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Matthew 26
View on Wikipedia| Matthew 26 | |
|---|---|
Gospel of Matthew 26:19–37 on the recto side of Papyrus 37, from c. AD 260 | |
| Book | Gospel of Matthew |
| Category | Gospel |
| Christian Bible part | New Testament |
| Order in the Christian part | 1 |
Matthew 26 is the 26th chapter of the Gospel of Matthew, part of the New Testament of the Christian Bible. This chapter covers the beginning of the Passion of Jesus narrative, which continues to Matthew 28; it contains the narratives of the Jewish leaders' plot to kill Jesus, Judas Iscariot's agreement to betray Jesus to Caiphas, the Last Supper with the Twelve Apostles and institution of the Eucharist,[1] the Agony in the Garden of Gethsemane and the subsequent vindication of Jesus' predictions, of betrayal by one of the twelve Apostles, and that he will, in the Denial of Peter, be disowned by his closest follower, Saint Peter.[2]
Text
[edit]The original text was written in Koine Greek. This chapter is divided into 75 verses, more than any other chapter in this gospel. Protestant theologian Heinrich Meyer identifies 32 verses in which there are critical variations between different early manuscripts and critical editions.[3]
Textual witnesses
[edit]

Some early manuscripts containing the text of this chapter are:
- Papyrus 64 (Magdalen Papyrus) (late 2nd/3rd century; extant: verses 7–8, 10, 14–15)
- Papyrus 37 (~260; extant verses 19–37)
- Papyrus 53 (3rd century; extant verses 29–35)
- Codex Vaticanus (325–50)
- Codex Sinaiticus (330–60)
- Codex Bezae (c. 400)
- Codex Washingtonianus (c. 400)
- Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus (c. 450)
- Codex Purpureus Rossanensis (6th century)
- Codex Petropolitanus Purpureus (6th century; extant verses 58–64)
Old Testament references
[edit]Structure
[edit]The New King James Version (NKJV) organises the material in this chapter as follows:
- The Plot to Kill Jesus (Matthew 26:1–5)
- The Anointing at Bethany (Matthew 26:6–13)
- Judas Agrees to Betray Jesus (Matthew 26:14–16)
- Jesus Celebrates Passover with His Disciples (Matthew 26:17–25)
- Jesus Institutes the Lord’s Supper (Matthew 26:26–30)
- Jesus Predicts Peter’s Denial (Matthew 26:31–35)
- The Prayer in the Garden (Matthew 26:36–46)
- Betrayal and Arrest in Gethsemane (Matthew 26:47–56)
- Jesus Faces the Sanhedrin (Matthew 26:57–68)
- Peter Denies Jesus, and Weeps Bitterly (Matthew 26:69–75)
Prologue to the passion narrative (verses 1–5)
[edit]Verses 1–5 recount the conspiracy against Jesus.[5]
Verse 1
[edit]- Now it came to pass, when Jesus had finished all these sayings, that He said to His disciples,[6]
William Robertson Nicoll states that this verse links with the previous chapters at the same time as serving as an introduction to the passion history commencing here. It may form part of the tradition of Jesus' passion which developed as a recollection of Jesus' life before other parts of the gospel tradition: "Of the three strata of evangelic tradition relating respectively to what Jesus taught, what He did, and what He suffered, the last-named probably came first in origin."[7] Meyer, reflecting the opinion of another German theologian, Johannes Wichelhaus, notes "the fact that our Lord’s functions as a teacher were now ended".[3]
The words πάντας τοὺς λόγους τούτους, all these sayings, would most naturally be taken as referring to the contents of chapters 24 and 25, although "a backward glance at the whole of Christ’s teaching is conceivable. Yet in case of such a comprehensive retrospect why refer only to words? Why not to both dicta et facta (words and deeds)?"[7]
Verse 2
[edit]- You know that the Passover takes place after two days, and the Son of Man will be handed over to be crucified.[8]
"After two days": the Jewish feast of the Passover began on the 15th of the month of Nisan. Matthew begins his narrative of the betrayal and death of Jesus two days before the Passover, i.e. on the 13th of Nisan. This may allude to the traditions related to the binding of Isaac that Genesis 22:4 places the sacrifice of Isaac on the third day, and during Passover (in Jubilees 17:15; 18:3).[1] A further parallel between Jesus and Isaac is indicated in Romans 8:32, whereas Matthew 26:36 could allude to Genesis 22:2–5.[1]
