and . The sector provides the of wage in this remote of approximately 287 residents, where extraction sustains hereditary governance structures tied to land stewardship. Early initiatives included a tribal enterprise by Kitwancool (Gitxsan) members in the mid-20th century, leaving behind three mill-related structures as archaeological remnants of initial self-directed operations. The Kitwanga Forest Products Ltd. , located at 1577 Kitwanga Road, emerged as the focal point of modern operations following its reopening on , 2011, under new ownership after a two-year closure amid regional industry downturns. This restart generated 90 direct jobs in lumber production, representing a substantial portion of local in a TSA where historically drove economic activity for settlements like Kitwanga despite post-2001 declines from mill curtailments and reduced harvests. In , the company reported 57 direct positions—30 in harvesting and 27 in —supporting an annual harvest averaging 70,433 cubic meters from 2000–2004 against an allowable cut of 87,571 cubic meters, with 20% of logs sourced externally via purchases or trades. Market dynamics for Kitwanga's output reflect broader vulnerabilities in British Columbia's softwood trade, with the mill directing 95% of production to domestic Canadian markets and 5% to as of , though global factors like Chinese demand surges and subsequent slumps exert downward pressure on prices even for local sales. Operations draw from TSA licenses emphasizing sustainable yields within the overall allowable annual cut of 977,000 cubic meters, but face constraints from fibre supply limits, competition, and policy shifts prioritizing ecosystem restoration over volume. Active harvesting permits issued to Kitwanga Forest Products in January 2025 underscore ongoing viability, though the sector's dominance persists amid fluctuating prices and export dependencies rather than expansion.

Ancillary Activities: Fishing, Emerging Agri-Tech, and Salmon Initiatives

Fishing in Kitwanga centers on the Skeena River and its tributary, the Kitwanga River, where the Gitanyow Fisheries Authority manages economic and food fisheries under the direction of hereditary chiefs. Historically, sockeye returns to the Kitwanga River numbered in the tens of thousands, sustaining both sustenance and commercial operations. Current activities include selective in-river fisheries blending traditional Gitanyow law with ecological monitoring to support sustainable sockeye harvests. The Kitwanga River Salmon Enumeration Facility, operational since 2003 and located four kilometers from the river mouth, tracks upstream salmon migrations via a permanent fence structure with removable panels for trapping and identification. Salmon initiatives focus on recovering declining Kitwanga sockeye stocks, identified as a conservation concern with profound cultural significance to the Gitanyow Nation. The Kitwanga Sockeye Salmon Recovery Plan addresses degradation in Gitanyow Lake, the primary spawning and rearing area, attributed to factors like altered . In August 2024, the and Gitanyow Nation announced a for a new hatchery under the Pacific Salmon Initiative, prioritizing Kitwanga sockeye rearing to enhance conservation and local fisheries. Assessments of Gitanyow (Kitwanga) Lake continue to inform restoration efforts, aiming to rebuild runs that once supported robust Gitanyow fisheries. Emerging agri-tech in Kitwanga is exemplified by Tea Creek Farm, an Indigenous-led operation in the Kitwanga River Valley promoting practices. Owned by farmer Jacob Beaton, the farm provides training in sustainable methods tailored to northern climates. In 2024, Tea Creek received $10,000 from the BC Centre for Agritech Innovation for an Indigenous-led workshop on drone-based mapping, business mentorship, and tools to bolster . Further provincial funding in 2025 supports expanded drone training initiatives at Tea Creek, addressing and crop monitoring challenges in the region. These efforts integrate with to diversify beyond resource extraction.

