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CountryIndia, Bangladesh and Myanmar
RegionTripura, Mizoram and Assam
EthnicityTripuri people
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Reang,[1][2] also known as Bru, is one of the Tripuri clan of the Northeast Indian state. The Reangs can be found all over the Tripura state in India. However, they may also be found in Assam and Mizoram. Their language is similar to Kokborok and the language itself is the branch of Tibeto Burman, locally known as 'Kaubru'.[3][4][5] They are known as "Riang" in the Indian Constitution.[6] The Reang, on the other hand, identify as "Reang" rather than "Riang," and are often referred to as Bru. In the North East of India, the Brus call themselves as the Reangs, a semi-nomadic people who farm hillsides by the jhum (slash and burn) or shifting method. This forces them to relocate after a few years.

Ethnically, the Bru are divided into three major clans: Meska and Molsoi and Uchoi/Ushoy. The Bru Community is made up of 14 clans or panjis: Molsoi, Tuimui, Msha, Taumayakcho, Apeto, Wairem, Meska, Raikchak, Chorkhi, Chongpreng, Nouhkham, Yakstam, Jolai and waring.[7]

According to Part XVII of the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950, the Riang (Bru) tribe is a sub-tribe of the Kuki tribe and one of Mizoram's Scheduled Tribes. The Kukis and Mizos are members of the Kuki-Chin Linguistic Group, while the Brus belong to the Austroasiatic/ Mon–Khmer Linguistic Group.[8] As a result, the Tripura Bru/Reang are designated as a distinct tribe under Section 16 of Part XV - Tripura of the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order 1950.[6]

In 2018, following the Union Home Ministry's decision to give voting rights to around 30,000 people who had fled from Mizoram to Tripura in 1997 in the wake of inter-community violence, The Election Commission asked the State of Mizoram to revise its rolls for the 2018 polls and include the members of the internally-displaced community. As many as 32,876 people of the Bru tribe were set to be repatriated to Mizoram after a tripartite agreement was signed between the Centre, Tripura and Mizoram government.[9] On 16 January 2020, a quadripartite agreement was signed among the Centre, state governments of Tripura and Mizoram and Bru representatives to facilitate permanent settlement of Bru IDPs( Internally displaced people's) from Mizoram in Tripura, benefitting around 34,000 IDPs.[10]

The history of Bru (Reang)

[edit]

The Bru are the second most populous tribe in Tripura after Tripuri people. According to the legend, a Tripuri prince who was once exiled by the King made his way, along with his followers, to the Mayani Thalang area of Lushai hills and founded a state over there. He proclaimed himself King and his descendants too ruled over the break-away state for generations. As it sometimes happens, there came a time when there was no heir to succeed to the throne, leading to anarchy in the kingdom. At around the same time, bitter feud and internal vendetta saw four chiefs of the following sub tribes Twikluha, Yongsika, Paisika, Tuibruha leave their hearth and home along with their entourages to migrate back to the state of Tripura. It was a long and arduous journey, fraught with danger and the travellers had to make more than a couple of attempts before they successfully made their way up the Dombur hill.

At the time, Mahendra Manikya ruled the kingdom of Tripura. The chiefs made many attempts to reach the King to request asylum. They approached ministers, bureaucrats, and courtiers for help in arranging a meeting with the King but with no success. By this time, they had exhausted their supplies and were rather anxious to catch the attention of the King. Finally in desperation, they breached the dam on the Gumti river where worshippers had gathered for prayers. This was a serious crime and all of them were immediately apprehended and brought before the king. The crime was a serious one and merited capital punishment. But before the King could pass his judgement, the chiefs managed to send word to the Queen Gunoboti. They begged her for help and she persuaded the King to forgive them. The chiefs swore fealty to the Queen and to the throne of Tripura and settled down in the Kingdom. Popular legend has it that the Queen even offered the chiefs breast milk, to symbolise their new parent-child relationship, in a large brass pan which was given to the chiefs along with other valuable things, carefully preserved by Reangs to date.[11]

Historical population figures

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In 1971 the Reang were the second largest of the scheduled tribes in Tripura. There were 64,722 people accounted for in the Reang tribe in Tripura that year. In 1961 the Reang had numbered 56,597 and in 1951 they had numbered 8,471.[12] According to the 2001 census, there were 165,103 Reang in Tripura and 1,88,220 in 2011.[13] In Mizoram the population of Bru is unknown but as per the research topic Insurgency in Mizoram: A study of its Origin, Growth and Dimensions (2008) in the year 1997 around 41000 Reang/Bru were forced to flee Mizoram but as of 2008 as per ‘Baptist Today’ there are 58269 populations of Bru in 80 villages of Mizoram. This population consists of 11350 families of Bru.[14]

Occupation, culture and custom

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The Reangs are primarily an agrarian tribe. In the past, they mostly practised the Huk or Jhum cultivation like most other Tripuri tribes. However today, most of them have adopted modern agricultural practices. Many occupy high posts in the bureaucracy and a few have even started their own businesses.[citation needed]

Marriage system

[edit]

The Reang are an endogamous tribal community. However, there was no strong objection of marrying someone outside of the community. Today inter-tribe marriages and inter-caste weddings have taken place among the Bru/Reang Tribal community.[15] The marriage system is similar to other Tripuri tribes of Tripura. There is no dowry system, but the bridegroom has to spend a period of two years in the (future) father-in-law's house for before marriage is performed.[15] The Tripuris' and the Riangs' systems of marriage are fairly comparable. The Riangs typically marry in one of two ways. They are.

(1) Moiseng: This is a bride price-based marriage system.[2]

(2) Chamarui: This is a proba-tionary marriage system where the groom remains with the bride's family for a predetermined amount of time.[15]

Marriages between close relatives are not frowned upon but are no longer as frequent. The majority of parents still wish to marry a member of their close family with their son or daughter. Marriage between children and the same father, however, has historically been viewed as improper.[2] Cross-cousin marriage among the Reang is accidental. Child marriage is not allowed and widow remarriage is permitted. Recent widows are required to wait a whole year before wearing any ornaments and both widows, as well as widowers, are mandated twelve months of mourning during which they are forbidden from any form of entertainment. Remarriage is only allowed after a year of mourning. Bru society today is monogamous.