Johann Bengel argues for translating the Greek: παραδιδοται, paradidotai, in the present tense, "is delivered":[9][10] at this time, while Jesus "was preparing Himself entirely for suffering... [his] enemies were labouring to effect the same object".[11]
Verse 3
[edit]- Then the chief priests and the elders of the people assembled in the palace of the high priest, whose name was Caiaphas.[12]
The anointing at Bethany (verses 6–13)
[edit]In the home of Simon the Leper, 'another befriended outcast', a woman performed an 'extravagant act' which clearly points to Jesus' messianic status as 'the anointed one',[1] a "small gesture" which must nevertheless have brought him some comfort.[13] In verse 8, the disciples, collectively, raise concerns about the extravagance shown, whereas in John 12:4 this concern is only expressed by Judas Iscariot. Meyer argues that Matthew's account is "certainly not contradictory [to] that of John, but only less precise".[3]
Judas agrees to betray Jesus (verses 14–16)
[edit]
In contrast to the extravagant act of the woman who anoints Jesus, Judas Iscariot (cf. Matthew 10:4) plans a treacherous act. Theologian Dale Allison observes a clear distinction between the selfless costly gift given by the woman and the selfish thought of Judas for his own gain, albeit "for a relatively paltry sum".[1] Here, Judas becomes an example of Jesus' followers who think of what they can get out of him, rather than how they can serve him.[14]
Jesus celebrates the Passover with his disciples (verses 17–35)
[edit]As a law-observing Jew, Jesus celebrates his last Passover within Jerusalem, when he institutes the Lord's supper, to connect his sacrificial redemptive act with the 'blood of the covenant' in Exodus 24:8 and Jeremiah 31:31 and the suffering servant of Isaiah.[1] The Passover preparations, Jesus' prediction of betrayal by one of the twelve Apostles, and his anticipated denial by Peter are recorded in this section. Matthew 26:24 is also notable for describing Judas' betrayal by echoing a phrase from 1 Enoch 38:2:
Where then will be the dwelling of the sinners, And where the resting-place of those who have denied the Lord of Spirits? It had been good for them if they had not been born.[15]
Agony in the garden (verses 36–46)
[edit]
Jesus seems to recoil from the impending crucifixion, but he fixes his course to the will of God and 'this overrides whatever feelings he has about death'.[16] The submission to the divine will: "Thy will be done" (verse 42; also in verse 39), alludes to the Lord's Prayer, as do the address "my Father" (verse 39) and the words "that you may not come into the time of trial" (KJV: "enter not into temptation"; verse 41).[16] The garden of Gethsemane is located on the Mount of Olives, where king David once prayed for deliverance from a betrayer (2 Samuel 15:30–31), and a suitable site for his descendant, Jesus, to utter an analogous prayer.[17]
Betrayal and arrest in Gethsemane (verses 47–56)
[edit]The story of Jesus' arrest involves many people, pulling together 'several strands from previous sections', with Jewish leader plotting to take Jesus 'by stealth and avoid a riot (verse 4; cf. verse 16), Judas' betrayal as Jesus has foretold (verse 21, 25 and 45), the crowd of 'chief priests and the elders of the people (verses 3–5, 14–16) as well as Jesus' predictions of his sufferings.[18]
Jesus faces the Sanhedrin (verses 57–68)
[edit]The trial shows that Jesus is not a 'victim of tragic, impersonal circumstances' nor a 'casualty of the ordinary machinery of justice', but a target of attack by wicked people.[16] His enemies 'speak falsehoods (verse 59–60), accuse him of blasphemy (verse 65), condemn him to death (verse 66), viciously hit and mock him (verses 67–68)'.[16] In contrast, Jesus' identity becomes clear as the Messiah and Son of God, who builds the temple (cf. 2 Samuel 7:14), sits at God's right hand and 'the suffering servant of Isaiah 50:6 whose face is spat upon'.[19]
Verse 66
[edit]- "What do you think?"