Infrastructure

Transportation Networks: Roads, Bridges, and Ferries

Kitwanga functions as a critical highway junction in northwestern , where Highway 16 (the and part of the ) intersects Highway 37 (the Stewart-Cassiar Highway). Highway 16 facilitates east-west connectivity, linking Kitwanga to Prince George approximately 450 km eastward and to coastal ports like Prince Rupert about 100 km westward via Terrace. This route supports , , and local commerce, with paved surfaces maintained by the provincial Ministry of Transportation and Infrastructure. Highway 37 diverges northward from the Kitwanga junction, extending over 800 km through remote terrain to the near , serving operations, , and seasonal travel to . The highway begins as a paved two-lane road from the junction, transitioning to gravel in sections further north, with distances marked from the Highway 16 intersection as kilometer zero. Local access roads, including those to reserves and resource sites, branch off these main arteries, though secondary routes like forestry service roads remain largely unpaved and subject to seasonal closures due to weather and maintenance. The Skeena River Bridge on Highway 16 crosses the immediately west of the village, enabling continuous vehicular passage without reliance on ferries. Constructed to replace earlier flood-vulnerable structures, the bridge accommodates standard truck traffic and withstands regional flooding risks, as evidenced by maintenance following events like the floods that damaged predecessor . Historically, a operated at this crossing, propelled by the river's current via suspended cables and pontoons, providing essential linkage before bridge completion in the mid-20th century. No active ferries serve Kitwanga today, with regional cable ferries like the Usk Ferry located downstream near Terrace.

Rail System: Operations, Maintenance, and Connectivity

The operates freight services through Kitwanga as part of its Skeena Subdivision, which forms a key segment of the mainline connecting Prince Rupert on the Pacific coast to interior hubs like Prince George and . Freight trains primarily transport bulk commodities, including wood pellets from regional forestry operations, with heavy-axle loads contributing to high annual tonnage volumes exceeding millions of gross tonnes per mile in the area. A notable incident occurred on January 7, 2020, when a westbound CN freight train derailed 19 cars east of Kitwanga, attributed to track fatigue from repeated heavy loading rather than operational error. Passenger operations are handled by , which includes Kitwanga as a flag stop on its Jasper–Prince Rupert route, serving limited daily trains with accommodations for sleeper and economy class passengers. The station, located on the north side of the across from Highway 16, lacks full-service facilities but supports basic boarding and wheelchair access upon request. maintains operational precedence for freight, with VIA services scheduled to minimize conflicts, though delays can arise from track occupancy or maintenance. Track maintenance in the Kitwanga vicinity falls under CN's responsibility, involving regular inspections for fatigue cracking exacerbated by the subdivision's , conditions, and exposure to seismic activity along the valley. CN has conducted targeted repairs, such as those in September 2023 that necessitated a six-hour closure of the Highway 37 rail crossing, diverting local traffic via detours. Post-derailment protocols include environmental cleanup of spilled wood pellets and enhanced monitoring, with no recurring major failures reported through 2024. CN adheres to federal standards under , prioritizing automated inspection technologies over manual sidings in remote sections like Kitwanga. Connectivity integrates rail with regional highways, enabling where Highway 16 parallels the tracks east to Smithers (approximately 70 km) and west to Terrace (about 50 km), facilitating transfers for forestry exports to the . The line supports economic linkages for Bulkley-Nechako resource sectors, though limited siding capacity constrains overtaking, occasionally impacting schedules. No dedicated intermodal facilities exist in Kitwanga itself, relying instead on downstream hubs for containerized goods.

Public Services: Education, Emergency Response, and Utilities

Kitwanga Elementary , operated by Coast Mountain School District No. 82, provides for students in through Grade 6, serving the local population including the adjacent Gitwangak First Nation community. The school, located at 3650 School Road, enrolls students from the rural area and emphasizes foundational academic skills amid regional challenges like transportation to higher grades, with typically accessed in nearby Hazelton or Terrace. The Gitwangak Education Society complements public schooling by offering targeted , programs, and cultural education initiatives for community members, focusing on heritage integration in learning. Emergency response in Kitwanga relies on volunteer efforts and regional support due to the community's remote location, approximately one hour east of Terrace. The Gitwangak Volunteer Fire Department handles local fire incidents and basic emergencies through community-based operations. However, as of March 2025, the area lacks on-site or firetruck capabilities, prompting calls from Skeena MLA Ellis Ross for urgent replacement of the dilapidated emergency services building to address response delays in medical and fire scenarios. Police services are provided by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police from regional detachments, with all emergencies routed through 911 to coordinate with the of Kitimat-Stikine for broader support including and hazard response. Utilities in Kitwanga are provided through provincial and local systems tailored to its rural setting. is distributed by , ensuring power reliability across the Bulkley-Stikine region, though outages can occur due to weather or infrastructure in northern British Columbia's remote grid. Water and sanitation services fall under community management by the Gitwangak Band Council, with ongoing infrastructure projects addressing drainage and retention to mitigate flooding risks near the .