Marriage is arranged through the matchmaker Andra, who negotiates the bride price with the bride's parents. Marriage is settled to the satisfaction of both parties and performed by the Ochai. Marriage always takes place in the mid night.[15] The marriage is celebrated simply but well in the Kausungmo, where pork, fowl, rice, rice beer are served. The marriage laws of the Reang are few but well defined. The marriage bond is very strong and men cannot divorce without the consent of their wives. If any Reang is accused of extramarital relationships and the accusations are proved true, a strict punishment and a heavy penalty is imposed on both parties.[15]

Despite their patriachal origins, the Chamerui marriage system, which many of the Riangs have adopted, is essentially a kind of matriachal marriage. Divorce is very common, although the divorcee is free to get married again. After two divorces, a lady is never awarded a bride price in her third marriage. If a husband passes away, his widow is not permitted to wed again until her husband's bones have been properly disposed of. Additionally, a widower is prohibited from being married again before the ritualistic rite honoring his late wife is finished. Among the Reang community Monogamy has been considered as the best and only desirable form of Marriage.[2]

Dress and ornaments

[edit]

Like the other Tripuri, the traditional dress of the Reang is simple and plain.[16] Men traditionally wear a hand woven loin cloth and a piece of cloth as a wrapper for the upper body. Along with this a piece of woven cloth is wrapped around the head by Kamsoi and is known as Kamsoi maitang. The women wear a long cloth called rnai, a wraparound; from the waist to down to the knees, a Risa covering the chest, and Rikatouh for covering the whole upper half of the body. The fabric is usually woven by the Reang women and very colourful. However modernisation has caught up with the Bru and most urban Reang no longer wear their traditional costumes.[17]

Dress and Ornament

The Reang women are very fond of personal adornment and, like other Tripuris, favour ornaments, flowers, and cosmetics. Silver ornaments, especially the necklace of silver coins, the Rangbauh have a pride of place and bestow high status. The other ornaments are Sanghai dunang, Nabak, Angkli, Taar, Tro, Chandraha, Beingi, etc.

Hojagri Dance

Dance and music

[edit]
Hojagri Dance Perform by Reang Women

Dance is an integral part of Reang life. The Hojagiri folk dance of Reang sub tribe is rather well known all over the world. 'Buisu', not 'bihu' is the most popular festival of reang tribes, naisingpara hojagiri group is the most popular groups all among them, late maniram reang is the founder of naisingpara hojagiri dance group. hojagiri is more popular in tripura than other states. Hojagiri dance is one of Tripura's most famous dances. The dance is done at the HOJAGIRI Festivals, also known as Laxmi Puja, which take place on the full moon night after Durga Puja. Generally after the third day of Dashera. On this day, the Goddess Mailuma (Laxmi) is revered and adored with great devotion. The dance is done by solely women, who form teams of four to six. The Riang clan of Tripuri people performs this dance with great skill. The male members sing the lyrics and play the Kham (Traditional Drum), Sumui. In addition, the women comprise the chorus team in the singing ensemble. The lyrics are basic, but the dance is unparalleled to the lyrics of Hojagiri dance. This dance requires substantial training and rehearsals. It's a sluggish hip and waist moving dance. The Hojagiri dance pattern takes around 30 minutes to complete. This dance demonstrates the entire Huk or Jhum growing process. To some extent, it resembles Hukni dance, although the pace and sequence are completely different. This dance is world-famous and has been included in several international folk culture programs.[18]

Sh. Satya Ram Riang is a Tripuri hojagiri dancer. He had dedicated his life to the development of Hojagiri dance, and he had built a school where he taught young people how to perform one of the Riang tribe's most famed and famous dance. Sh. Riang was received the Sangeet Natak Academy Award by the Government of India for his tireless efforts to conserve and promote the Hojagiri dance in India and internationally.[19]

Customs

[edit]

Most of the disputed and differences are settled by the people of Kotor dofa, that is by the Rai and Kaskau of respective sub tribe. It is done through the customary law of the Reangs. Whenever a disputes arise in the between the member of the community, a meeting is called by the Rai. All relevant arguments are heard and then justice is done according to the principle of natural justice. Whatever verdict or punishment is pronounced in the judgment it is implemented with firm hand and payments of penalty etc. are made then and there.[citation needed]

Religious belief and practices

[edit]

The majority (80%) of the Reang practice Vaishnavite Hinduism. This differs from Bengali Hindus in Tripura, who mostly follow Shaktism.[20] 20% are Christians. The houses of Hindus are clearly numbered and marked with the symbol of a Trishul on the front wall to identify themselves as Hindus, though there is no segregation. The houses of Hindus and Christians are in mixed settlement and not segmented.[21]

Like other Tripuri people, the Reang are polytheists and believe in multiple Gods and Goddesses. At the heart of the pantheon of divinities are the fourteen Gods and Goddess of Tripura. Their important festivals are the same those of prevailing in Tripura. These are, Buisi, Ker, Gonga Mtai, Goria, Chitragupra, Songrongma,[22] Hojagiri, Katangi Puja, Lampra Uóhthoh. Laxmi puja is the very famous puja, which is celebrate on karthik poornima, Religious observances are community-based and every family in the clan or village must contribute their share of payment or tithe known locally as Khain.

All religious festivals are arranged during an annual meeting of chiefs. In such meetings political, social, and religious matters of importance are discussed and decided by the majority.

The deities of the Reangs are similar those of other Tripuri people. These are:

  • Sibrai', the supreme deity or Mtai Ktor
  • Tuima, the presiding deity of river
  • Mainouhma, the goddess of paddy
  • Khuluhma, the goddess of cotton
  • Goroia, the god of wealth prosperity, well-being, and war
  • Kalaia, brother of Goria
  • Sangrongma, Mother Earth
  • Hathaikchuma, the goddess of the hills
  • Buraha, the god of the jungle
  • Thuhnairou, the god of death
  • Bonirou, the god of evil spirits
  • Nouhsuma, the goddess of households

Worshipping of the deities

[edit]