- They answered and said, "He is deserving of death".[20]
In the King James Version, the answer reads "He is guilty of death",[21] guilt referring to the punishment due rather than the crime as in usual English usage.[22]
Peter denies Jesus, and weeps bitterly (verses 69–75)
[edit]In the early part of this chapter, Judas defects, then the disciples flee when Jesus was arrested, and now Peter, despite his promise (verse 35), denies that he knows Jesus, forming a 'climax of the disciples' failure'.[23] This passage supplies an ironical balance, when Jesus' prophetic powers are mocked, while the literal fulfillment of his detailed prediction about Peter is precisely taking place.[23] Another balance is in the trial, as Jesus and Peter both faces three sets of accusers: Jesus faces false witnesses in verse 60, the two witnesses in verses 61–62, Caiaphas verses 63–66, while Peter, not far away, verses 69–73, also faces three different persons confronting him about Jesus.[23]
The Gospel of Matthew does not idealize any disciples, but instead, 'presents them as completely human', just as the Old Testament, "the bible of the Matthaean community at that time", does not hide the records of the sins of Noah, Moses, David or Solomon.[23] Allison comments that "God can use ordinary people for his extraordinary purposes and, when they fall into sin, he can grant them forgiveness", and suggests that Matthew's readers would have interpreted the faults of Peter and other disciples as they would have interpreted the failings of Old Testament times.[23]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f Allison 2007, p. 879.
- ^ Allison 2007, pp. 880–82.
- ^ a b c Meyer, H. A. W., Meyer's NT Commentary on Matthew 26, accessed 16 October 2019
- ^ Kirkpatrick, A. F. (1901). The Book of Psalms: with Introduction and Notes. The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges. Vol. Book IV and V: Psalms XC–CL. Cambridge: University Press. p. 838. Retrieved February 28, 2019.
- ^ Jerusalem Bible (1966), sub-heading at Matthew 26:1–5
- ^ Matthew 26:1 NKJV
- ^ a b Nicoll, W. R., Expositor's Greek Testament: Matthew 26, accessed 22 March 2021
- ^ Matthew 26:2 HCSB
- ^ See morphology in the Greek text analysis at Matthew 26:2, BibleHub, accessed on 28 August 2024
- ^ cf. "is betrayed" at Matthew 26:2}KJV in the King James Version
- ^ Bengel, J. A. (1742), Bengel's Gnomon of the New Testament on Matthew 26, accessed on 28 August 2024
- ^ Matthew 26:3 EHV
- ^ Pope Leo XIV, Dilexi te, paragraph 4, published on 4 October 2025, accessed on 13 October 2025
- ^ Keener 1999, p. 620.
- ^ "1 Enoch 38:2", Online database of biblical intertextuality, retrieved 22 December 2022
- ^ a b c d Allison 2007, p. 880.
- ^ Keener 1999, p. 634.
- ^ Allison 2007, pp. 880–81.
- ^ Allison 2007, p. 881.
- ^ Matthew 26:66 NKJV
- ^ Matthew 26:66: KJV
- ^ Plumptre, E. H., Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers: Matthew 26, accessed 24 March 2021
- ^ a b c d e Allison 2007, p. 882.
Source
[edit]- Allison, Dale C. Jr. (2007). "57. Matthew". In Barton, John; Muddiman, John (eds.). The Oxford Bible Commentary (first (paperback) ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 844–886. ISBN 978-0199277186. Retrieved February 6, 2019.