Community Life

Demographics, Reserves, and Social Composition

The Gitwangak 1 Indian Reserve, the primary settlement area of Kitwanga, is inhabited predominantly by members of the Gitwangak Indian Band, a Gitxsan First Nation community. As of the latest federal registry data, 429 registered band members reside on the reserve, comprising 230 males and 199 females. The total enumerated population of the reserve, including non-registered residents, was estimated at 523 in 2024. Adjacent non-reserve lands form an unincorporated community with a smaller population, estimated in the low dozens, primarily non-Indigenous settlers engaged in resource-related activities. Overall, the area's demographics reflect a high concentration of Indigenous residents, with 97.7% identifying as First Nations (North American Indian) in the 2016 census, and only 2.3% non-Aboriginal. Gitxsan social organization in Kitwanga is matrilineal, with descent and inheritance traced through the female line. Society divides into four exogamous clans—Frog (Lax Seel), Fireweed (Gisk'ast), Wolf (Laxts'ipts'ims), and Eagle (Gitseguk)—each encompassing multiple autonomous house groups known as wilp. Each wilp is led by a hereditary chief (sigidimha) responsible for specific territories, resources, and cultural protocols, enforcing a system of ranked lineages and reciprocal obligations. This structure coexists with elected band councils under the , though hereditary authority holds primacy in land stewardship and dispute resolution, as affirmed in legal precedents like the Delgamuukw case. Demographic trends show a youthful profile typical of many reserve communities, with median ages lower than provincial averages due to higher birth rates among Indigenous populations, though out-migration for employment contributes to modest overall growth. Social cohesion emphasizes clan-based kinship, with intermarriage restricted to avoid intra-clan unions, preserving and alliance networks. Non-Indigenous residents integrate loosely, often through economic ties like or rail work, but maintain separate outside reserve boundaries.

Cultural Practices, Notable Figures, and Daily Realities

The of Kitwanga, part of a matrilineal society, trace descent and transmit crests, names, and territories through the female line, shaping and . Traditional arts encompass intricate wood carvings for poles, which record family histories, clan emblems, and events; Gitwangak preserves several historic poles from the late , exemplifying this practice. ceremonies, communal feasts distributing goods to validate rights and mourn losses, persist as core rituals, often held in longhouses for events like funerals and marriages. fishing along the , historically using dugout cedar canoes, integrates seasonal harvesting with cultural protocols governing resource use. Among notable figures, Nekt stands out as a 19th-century chief of the Frog-Raven in Gitwangak, renowned for leading defensive raids against neighboring groups and embodying martial prowess in oral traditions. Daily life in Kitwanga blends hereditary obligations with contemporary routines; residents, numbering around 480, engage in preparations, , and wage labor in nearby resource sectors while upholding adaawk (oral histories) that guide ethical conduct toward land and kin. Community events reinforce wil paksdip (respect for others), fostering cohesion amid treaty negotiations and environmental stewardship of the Skeena watershed.