The rituals of worship are similar to the mainstream Tripuri. An Aokchai or priest performs all ceremonies aided by an assistant. A green bamboo pole is used to represent the deity. Different types of life stock such as fowl, pig, goat eggs, etc. are offered as sacrifice during worship. The place of worship is usually located at a distance from the main village. Offerings are dedicated in the names of the deities before the Wathop or green bamboo pole which represents the divine. However the Rangtouk and Nouhsuma pujas are held indoors inside the house only. Two earthen pots are filled with newly grown rice and at top of the pot some oval pebbles especially collected from huk are placed. The pebbles are called "Fortune stones". The pots (Rongtouh) are decorated with the rice powder, vermilion, and garlands. Typically, one is named Mainouhgma while the other is called Khuluhgma.[citation needed]

Rituals on birth of a baby

[edit]

The birth of a baby is accompanied by many rituals. Several pujas like Kebengbuhmo, Aabuh sumo, Khongkhoknok kamo, bachak kamo, Mai tuma etc. are conducted for the welfare of the newborn. Fowl, prawns, and several leaves of trees are needed for these rituals. As the child grows up, a special form of worship has to be performed.[citation needed] Bukhuksni the seven-guardian deities of witches are propriated with the sacrifice of a pig, four fowls, and other living beings.

Ceremony on death

[edit]

The Reang use cremation to dispose of the mortal remains of the dead. Obsequies are performed in three stages: maibaumi, Broksakami and Kthuinaimo.[citation needed]

Brouhsaomo

[edit]

The corpse is first bathed with the Chobtui or "alkali water/soap", and Mairungtwi that is "water obtained from the washing of raw rice". After that it is dressed with new clean Rikatouh, the head is dressed with another piece of rikatouh and wrapped just like headgear. In case of a female corpse, the rnai and rsa are used. A fowl is then sacrificed at the feet of the corpse. Later, an earthen pot filled with fish and rice placed at the feat of the deceased and it is followed by dance rituals through the night. Rice beer is distributed to all mourners except the family members of the deceased.[citation needed] The next morning the body is placed on a pyre and cremated.

Kthoinaimo

[edit]

Laotou or the deceased soul remains under the control of the Sisi Manji the son of Buraha, for a year and it is said that Sisi Manji is the protector of the soul. On the day of the Kathainaimi, the widow offers dried rice, meat, fish, fruits, and wine in the name of Laotau and Sisi Manji on the smangnouh and then takes the burnt bones or ashes to the charainouh. It is worshiped for over a period of one year or until the next hangrai, when it is immersed in any river or in Gomati River at Dumbur. In short the religious culture of the Reang is similar to that of other Tripuri of Tripura.

The Displaced Reangs

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Main article: 1997 ethnic violence and displacement of Bru-Reang

Since 1997, tens of thousands of Reangs are living as refugees in Tripura and Assam.[23] However, the number has declined (from 50,000 plus to 28,686 as of 2017) as a result of voluntary repatriation to Mizoram, extremely low birth rates (only 6,685 of the 28,686 refugees are below 18 years of age) and high death rates.[24] The Tripura government has acknowledged that among the refugees the number of deaths is more than the number of births (during 1997-00, there were a total of 1,595 births and 1,670 deaths).[25] According to the Bru Refugee Committee, in 1997 a total of 35,822 individuals were living as refugees (out of them 6,166 being minors).[25]

Voting rights for Reang refugees are under threat, as the Mizo NGOs have constantly opposed their participation in the election process. Out of the 40 assembly constituencies, Reangs are a majority in two (50% in Mamit, 68% in Hachhek, 27% in Thorang).

Death in displaced camps

[edit]

Displaced Brus from Mizoram have claimed that four members of the community, including a four-month-old infant, had died of starvation at the refugee camps in Tripura. Mizorum Bru Displanced People's Forum (MBDPF) said four had died because the refugees were running out of food. Hunger has forced them to resort to a road blockade, the forum added.[26]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Reang

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The Reang, also known as Bru, are an indigenous ethnic community primarily residing in the northeastern Indian states of , , and , with hosting the largest population as the second-largest tribal group after the Tripuri clan. They belong to the Indo-Mongoloid racial stock and speak the Kaubru dialect, maintaining a semi-nomadic lifestyle centered on (shifting) cultivation in hilly terrains. Classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) and included in the Scheduled Tribes list, the Reang number over 188,000 as per recent census data, underscoring their cultural and demographic significance in the region. Originating from migrations traced to the in or the in , the Reang historically settled in Tripura's hills, practicing and weaving intricate crafts that form a cornerstone of their economy and heritage. Divided into two main clans—Meska and Molsoi—they adhere to a traditional monotheistic faith centered on the supreme deity Kaithor or Isor, though many have adopted or amid external influences. Their vibrant cultural expressions include the Hojagiri dance, performed by women balancing earthen pots and bottles during festivals, symbolizing resilience and dexterity, and recently advocated for official recognition through a dedicated . A defining controversy for the Reang involves the 1997 ethnic clashes in Mizoram's Mamit, Lunglei, and Kolasib districts, triggered by tensions over resource allocation and political demands, resulting in the displacement of approximately 37,000–40,000 individuals who fled to Tripura as refugees. This exodus, fueled by violence including killings attributed to both sides but leading to widespread Reang persecution, left many in protracted camps, with ongoing challenges in repatriation, land allocation for jhum farming, and integration despite quadripartite agreements. Recent government initiatives, including settlements in Tripura and meetings with central leaders, aim to address these issues, yet demands for linguistic recognition and sustainable livelihoods persist amid historical marginalization.

Demographics and Geography

Population and Distribution

The Reang, also known as Bru, primarily inhabit the northeastern states of , with the largest concentration in , where they numbered 188,220 according to the 2011 census conducted by the . This figure represents an increase from 165,103 recorded in the 2001 census, reflecting steady growth within the state. In , Reang communities are distributed across districts such as North Tripura, Dhalai, and , often in hilly and forested areas conducive to their traditional practices. Smaller Reang populations persist in neighboring states, including approximately 14,000 in , 800 in , and negligible numbers in (1,000) and (90), based on ethnographic estimates from 2023. A subset of the Mizoram population, comprising over 37,500 individuals from 6,935 families, were displaced during ethnic clashes in 1997 and have since been permanently rehabilitated in through a quadripartite agreement signed in 2020 between the central government, , , and Reang representatives; this process concluded with the settlement of the final batch in dedicated villages equipped with housing, land, and amenities as of December 2024. Prior to displacement, Reang formed a significant minority in Mizoram's Mamit, Kolasib, and districts, but post-1997 repatriation efforts reduced their presence there to scattered remnants. Reang communities also extend into Bangladesh, particularly the Chittagong Hill Tracts, tracing historical migrations from the Shan State of Myanmar through successive waves into the region; however, precise enumeration remains limited, with estimates suggesting a smaller diaspora compared to India. Overall, the global Reang population is estimated at around 210,000–220,000, predominantly in India, though official pan-India tribal census data aggregates them under Scheduled Tribes without a consolidated national total beyond state-level breakdowns.