- Keener, Craig S. (1999). A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8028-3821-6.
External links
[edit]- Matthew 26 King James Bible - Wikisource
- English Translation with Parallel Latin Vulgate
- Online Bible at GospelHall.org (ESV, KJV, Darby, American Standard Version, Bible in Basic English)
- Multiple bible versions at Bible Gateway (NKJV, NIV, NRSV etc.)
Matthew 26
View on GrokipediaMatthew 26 is the twenty-sixth chapter of the Gospel of Matthew, a narrative text in the New Testament that recounts events immediately preceding Jesus' crucifixion, including the chief priests' and elders' conspiracy to arrest him during Passover to avoid public unrest, the anointing of Jesus' head by a woman at Simon the Leper's house in Bethany interpreted as preparation for burial, Judas Iscariot's agreement to betray Jesus for thirty pieces of silver, the preparation and observance of the Passover meal where Jesus institutes the rite of the Lord's Supper with bread and wine symbolizing his body and blood, his prediction of betrayal and Peter's denial, the agony in the Garden of Gethsemane marked by intense prayer and bloody sweat amid sleeping disciples, the betrayal via Judas' kiss leading to Jesus' arrest by a crowd with swords and clubs sent by the authorities, the disciples' flight, and Jesus' initial trial before Caiaphas the high priest involving false witnesses and the high priest's tearing of his garments upon Jesus' affirmation of messiahship.[1][2]
The chapter's textual tradition is attested in early papyri such as Papyrus 64, a late second-century fragment containing portions of Matthew 26, and Papyrus 37 from the third or fourth century, providing empirical evidence of its circulation within decades to centuries after composition.[3][4] Scholarly analysis often posits the Gospel's reliance on earlier sources like Mark for this passion narrative, though debates persist on the extent of eyewitness testimony versus theological shaping, with conservative estimates favoring proximity to the events described around AD 30.[5][6]
Key theological elements include Jesus' fulfillment of prophetic suffering servant motifs and the establishment of commemorative practices central to Christian worship, such as the Eucharist, which has influenced sacramental theology across denominations despite interpretive variances on transubstantiation versus symbolic memorial.[7][8] Controversies surrounding the chapter encompass historical questions about the Sanhedrin's nighttime proceedings under Jewish law and the portrayal of Jewish leaders' culpability, which critical scholarship attributes partly to post-AD 70 anti-Judaic tensions in the text's community context rather than unvarnished first-century causality.[9][10]
Text and Transmission
Textual Witnesses and Variants
𝔓⁶⁴, dated to the late second century, preserves fragments of Matthew 26:7–8, 10, 14–15, 22–23, 31–33, offering one of the earliest attestations to portions of the chapter, particularly the anointing at Bethany and the Last Supper predictions.[3] 𝔓⁵³, from the third century, contains Matthew 26:29–40, covering the institution of the Lord's Supper and the beginning of the Gethsemane scene.[11] These papyri align closely with the Alexandrian text-type, characterized by concise phrasing absent later expansions. Major uncial manuscripts provide complete or near-complete witnesses: Codex Sinaiticus (א, fourth century) and Codex Vaticanus (B, fourth century) transmit the full chapter in an Alexandrian form, emphasizing brevity over interpretive additions. Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus (C, fifth century) includes Matthew 26:52–69, with some lacunae earlier, but supports the core narrative of Peter's denial and the trial. Later uncials like Codex Bezae (D, fifth century) introduce Western variants, such as expansions for clarity. Over 2,800 minuscules and numerous lectionaries, predominantly Byzantine from the ninth century onward, form the Majority Text, which often incorporates harmonizations with parallel Synoptic accounts. The textual tradition of Matthew 26 is stable, with early witnesses converging on a core reading resistant to major doctrinal alteration, though Byzantine manuscripts frequently add phrases for liturgical or explanatory purposes. Notable variants include the insertion of "kai hoi grammateis" (and the scribes) after the chief priests in 26:3, supported by Byzantine minuscules and some uncials (K, Γ, Δ), but omitted in 𝔓⁴⁵, א, B, and L as superfluous.