Land Claims and Resource Disputes

The hereditary governance system is structured around matrilineal , known as wilp, each led by hereditary chiefs (simgiigyet) who inherit authority through ancestral lineages documented in adaawk (oral histories) and governed by ayook (traditional laws). This system comprises approximately 60 to 65 , with each featuring a head chief and subordinate wing chiefs responsible for managing house territories, resources, and . The chiefs' roles emphasize stewardship over unceded lands, including those encompassing Kitwanga, where continuous occupation and predate European contact. This framework underpins title assertions by establishing pre-sovereignty exclusivity, continuity, and cultural attachment to territory as inherent rights not requiring grant. In the 1997 decision , hereditary chiefs, alongside Wet'suwet'en counterparts, advanced title claims over roughly 58,000 square kilometers of northwestern , including Kitwanga-adjacent areas. The Court defined as a communal right to land held by Indigenous groups, entailing exclusive occupation from before assertion of Crown sovereignty, substantial continuity despite disruptions, and sufficiency under without needing proof of distinctive cultural practices tied to specific sites. Critically, the ruling validated oral traditions and feast hall records as evidence of title, rejecting lower court dismissals of such proofs in favor of written documents alone. However, the Court declined to delineate precise boundaries or grant title outright, citing evidentiary gaps and instead mandating priority for negotiated settlements over 18 treaty tables involving houses. Gitxsan chiefs assert that this hereditary authority persists as the basis for jurisdiction, enabling actions like resource exclusions on titled lands without provincial consent, as title burdens the Crown's underlying sovereignty and prohibits unjustified infringements. Ongoing claims, including those tied to Kitwanga's Skeena River watershed, invoke Delgamuukw's tests while highlighting unresolved negotiations, where provincial delays have prompted direct assertions of control by simgiigyet. Unlike elected band councils under the Indian Act, hereditary governance prioritizes house-specific rights over collective modern treaties, fostering internal debates on alignment with contemporary resource management. These assertions remain unextinguished, as affirmed in Delgamuukw, but face practical limits pending final adjudication or agreement.

Key Confrontations: 2013-2014 Blockades and Evictions

In January 2013, members of the Gitwangak First Nation, located at Kitwanga, participated in nationwide protests by blockading the Canadian National (CN) Railway line east of . On January 16, over 100 protesters halted rail traffic for approximately eight hours, from around 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. local time, as part of coordinated actions across to draw attention to indigenous concerns over resource development and treaty rights. CN Rail reported the disruption affected freight operations but caused no injuries or arrests at the Kitwanga site. The reflected ongoing assertions of hereditary governance over traditional territories, including rail corridors traversing their lands without what protesters viewed as adequate consultation or compensation. Gitwangak hereditary chiefs emphasized as a non-violent stand against perceived federal and provincial encroachments, linking it to broader disputes over pipeline proposals and environmental impacts on the watershed. No permanent infrastructure damage occurred, and the protest ended peacefully, though it underscored tensions between indigenous title claims—bolstered by the 1997 Delgamuukw decision recognizing oral evidence for Aboriginal rights—and established transportation rights-of-way. By mid-2014, hereditary chiefs escalated confrontations through formal eviction notices targeting industrial activities in their claimed 33,000-square-kilometer territory, which encompasses Kitwanga and surrounding areas. On July 10, chiefs issued notices to CN Rail, Timber Sales-authorized operations, and sport fishing enterprises on the and its tributaries, ordering cessation of activities by July 31 for failure to adhere to Gitxsan house laws and protocols. The move invoked unextinguished , arguing that provincial permits ignored hereditary authority and contributed to , such as overfishing and habitat loss. These evictions did not result in physical blockades but represented a legal and declarative confrontation, with chiefs stating non-compliance would lead to enforcement under jurisdiction. On August 5, the scope expanded to the entire territory, affecting an estimated 20 forestry tenures and rail operations valued in millions annually. CN Rail engaged in discussions with the chiefs, while the government maintained that permits remained valid under provincial law, highlighting jurisdictional conflicts post-Delgamuukw without resolved title. No widespread evictions or shutdowns materialized, as industry parties sought injunctions and negotiations, but the actions disrupted for projects and amplified calls for treaty resolution.