Language and Identity

The Reang language, also known as Kau Bru or Kaubru, belongs to the Bodo-Garo subgroup of the Tibeto-Burman branch within the Sino-Tibetan language family. It exhibits typical features of Tibeto-Burman languages, including abundant classifiers and quantifiers used to denote shapes, sizes, and categories of nouns. The language shares lexical and phonological similarities with Kokborok, the dominant language of the Tripuri people in Tripura, reflecting historical interactions among Northeast Indian ethnic groups. Reang displays dialectal variations across regions, with four major dialects identified: the Mizoram valley dialect, the Assam dialect (prevalent in Cachar district), and variants spoken in Tripura and other areas, influenced by geographic isolation and migration patterns. Reang speakers number in the tens of thousands, primarily among the ethnic Reang estimated at around ,000 in as of recent demographic surveys, though precise native speaker counts remain undocumented due to assimilation pressures and lack of official inclusion in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The language faces endangerment from dominance by regional languages like Bengali, , and Mizo, compounded by displacement and limited formal in Reang, prompting community demands for official recognition and preservation efforts by the government as of November 2024. Ethnic identity among the Reang, who self-identify interchangeably as Bru or Reang, is deeply intertwined with their as a marker of distinctiveness from neighboring groups like the Tripuri, Mizo, and Kuki. Classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG) in since 2009, they assert indigeneity in and parts of and , tracing origins to Tibeto-Burman migrations and maintaining cultural separation through endogamous practices and oral traditions preserved in Kau Bru. However, in , where Reang constitute a minority, their identity has been contested by the Mizo majority, who view them as non-indigenous migrants, leading to ethnic clashes in that displaced over 30,000 Reang to refugee camps and reinforced assertions of Bru autonomy. This tension underscores 's role in identity assertion, as Reang leaders advocate for linguistic recognition to counter assimilation and affirm their ethnic heritage separate from broader Kuki-Chin or Mizo affiliations.

History

Origins and Early Settlement

The Reang, also known as Bru, are an ethnic group belonging to the Tibeto-Burman linguistic family, with origins traced to the in upper (present-day ). Traditional accounts indicate that they migrated in successive waves from this region to the in present-day , before further dispersing into the northeastern Indian states. Some ethnographic studies suggest an even earlier ancient migration from the broader Tibeto-Burman areas of the , aligning with the group's Indo-Mongoloid ethnic affiliations. Early settlement patterns positioned the Reang primarily in the southern and central regions of , where they established communities amid hilly terrains suitable for (, their traditional subsistence practice. Historical records link one wave of migration to the , potentially during the reign of Ratna Manikya I (c. 1383–1431), when groups from the Shan Kingdom integrated into Tripura's tribal fabric as one of the Tripuri clans. Smaller populations also settled in adjacent areas of and Assam's , reflecting adaptive movements driven by resource availability and kinship networks rather than documented conquests or displacements. These settlements predated significant external influences, maintaining distinct clan-based villages organized around headmen and communal lands. Archaeological and genetic evidence for precise timelines remains sparse, with most knowledge derived from oral traditions and colonial-era ethnographies, which emphasize the Reang's role as indigenous hill-dwellers rather than recent arrivals. By the pre-colonial period, their presence in was well-established, contributing to the region's multi-ethnic mosaic without evidence of large-scale conflicts over initial territories.

Pre-Independence Developments

The Reang, recognized as a significant tribal group within the of , inhabited the northern and southern hilly regions, where they engaged primarily in shifting () cultivation and paid tributes to the Manikya rulers through a of village called Choudhuries. These intermediaries, headed by a Rai, often imposed excessive taxes, demanded unpaid labor, and monopolized trade, leading to widespread economic exploitation and indebtedness among the Reang. Such practices, entrenched under the princely administration, fostered resentment, particularly as food shortages and unequal taxation burdened the community during the early . Tensions escalated in the context of , when Bir Bikram Kishore Manikya (r. 1923–1947) sought to recruit Reang men to support British war efforts, including manpower and resources, amid broader modernization initiatives in the state. Around 1937, Ratan Mani Reang, a mystic from who had migrated to , began preaching against the Choudhury system's abuses, positioning himself as a spiritual leader and gaining followers by promising relief from and promoting communal self-reliance. His teachings, blending with anti-exploitation rhetoric, mobilized discontented Reang villagers, setting the stage for organized resistance. The Reang Uprising erupted in 1942–1943, marked by attacks on Choudhuries, constables, and officials; rebels captured and killed several, including Nayeb Daroga Dinesh Das, while disrupting administrative control in interior areas. State forces, including police and troops, responded decisively, suppressing the revolt through military action and arrests, though not without casualties on both sides. The suppression quelled immediate unrest but underscored deep-seated grievances over land rights, intermediary exploitation, and princely policies, influencing Reang social dynamics in the lead-up to India's .

Post-Independence Conflicts and Migration

Following ethnic violence in 's western districts of Mamit, Kolasib, and in October 1997, approximately 40,000 Bru (Reang) individuals fled to neighboring , seeking refuge from attacks by Mizo groups amid escalating communal tensions. The clashes stemmed from disputes including the Bru community's boycott of Mizoram state elections in protest against perceived marginalization and demands for greater , which provoked retaliatory violence including and killings. This mass exodus marked the largest displacement of the Reang since India's , with families initially settling in forests before being relocated to six relief camps in North , where they endured substandard conditions including inadequate food, healthcare, and sanitation for over two decades. Subsequent repatriation efforts, beginning in 2000, proceeded in phases but achieved limited success, with only about 5,000 Bru returning to by 2018 due to ongoing fears of and unresolved grievances. Further incidents, such as the November 2009 clashes that destroyed around 500 Bru homes and displaced an additional 2,200 people, underscored persistent instability and reinforced reluctance to repatriate. A 2018 tripartite agreement among the Governments of , , and , alongside the Mizoram Bru Displaced People's Forum, allocated funds for rehabilitation but failed to convince most refugees to return, leaving roughly 32,000 in Tripura's camps. In January 2020, a quadripartite agreement signed on January 17 between the central government, , , and Bru representatives—overseen by Union Home Minister —facilitated the permanent resettlement of approximately 34,000 Bru in , providing each family with 30x40-foot land plots, housing assistance, and a financial package totaling over ₹6.6 billion for and welfare. This pact addressed long-standing migration pressures by prioritizing local integration over , though implementation faced delays and local protests in over resource allocation. By 2022, resettlement progressed unevenly, with many families still awaiting allocated land amid logistical challenges, highlighting the protracted impact of these conflicts on Reang mobility and stability.