[12] In 26:28, some later texts expand the covenant phrase, but the reading "touto gar estin to haima mou tēs kainēs diathēkēs" (for this is my blood of the new covenant) is upheld by א, B, and early versions against minor omissions or article variations in isolated witnesses.[12][13] A significant expansion appears in some manuscripts after 26:39, inserting Luke 22:43–44 (the angel strengthening Jesus and his bloody sweat), attested in C margin, f¹³, and 713, likely a harmonization to parallel accounts, but absent from א, B, L, and the majority Alexandrian tradition as secondary.[12] In 26:42, Byzantine texts add "to potērion" (the cup) for emphasis, supported by K and majority minuscules, whereas P³⁷ (if applicable), א, B omit it as repetitive. Word-order shifts and minor additions, such as "tō myron" (the ointment) in 26:9 or "mathētōn" (disciples) in 26:20, occur in later Byzantine and Western streams but yield to the shorter Alexandrian readings in critical editions like NA²⁸. These variants, totaling around 30 rated significant in specialized commentaries, primarily reflect scribal tendencies toward expansion rather than corruption of the passion narrative's essentials.[12]Old Testament Quotations and Allusions
Matthew 26 incorporates direct quotations from the Old Testament to underscore the fulfillment of prophecy in Jesus' predictions and trial. In verses 31–32, Jesus explicitly quotes Zechariah 13:7, stating, "I will strike the shepherd, and the sheep of the flock will be scattered," to foretell the disciples' abandonment following his arrest, positioning himself as the shepherd figure whose wounding leads to dispersion, with a promise of regathering after resurrection.[14][15] This citation aligns with Zechariah's portrayal of divine judgment on leadership, applied here to Jesus' passion as a deliberate scriptural enactment rather than coincidental narrative.[16] During the high priest's interrogation in verses 63–64, Jesus affirms his messianic identity by alluding to Psalm 110:1 ("seated at the right hand of Power") and Daniel 7:13 ("coming on the clouds of heaven"), declaring that the Sanhedrin would witness the Son of Man in exalted authority.[17][18] These combined references evoke Davidic kingship and apocalyptic vindication, respectively, framing Jesus' claim as blasphemous to his accusers yet prophetically resonant with texts anticipating a divine-human ruler's enthronement and judgment.[19] Scholarly analysis views this as Matthew's theological synthesis, emphasizing Jesus' dual role as suffering servant and triumphant sovereign, distinct from isolated rabbinic interpretations of the passages.[20] Allusions appear in the betrayal motif, where Judas receives thirty pieces of silver (verse 15), evoking Zechariah 11:12–13's valuation of a shepherd at slave price, symbolizing rejection of legitimate leadership.[21][22] This amount, tied to covenant breach in Zechariah's oracle against corrupt shepherds, prefigures the priests' payment as an act of disdainful dismissal, though Matthew attributes fuller fulfillment later.[23] At the Last Supper (verse 28), the "blood of the covenant" echoes Exodus 24:8's ratification rite, reinterpreting Mosaic covenantal sacrifice as eschatological forgiveness through Jesus' death.[24] These elements collectively demonstrate Matthew's pattern of scriptural interweaving, where Old Testament texts serve not merely predictive but typological purposes, illuminating Jesus' events as covenantal culmination amid first-century Jewish expectations.[25]Structure and Composition
Literary Framework