Stakeholder Perspectives: Economic Impacts, Rule of Law, and Outcomes

Gitxsan hereditary chiefs asserted that the 2014 eviction notices to CN Rail, forestry companies, and sport fishing operators were necessary to enforce economic sovereignty over unceded territories, arguing that without hereditary consent, external activities deprived the nation of and resource control essential for . They contended that ongoing operations without adequate consultation violated the 1997 Delgamuukw ruling, which affirmed based on pre- occupation, potentially enabling -led like selective forestry or yielding direct benefits estimated in millions annually if renegotiated. From the perspective of forestry firms and CN Rail, the notices threatened significant economic disruptions, including halted timber harvesting in tenured areas supporting regional mills and supply chains, and rail interruptions affecting freight volumes to the , which handled over 20 million tonnes annually at the time and underpinned broader provincial exports. Sport fishing stakeholders highlighted risks to a sector generating approximately $100 million yearly in northwest tourism revenue, with blockades potentially idling guides and lodges during peak seasons. The government viewed such actions as undermining licensed tenures that sustain 50,000 forestry-related jobs province-wide, emphasizing that unilateral evictions could cascade into lost tax revenues exceeding $2 billion annually from resource sectors without commensurate economic gains if negotiations stalled. On rule of law, hereditary chiefs maintained that Gitxsan Ayook—traditional legal orders documented through adaawk (oral histories) and bahlats'ems (territorial evidence)—hold primacy under section 35 of the , superseding provincial permits issued without deep consultation, as reinforced by the 2014 Tsilhqot'in decision granting exclusive title occupancy. Provincial authorities and industry countered that eviction notices lack enforceability absent court-defined boundaries from Delgamuukw, which remitted title claims to negotiation rather than immediate exclusion, preserving sovereignty and statutory licenses to prevent in across 33,000 square kilometers of overlapping claims. Internal Gitxsan divisions emerged, with some elected band councils and the Gitxsan Treaty Society prioritizing economic partnerships over confrontations, critiquing hereditary actions as risking legal challenges under Canadian that balances title with justified infringements for broader public interests. Outcomes of the 2014 confrontations included no enforced shutdowns, as CN Rail and loggers continued operations amid government assurances of legal protections, averting immediate economic losses but heightening investment uncertainty that delayed projects valued at billions in the Skeena watershed. Negotiations ensued, yielding some impact benefit agreements (IBAs) between houses and developers, providing royalties and jobs—such as forestry revenue shares reported at 5-10% of project values—though hereditary chiefs decried them as insufficient without title recognition. Broader repercussions manifested in subsequent blockades, including 2020 rail disruptions costing CN Rail $270 million in idled freight, underscoring persistent tensions but also prompting policy shifts toward consent-based frameworks under the UN Declaration on the Rights of , albeit with ongoing litigation affirming duties without ceding veto powers. These disputes in territories, including Kitwanga, have thus fostered hybrid outcomes: incremental economic inclusions for Indigenous groups alongside sustained provincial oversight, with unresolved title claims perpetuating negotiation over litigation as the primary resolution path.

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  104. https://globalnews.ca/news/1493648/gitxsan-first-nation-to-shut-down-cn-railway-through-territory/
  105. https://www.indigenouswatchdog.org/update/gitxsan-hereditary-chief-says-the-federal-government-is-wrong-not-to-consult-individual-first-nations/
  106. https://www.huntingbc.ca/forum/showthread.php?108855-Ministry-response-to-Gitxsan-eviction-notice
  107. https://www.facebook.com/groups/Idlenomore.official/posts/2035172113214090/
  108. https://toronto.citynews.ca/2014/08/06/gitxsan-nation-orders-cn-rail-foresters-fishermen-off-northwestern-b-c-lands/
  109. https://www.indigenouswatchdog.org/update/how-is-that-reconciliation-hereditary-gitxsan-nation-chiefs-rally-for-their-rights/
  110. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/northwestern-bc-blockade-support-wetsuweten-halt-rail-1.5460565
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