Society and Economy

Traditional Occupations

The Reang, also known as Bru, have historically derived their primary livelihood from , with (shifting slash-and-burn) cultivation practiced on hilltops and slopes as the core activity. This method involved clearing through burning to prepare plots for crops such as , millet, and vegetables, reflecting their semi-nomadic adaptation to hilly terrains in and . Hunting and fishing supplemented agricultural yields, with men pursuing wild animals including deer, wild pigs, boars, and birds using traditional tools, while targeted streams and stagnant hill waters. gathering of fruits, leaves, roots, and other produce further sustained households, underscoring a mixed tied to the forested environment. Women played a central role in textile production, essential garments like the rignai (lower wrap), riha (upper cloth), and rikutu on back-strap looms or spinning wheels, often from locally sourced or fibers. Certain clans, such as the Sutar subgroup among the Rupini Reang, specialized in bamboo and cane handicrafts, crafting items for household use and royal patronage, which complemented agrarian life. These occupations fostered self-sufficiency but were constrained by ecological limits and seasonal cycles.

Social Structure and Customs

The Reang social structure is fundamentally clan-based, with descent traced patrilineally through exogamous clans known as panjis. These clans form the core of , prohibiting marriages within the same clan while enforcing at the tribal level to preserve ethnic cohesion. The family unit serves as the primary social and economic building block, characterized by patriarchal authority where the eldest male acts as the head, overseeing decisions on resources, labor, and intergenerational support. Extended families often reside jointly, fostering mutual dependence for subsistence activities like cultivation and weaving. Village governance relies on a hierarchical system, led by a chief called the Rai, who collaborates with elders or to adjudicate disputes, enforce norms, and maintain order. This customary authority resolves conflicts through consensus, drawing on oral traditions and representatives, with decisions binding on participants to uphold communal harmony. Customs emphasize collective responsibility, including communal labor for rituals and harvests, reinforcing social bonds amid semi-nomadic lifestyles. Marriage customs prioritize clan exogamy and tribal endogamy, typically arranged by families with negotiations involving livestock or goods, followed by rituals invoking ancestral spirits. is permissible via mediation, often for incompatibility or , while widow remarriage is sanctioned to ensure family continuity, reflecting pragmatic adaptations to high mortality rates in agrarian settings. Inheritance follows , with land and property passing to the eldest son, though daughters may receive movable assets upon marriage. These practices underscore a balance between rigid clan loyalties and flexible responses to demographic pressures.

Culture

Attire, Arts, and Festivals

The traditional attire of the Reang tribe is characterized by simplicity and functionality, reflecting their agrarian lifestyle. Men typically wear a hand-woven loincloth known as a dhoti or similar wrap, paired with a cloth wrapper over the upper body for coverage during daily activities and labor. Women don handwoven skirts and blouses, often using yarns dyed in natural black, brown, and white hues produced on traditional loin looms, with patterns that distinguish Reang fabrics from neighboring tribes. Reang women particularly emphasize personal adornment, favoring silver ornaments such as necklaces embedded with coins that denote social status, alongside earrings, bangles, and floral accessories integrated into daily and ceremonial wear. Reang arts encompass skilled handicrafts rooted in their environment, including and cane for utilitarian items like baskets and mats, alongside intricate handloom textiles that serve both practical and decorative purposes. Traditional music features indigenous instruments such as flutes, drums, and stringed devices, which accompany communal performances and reinforce social bonds during gatherings. Festivals and dances form a vital expression of Reang cultural identity, often tied to agricultural cycles. The Hojagiri dance, exclusively performed by young Reang women, involves rhythmic movements while balancing props like bottles or gourds on the head and waist, symbolizing grace and fertility; it is showcased during harvest celebrations and has origins linked to agrarian rituals dating back centuries. The Tring Festival, observed annually on December 22, marks the Reang —aligned with the traditional Tripuri commencing in 590 AD—and features communal feasts, dances, and rituals honoring ancestral spirits and bountiful yields. These events underscore the tribe's resilience in preserving performative traditions amid historical displacements.

Marriage and Family Systems

The Reang social structure emphasizes clan-based , with primary clans including Meska and Molsoi, which regulate marriage alliances and patterns through patrilineal descent. Kin groups, known as panji, extend obligations beyond the nuclear unit, fostering cooperative extended households where labor and resources are shared among relatives. Family residences typically consist of or extended setups in rural settlements, reflecting flexibility in adapting to economic needs like cultivation. Marriage practices among the Reang prioritize and community , prohibiting unions outside the tribe to preserve cultural and lineage integrity; interfaith marriages, such as with , are explicitly forbidden. Common types include negotiated marriages arranged by parents, often involving either bride service (Chamaroikami), where the groom labors for the bride's family for 3 years or more (reduced to 1 year in some rural areas), or bride payment (Dafa), entailing a fixed monetary or material compensation to the bride's instead of service. (Tuikhaik) by mutual consent among unmarried youth is socially accepted, though it requires subsequent parental negotiation and rituals for validation. Cross-cousin marriages are permitted, but premarital or extramarital relations are strictly taboo, with violations addressed by village councils. Ceremonies commence with Sunglaimi (verbal agreement and light feast), progress to Kailami (procession, songs, and ritual head-touching with cotton), and culminate in Kapatuilumi (oath-taking with ) and post-wedding sacrifices for . No system exists, distinguishing Reang customs from broader Indo-Aryan practices, though or service substitutes fulfill alliance obligations. Marriages avoid the months of Poush and , with typical ages at 20 for boys and 16 for girls. Divorce (Kaklaimi) is permitted by the village head (Rai), with the initiating party—often the wife—providing compensation; children under suckling age remain with the mother. Widow and widower remarriage is allowed after a mourning period of 7 days to 1 year, involving simplified rituals without full feasts. Polygamy remains prohibited, aligning with monogamous norms reinforced by tribal councils.