Matthew 26 forms a unified narrative arc within the Gospel of Matthew, transitioning from the culmination of Jesus' public ministry to the onset of his passion, structured around a series of escalating confrontations and fulfillments that highlight divine sovereignty amid human opposition. The chapter opens with Jesus' explicit prediction of his betrayal and crucifixion "after two days" (Matthew 26:2), framing the subsequent events as inexorable fulfillment, a device that recurs throughout the passion narrative to emphasize predetermination over contingency.[5] This predictive framework interweaves scenes of preparation (Passover arrangements, 26:17-19), intimate discourse (Last Supper, 26:20-35), solitary agony (Gethsemane, 26:36-46), violent arrest (26:47-56), and provisional trial (26:57-68), culminating in Peter's threefold denial (26:69-75), which echoes and confirms Jesus' earlier prophecy of desertion (26:31). Scholars observe that this progression employs parallelism between announcement and realization, creating a rhythmic tension that underscores the disciples' frailty against Jesus' resolve.[26] Literary analysis reveals chiastic elements enhancing thematic cohesion, particularly in the initial plotting sequences. A proposed chiasm structures verses 1-16 as: A (outer): Jesus foretells his delivery to crucifixion, paralleled by chief priests and elders assembling to plot (26:1-5); B: Symbolic anointing at Bethany as preparation for burial (26:6-13); central C: Judas' compact with priests for betrayal (26:14-16), inverting loyalty motifs and pivoting on economic exchange (thirty pieces of silver). This inversion mirrors broader Matthean irony, where acts of apparent devotion (anointing, discipleship oaths) precipitate downfall.[27] Similarly, the Gethsemane-to-arrest segment (26:36-56) features nested chiasms, with Jesus' thrice-repeated prayer (26:39, 42, 44) centering his submission ("your will be done"), flanked by disciples' sleep-failure (26:40, 43, 45), culminating in abandonment upon arrest—fulfilling Zechariah 13:7 (26:31, 56).[28] The chapter's framework also utilizes inclusio, bookending with high-priestly intrigue: the Sanhedrin's covert scheming to avoid uproar (26:3-5) resolves in Caiaphas' house amid mockery and false testimony (26:57-68), enclosing the narrative in institutional rejection. Narrative pace accelerates from deliberate suppertime dialogues—replete with symbolic actions like cup-sharing (26:26-29)—to chaotic night proceedings, heightening dramatic irony as bystanders and authorities unwittingly enact prophesied scripts. This structure, devoid of digressive miracles or parables, prioritizes psychological and relational dynamics, portraying betrayal not as isolated acts but as systemic unraveling foretold and transcended by Jesus' authority.[29] Such devices align with Matthew's broader compositional intent, integrating discourse and action to argue for Jesus' messianic kingship amid apparent defeat.[30]Synoptic Parallels and Sources
Matthew 26 exhibits close verbal and structural parallels with Mark 14 and, to a lesser extent, Luke 22, reflecting the shared Synoptic tradition on Jesus' final days in Jerusalem. Key sections align as follows: the chief priests' plot (Matthew 26:1–5 parallels Mark 14:1–2 and Luke 22:1–2); the anointing at Bethany (Matthew 26:6–13 parallels Mark 14:3–9, absent in Luke); Judas's betrayal agreement (Matthew 26:14–16 parallels Mark 14:10–11 and Luke 22:3–6); Passover preparations (Matthew 26:17–19 parallels Mark 14:12–16 and Luke 22:7–13); the betrayal prediction at supper (Matthew 26:20–25 parallels Mark 14:17–21 and Luke 22:21–23); the Last Supper institution (Matthew 26:26–29 parallels Mark 14:22–25 and Luke 22:15–20); the denial prediction (Matthew 26:30–35 parallels Mark 14:26–31 and Luke 22:31–34); Gethsemane (Matthew 26:36–46 parallels Mark 14:32–42 and Luke 22:39–46); the arrest (Matthew 26:47–56 parallels Mark 14:43–52 and Luke 22:47–53); the Sanhedrin trial (Matthew 26:57–68 parallels Mark 14:53–65 and Luke 22:54, 63–71); and Peter's denial (Matthew 26:69–75 parallels Mark 14:66–72 and Luke 22:54–62).[31][32] These correspondences, often verbatim in Greek, indicate literary interdependence among the Synoptics, with Matthew reproducing approximately 90% of Mark's passion material in sequence but adding details like the precise betrayal price (30 pieces of silver, Matthew 26:15) and Peter's sword strike interpretation (Matthew 26:52).[1] Luke diverges more, incorporating unique elements such as an angelic strengthening in Gethsemane (Luke 22:43) and expanded trial dialogue, suggesting independent redaction from common traditions.