Religion and Rituals

Deities and Beliefs

The Reang traditionally practice an animistic religion centered on a supreme called Kaithor or Isor, viewed as the monotheistic originator and sustainer of the , with an emphasis on devotion rather than animal sacrifices. This belief system incorporates the worship of spirits dwelling in natural features like hills, forests, rivers, and stones, which are categorized as benevolent or malevolent and require rituals, offerings, or sacrifices to ensure prosperity and avert harm. The human soul, known as Phola, is believed to persist after death, departing the body to reach the realm of Larima, where it undergoes judgment by Thunairao based on earthly conduct. Mythology features Achu Sibrai as a guiding supreme god for early humans, alongside benevolent deities such as Tuibuma (goddess of water) and Mtaiktor, which protect and provide. Malevolent spirits like Buraha and Soinairao are propitiated through specific rites to prevent illness, crop failure, or calamity. The pantheon includes additional figures such as male deities Bonirao, Songragma, Jampira, and Lampra, and female ones like Mwtaikotorma, Mailoma, and Ganga, many of which exhibit parallels to Hindu gods and reflect an indigenous framework intertwined with environmental reverence. In contemporary practice, a significant portion of Reangs have syncretized their traditions with , particularly Shakta and Vaishnava sects, by equating local spirits with deities like , , , and , erecting temples, and incorporating singing and Hindu festivals. Conversions to have also occurred, with some adapting indigenous terms like Kchusoyang (derived from Kaithor) for the Christian , leading to a decline in pure animistic adherence amid missionary influences and socio-economic shifts.

Life Cycle Ceremonies

Reang life cycle ceremonies revolve around animistic rituals led by priests called Ochai, invoking guardian deities and spirits to safeguard participants from misfortune and promote prosperity. These practices, rooted in the community's indigenous beliefs, emphasize animal sacrifices, rice beer offerings, and communal feasts, though influences from have introduced variations in some subgroups. Birth rituals commence immediately after delivery to protect the mother and infant. The Tui Chao ceremony facilitates smooth delivery and health by sacrificing a fowl, with its entrails examined for omens. Subsequent rites include Gbeing Bumo, involving one pig and four fowls for maternal and child welfare; Aabu Sumo, a purification and naming ritual requiring five fowls and five bottles of local rice wine; and Bachak Kamo after four to five months, sacrificing five fowls and wine for the child's vitality. Additional ceremonies like Khong Khok Kamo for cognitive development and longevity (one fowl, one cock, 60-70 wine bottles) and Saja Thunairao for overall well-being (two fowls, one pig) underscore the emphasis on empirical signs from sacrifices to predict outcomes. Alternative nomenclature in some accounts includes Kebengma and Abu Suma for initial postnatal welfare, often with fowl, prawn, and leaf offerings to seven guardian deities. No distinct puberty initiation rites are documented specifically for the Reang, though broader Borok ethnic practices, of which Reang form a subgroup, acknowledge such transitions without detailed Reang-unique ceremonies. Marriage ceremonies enforce endogamy, prohibiting unions outside the community, with the village chief (Rai) authorizing proceedings, including divorces and widow remarriages. Negotiations begin via a matchmaker (Andra), culminating in rituals like Sunglaimi (verbal agreement feast) and Kowktti Malaimi (date-setting with wine). The core Kailami involves the groom's procession with 70-80 liters of rice wine, quilts, and dowry; entry to the bride's home requires responsive songs to overcome ritual obstructions. Key elements include flute music, exchanged wedding songs between parties, and symbolic acts like Tip Kemi (touching cotton to the bride's head for prosperity) and sacrifices of a he-goat or boar post-feast to divine the couple's future via egg omens. In remote areas, "marriage by service" persists, where grooms labor for the bride's family for two years sans dowry. The primary rite, Songrongma, features one fowl, one cock, and two wine bottles, followed by Kati Chamo at the groom's home with two fowls or a goat. Death rites involve beside rivers or streams, reflecting beliefs in passage and ancestral . The body is bathed in and rice-washed water, dressed anew, and a sacrificed before a night-long Broksakami and beer distribution (barring kin). occurs the next morning, with ashes retained. Kothainami, spanning a year, honors deities Laotok and Sisi Manji via widow offerings of , , , and wine; ashes are then immersed in rivers like the Gumti by the subsequent harvest (Hangrai). Bones rest in a Smang hut for 3-4 months, or ornate Chrai for elites, amid dances and Yaphaik ow to appease death gods.

Ethnic Conflicts and Displacement

The 1997 Mizoram Violence

The ethnic tensions between the Mizo majority and the Bru (Reang) minority in escalated in the mid-1990s over demands by the Bru National Union (BNU) for an autonomous district council in western , where Brus constituted a significant population. These demands, coupled with activities by Bru militant groups like the Bru National Liberation Front (BNLF), heightened hostilities, including sporadic clashes over land and resources. The immediate trigger occurred on October 15, 1997, when Bru militants allegedly killed a Mizo forest official, prompting widespread retaliatory attacks by Mizo groups on Bru settlements. Violence intensified from October 21, 1997, with Mizo mobs targeting Bru villages in districts such as Mamit, Kolasib, and , involving , , and assaults that forced mass evacuations. According to claims by the BNU, 1,391 Bru houses across 41 villages were burned, displacing thousands overnight. The attacks, organized in part by Mizo student unions and village councils, resulted in an undetermined number of deaths—reports cite isolated killings but lack comprehensive tallies—amid reports of and property destruction. Indian security forces intervened to restore order, but the clashes exposed underlying ethnic fault lines, including perceptions among Mizos of Bru migration from altering demographic balances in border areas. By late October 1997, the violence displaced approximately 5,000 Bru families, totaling 30,000 to 40,000 individuals, who fled across the border into six relief camps in North . The government imposed curfews and closed the interstate border, while the facilitated initial aid, but efforts stalled due to ongoing fears and lack of guarantees against further reprisals. This exodus marked the beginning of a protracted , with Brus citing as a motive for non-return, though Mizo groups maintained the violence was a response to provocations.

Refugee Crisis and Camp Conditions

Following the ethnic clashes in in October 1997, approximately 30,000 to 40,000 Reang (also known as Bru) individuals, comprising around 5,000 families, fled to neighboring , where they were housed in six temporary relief camps in North districts such as Kanchanpur and Panisagar. These camps, established hastily by the government with central assistance, became home to the displaced population for over two decades, with refugee numbers stabilizing at around 32,000 to 37,000 by the early . Camp conditions were marked by severe hardships, including inadequate access to clean , , and permanent electricity, leading to persistent health risks and a struggle for basic survival. Residents relied on government-supplied rations of rice and minimal essentials, but infrastructure deficits—such as makeshift shelters vulnerable to fires and monsoons—exacerbated vulnerabilities, particularly for the approximately 7,000 children in the camps as of 2018. Periodic disruptions in delivery, including a reported halt in rations in late 2019, prompted claims by representatives of starvation-related deaths, with six fatalities—including infants and elderly—allegedly occurring between October 29 and November 4, 2019, amid demands for resumed supplies. Major incidents underscored the precariousness of camp life, such as a March 19, 2011, fire in one camp that killed at least 14 refugees, with many more injured or unaccounted for due to the flammable construction materials and lack of measures. outbreaks, malnutrition, and limited medical facilities contributed to elevated mortality rates, with reports indicating hundreds of deaths over the years from treatable conditions amid and poor hygiene. Despite intermittent government interventions, such as skill development programs and temporary aid, the camps remained sites of protracted displacement, fostering dependency and restricting economic opportunities for the Reang, who were barred from formal or land ownership in as non-citizens.

Rehabilitation Efforts and Agreements

Following the 1997 displacement, the Indian central government, along with the states of and , initiated multiple repatriation efforts to return Bru-Reang refugees to , signing nine agreements between 1997 and June 2018 with representatives of the displaced community. These included memoranda of understanding aimed at verifying refugee numbers, providing safe passage, and offering rehabilitation packages upon return, but implementation faced repeated delays due to security concerns, local opposition in , and logistical challenges, resulting in only partial success. By 2014, approximately 1,622 families (around 5,000 individuals) had been repatriated in various batches, far short of the estimated 40,000-50,000 displaced persons sheltered in 's relief camps. A quadripartite agreement on , 2018, between the , governments of and , and the Mizoram Bru Displaced People's Forum sought to accelerate by committing to relocate verified refugees in designated Mizoram villages, with financial aid of Rs 1.5 per family and land allocation, but it collapsed amid protests from Mizo groups demanding exclusion of certain refugees accused of militancy links. This failure highlighted persistent inter-community tensions, as Mizoram officials cited inadequate verification and potential demographic shifts as barriers to full repatriation. In response, rehabilitation efforts pivoted toward permanent settlement in , culminating in a , , quadripartite agreement signed by the same parties, granting and domicile to 6,959 verified Bru-Reang families (37,136 individuals) in Tripura instead of . The accord allocated a Rs 600 crore package, including Rs 4 lakh per family in a yielding annual interest, Rs 1.5 lakh for in 12 designated camps, and additional aid for , , and , marking a shift from temporary relief to integrated development while forgoing return to . This agreement addressed long-standing camp conditions but drew criticism from some Bru-Reang leaders for limiting benefits to verified families and excluding others, underscoring verification disputes in prior pacts.

Controversies and Debates

Indigenous Status and Migration Narratives

The Reang, also known as Bru, trace their origins to migrations from the in present-day , passing through the before settling in southern around the 14th century, according to historical studies and oral traditions. These migrations were driven by internal conflicts and resource pressures, with subgroups integrating into the kingdom during the reign of King Gobinda Manikya (1660–1667 AD), where they were granted land for and under royal patronage. Reang emphasizes a deep-rooted connection to Tripura's hilly terrains, portraying their arrival as predating many other groups and framing them as custodians of ancient animist practices tied to the landscape. In , the Reang are recognized as one of the state's earliest tribal communities, comprising the second-largest Scheduled Tribe after the Tripuri clan, with a of approximately 188,000 as per the 2011 census, predominantly concentrated in rural, forested areas where they practice jhum cultivation. Scholars and community leaders assert their indigenous status based on centuries of continuous habitation, linguistic ties to Tibeto-Burman groups, and pre-colonial socio-political structures, arguing that their presence predates modern state boundaries and qualifies them under international definitions of indigeneity as original inhabitants with distinct cultural continuity. However, this narrative faces contestation in neighboring , where dominant Mizo communities have historically portrayed Reang as later migrants from Tripura, lacking deep ancestral claims to Mizoram's resources and thus justifying exclusionary policies during ethnic clashes, such as the 1997 violence that displaced over 40,000 Reang. These perceptions, often amplified by Mizo nationalist groups, emphasize Reang demographic growth—rising from scattered settlements to about 5% of Mizoram's by the 1990s—as a threat to indigenous Mizo primacy, despite Reang assertions of shared regional ancestry. Recent political debates underscore ongoing tensions over migration narratives, particularly in . In October 2025, publicly reaffirmed that Reang migrations into were internal and historical, explicitly denying any influx from to counter opposition claims linking the community to undocumented , a sensitive issue amid regional border concerns. This statement provoked backlash from Reang leaders and organizations, who condemned it as undermining their indigenous credentials and accused it of fueling division for electoral gain, insisting on their status as native Tripuris with no foreign origins. Such exchanges highlight how migration stories are weaponized in , with Reang advocacy groups prioritizing evidence of pre-19th-century settlement to bolster demands for lands and representation, while critics invoke migration timelines to question resource allocations in multi-ethnic states. Empirical data from colonial records and ethnographic surveys supports a layered of settlement rather than abrupt invasion, suggesting that rigid indigenous-versus-migrant binaries oversimplify complex, multi-wave population movements common among Northeast Indian tribes.