[31] Prevailing scholarly consensus posits Markan priority for this narrative, viewing Mark 14 as the earliest framework (ca. 65–70 CE), with Matthew (ca. 80–90 CE) expanding it for a Jewish-Christian audience by heightening fulfillment motifs and Sanhedrin culpability.[33] Evidence includes Mark's shorter, more primitive style—lacking Matthew's polished summaries—and instances where Matthew and Luke smooth Mark's "hard sayings," such as the disciples' flight (Mark 14:50–52 vs. Matthew 26:56).[34] The two-source hypothesis further attributes non-Markan agreements (e.g., betrayal woe sayings) to the hypothetical Q document, though Q contributes minimally here compared to earlier teachings.[35] Alternatives, such as Matthean priority favored in patristic tradition (e.g., Augustine's view of Mark abbreviating Matthew), argue from Matthew's Aramaic primacy and church usage but lack broad empirical support in modern textual criticism.[33] Some researchers propose a pre-Markan passion source, inferred from high verbatim overlaps exceeding typical oral transmission and unified theological emphases on suffering messiahship, potentially originating in Aramaic eyewitness accounts ca. 40–50 CE.[36] However, no manuscript evidence confirms such a proto-narrative, and dependencies remain inferential, with Markan priority explaining most data without positing lost documents.[33] Academic treatments, often from mainline institutions, emphasize these relations while occasionally underweight traditional authorship claims (e.g., Matthew's apostolic origin), which conservative analyses uphold via internal stylistic consistencies.[5]Historical and Cultural Context
First-Century Jewish Institutions
The Sanhedrin served as the supreme Jewish legislative, judicial, and religious council in first-century Jerusalem, comprising 71 members: 70 elders selected for their wisdom and authority, presided over by the high priest.[37] This body handled civil disputes, religious infractions, and matters of Torah interpretation, though its autonomy was curtailed under Roman provincial rule, particularly in capital cases where procuratorial approval was required.[38] In the context of events described in Matthew 26, the Sanhedrin convened under High Priest Joseph Caiaphas to deliberate on charges against perceived threats to Temple order and Roman stability.[39] The high priesthood, centered at the Second Temple, was dominated by Sadducean families appointed by Roman prefects, with Caiaphas holding office from approximately 18 to 36 CE as son-in-law to the influential former high priest Annas (in office 6–15 CE).[40] Chief priests, drawn from this aristocratic priestly class, oversaw Temple rituals, sacrifices, and financial operations, wielding significant political power through alliances with Roman authorities to maintain social control.[41] Elders represented lay patrician families, contributing to the Sanhedrin's deliberative function, while scribes—often trained in Pharisaic traditions—provided legal expertise on Mosaic law, though Sadducean influence prevailed in the council's Temple-aligned decisions.[42] These institutions operated within a theocratic framework emphasizing ritual purity and communal order, yet their actions reflected pragmatic accommodations to Roman oversight, as evidenced by the deposition of multiple high priests by prefects like Valerius Gratus to ensure compliance.[40] Primary accounts from Flavius Josephus highlight the Sanhedrin's role in adjudicating internal Jewish affairs, underscoring its composition as a blend of priestly, scribal, and elder elements rather than a purely democratic assembly.[37]Passover Timing and Roman Oversight