Political Representation and Inter-Community Tensions

The Reang community, also known as Bru, maintains primarily within Tripura's legislative framework, where they hold seats in the state assembly through Scheduled Tribe (ST)-reserved constituencies. As of 2023, Pramod Reang of the (BJP) serves as the MLA from the Santirbazar (ST) constituency, reflecting the community's integration into mainstream parties. Similarly, Philip Reang, affiliated with the Tipra Indigenous Progressive Regional Alliance (TIPRA Motha), represents tribal interests and has engaged in discussions with state leadership on community-specific issues, such as refugee rehabilitation. Past representatives include Prem Kumar Reang of the (IPFT), who served Kanchanpur (ST) from 2018 to 2023. In , however, Reang political presence remains negligible due to their displacement in 1997 and exclusion from the state's dominant Mizo-centric power structures, limiting them to marginal roles outside formal assemblies. Inter-community tensions involving Reang persist across borders, rooted in historical ethnic clashes with the Mizo majority in , where demands for cultural autonomy and resource allocation fueled the 1997 violence that displaced over 37,000 Reang. These frictions have extended into , exacerbated by the settlement of Mizoram-displaced Reang refugees, which has strained land resources and heightened rivalries with indigenous Tripuri groups over territorial claims and political dominance within the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous (TTAADC). In July 2024, ethnic violence erupted in Ganda Twisa subdivision after the assault and death of a Reang individual, leading to retaliatory attacks, displacement of over 1,000 families, and deployment of security forces amid accusations of targeted communal aggression. Recent political rhetoric has further intensified these divides. In October 2025, Manik Saha's statement portraying Reang as migrants from who arrived after the Tripuri community—contradicting Reang claims of pre-colonial indigeneity—drew sharp rebuttals from Bru organizations, who viewed it as an attempt to undermine their status and fuel exclusionary narratives. This episode, coupled with criticisms from groups like accusing TIPRA Motha of inciting divisions between tribals and non-tribals, underscores ongoing debates over refugee integration, voting rights for settled Bru, and equitable representation in tribal governance, often politicized during elections. Despite these challenges, Reang participation in coalitions like BJP and TIPRA Motha has enabled advocacy for rehabilitation packages, though persistent Mizo opposition to full continues to hinder cross-border reconciliation efforts.

Recent Developments

Post-2020 Settlements

In January 2020, a quadripartite agreement was signed between the Government of India, the governments of Tripura and Mizoram, and representatives of the Bru-Reang community, enabling the permanent settlement of approximately 35,000-37,500 displaced Bru individuals from Mizoram in Tripura, shifting from prior repatriation efforts to Mizoram. The agreement allocated a comprehensive financial package of approximately ₹661 crore to support rehabilitation, including provisions for land, housing, and sustenance. Under the terms, each resettled Bru family received a residential plot measuring 30x40 square feet (approximately 0.03 acres), ₹1.5 in housing assistance for construction, ₹4 as a one-time cash grant for immediate needs, and additional support such as ₹1 per family for skill development and , along with access to and . The government identified 12 resettlement sites across districts including North , , and Dhalai, utilizing 754 acres of land for and amenities such as schools, health centers, and water supply systems. Implementation progressed steadily post-agreement, with all 6,935 identified families—totaling over 37,500 individuals—relocated from temporary camps by mid-2024, marking the completion of the rehabilitation process. The final batch of refugees was settled in January 2024, with ongoing development works including road connectivity and electrification funded through the central package. This settlement addressed long-standing demands for permanent residency in , where many Bru had resided in camps since the 1997 ethnic clashes in , providing citizenship rights and integration into state welfare schemes.

Ongoing Challenges and Achievements

Despite substantial progress in resettlement following the January 16, 2020, quadripartite agreement between the governments of , , , and the Bru-Reang representatives, the community continues to grapple with livelihood insecurities in their new settlements across 12 villages in 's North, Dhalai, and districts. As of December 2024, approximately 37,500 Bru individuals from 6,935 families have been permanently rehabilitated, with all families shifted from temporary relief camps and provided housing, monthly cash assistance of ₹5,000 per family for two years, free rations, and access to basic infrastructure like schools and health centers under a ₹661 package. This marks a key achievement in ending decades of camp-based displacement stemming from the 1997 ethnic violence in , enabling formal integration into 's tribal framework with scheduled tribe status preserved. Development initiatives have further bolstered these gains, including the inauguration of projects worth over ₹668 crore in on December 22, 2024, encompassing roads, , and to support . Community leaders have credited these efforts with fostering hope for , as evidenced by the completion of 11 out of 12 resettlement villages by late 2024, where families now possess land titles and agricultural inputs. However, persistent challenges undermine full reintegration: the absence of allocated () land—essential for the Bru's traditional rice-based farming—has left many families dependent on inadequate government aid, exacerbating food insecurity and limiting income generation. Employment scarcity compounds these agrarian hurdles, with resettled Bru facing limited skill-matching opportunities in 's economy, leading to underutilization of the workforce and calls from leaders for expedited vocational training and support. Inter-community tensions have also surfaced, particularly from Mizo groups in protesting the scale of resettlement as straining resources and altering demographics in border areas, though assurances emphasize equitable development. Politically, the Bru's permanent exclusion from 's electoral rolls—despite historical ties—highlights ongoing identity marginalization, as affirmed in their non-participation in the 2023 assembly elections. By March 2025, Union Home Minister noted "significant progress" in resolving such Northeast displacements, yet advocates stress the need for monitoring to prevent reversion to aid dependency amid these unresolved socio-economic gaps.

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  80. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/guwahati/amra-bangali-accuses-motha-of-stoking-communal-tension-in-tripura/articleshow/124586820.cms
  81. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2087010
  82. https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/understanding-the-bru-refugees-settlement-mizoram-tripura-6224956/
  83. https://www.shankariasparliament.com/current-affairs/bru-agreement
  84. https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/2024-09/NE_BruScheme_04092024.pdf
  85. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/last-batch-of-mizoram-bru-refugees-permanently-settled-in-tripura/article67740680.ece
  86. https://www.krctimes.com/news/bru-leaders-urge-amit-shahs-immediate-intervention-on-delayed-resettlement-promises/
  87. https://www.sanskritiias.com/current-affairs/turmoil-due-to-bru-resettlement-in-tripura
  88. https://www.iasgyan.in/daily-current-affairs/bru-refugees
  89. https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2025/Mar/22/union-minister-amit-shah-announces-significant-progress-in-resolving-northeast-issues
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