In first-century Judaism, Passover (Pesach) marked the Exodus from Egypt, with lambs slaughtered in the Temple on the afternoon of 14 Nisan (the preparation day) and the ritual meal consumed after sunset, inaugurating 15 Nisan and the seven-day Festival of Unleavened Bread.[43] Matthew 26:17 identifies the disciples' preparations for Jesus' Passover meal as occurring on "the first day of the Festival of Unleavened Bread, when it was customary to sacrifice the Passover lamb," aligning the events with 14 Nisan afternoon slaughter followed by the evening seder on 15 Nisan.[44] This timing reflects standard Pharisaic and Temple practice, as documented in later rabbinic sources like the Mishnah (Pesachim), though some scholarly analyses emphasize the Synoptics' portrayal of the Last Supper as a formal Passover observance to underscore typological links to the Exodus lamb.[45] Discrepancies with John's Gospel, where Jesus dies on the preparation day before the Passover meal, have prompted debate, but Matthew's narrative prioritizes the Synoptic framework without resolving calendrical variances evident in Qumran texts suggesting sectarian divergences in Nisan reckoning.[46] Roman administration under prefect Pontius Pilate (AD 26–36) permitted Jewish Passover observance but imposed strict oversight to curb potential unrest, given the festival's evocation of liberation themes amid foreign rule.[47] Pilate, based in Caesarea Maritima, relocated to Jerusalem for festivals, stationing a cohort of auxiliary troops—typically 600–1,000 soldiers—at the Antonia Fortress overlooking the Temple to monitor crowds and suppress sedition.[48] This reinforcement addressed the surge in pilgrims: Jerusalem's resident population of approximately 50,000–80,000 ballooned to 100,000–250,000 during Passover, straining resources and heightening nationalist tensions, as evidenced by recurrent riots documented by Josephus.[49] Josephus recounts multiple Passover-era disturbances, such as the fatal stampede under Cumanus (AD 48–52) triggered by a soldier's gesture, killing thousands and prompting procuratorial crackdowns, illustrating Rome's pragmatic tolerance tempered by coercive force.[50] Pilate's own tenure featured provocative acts, like introducing military standards into Jerusalem, which ignited protests he quelled with violence, signaling the prefect's authority to deploy troops preemptively during high-risk assemblies.[47] Such measures ensured tax collection and imperial stability but exacerbated Jewish grievances, contributing to the volatility underlying events in Matthew 26.Key Events in the Narrative
Plot Against Jesus and Anointing at Bethany (26:1–16)
Matthew 26:1–16 initiates the passion narrative with Jesus foretelling his betrayal and crucifixion to his disciples, stating that after two days the Passover would arrive and the Son of Man would be handed over for execution.[51] This prediction aligns the timing with the Jewish festival commemorating the Exodus, emphasizing divine orchestration amid human plotting.[52] The chief priests and elders assemble in the courtyard of Caiaphas, the high priest appointed around AD 18 and serving until AD 36, to devise Jesus' arrest and death by subterfuge.[53][54] Their decision to delay action until after the feast stems from concern over inciting a riot, indicating Jesus' substantial popular following that could disrupt their plans.[55] Caiaphas, son-in-law to the influential former high priest Annas, represented Sadducean temple aristocracy wary of messianic disturbances threatening Roman relations.[56] Shifting to Bethany, verses 6–13 depict an anointing at the house of Simon the leper, where an unnamed woman pours expensive ointment—pure nard worth 300 denarii, approximately a first-century laborer's annual wage—over Jesus' head from an alabaster flask.[57][58] The disciples, indignant at the perceived waste, argue the perfume could fund aid for the poor, but Jesus counters that they have troubled her for a noble act preparing for his burial, as the poor persist while he does not.[59] He mandates perpetual retelling of her deed in gospel proclamation as memorial, framing it as prophetic recognition of his death. Judas Iscariot then approaches the chief priests, inquiring their price for betraying Jesus; they settle on thirty pieces of silver, evoking the slave valuation in Exodus 21:32 and the derisory shepherd's wage cast to the potter in Zechariah 11:12.[60][22] This paltry sum underscores the contempt, after which Judas vigilantly pursues an opportune betrayal moment.[61] The pericope juxtaposes elite conspiracy, devoted extravagance, and apostolic defection, heightening tension toward arrest.[52]