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Key Information

American Israel Education Foundation
Founded1990
52-1623781[4]
Legal status501(c)(3) organization
Revenue$69,985,088[4] (2022-23)
Expenses$52,203,569[4] (2022-23)
Endowment$56,147,336[4]
Employees0[4] (2022)
Volunteers20[4] (2022)
American Israel Public Affairs Committee Political Action Committee
Founded2021
Registration no.C00797670
Legal statusPolitical Action Committee
Location
  • Washington, D.C.
Treasurer
Justin Phillips
Federal Election Commission[5]

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC /ˈeɪpæk/ AY-pak) is a pro-Israel lobbying group that advocates its policies to the legislative and executive branches of the United States.[6] It is one of several pro-Israel lobbying organizations in the United States,[7] and has been called one of the most influential lobbying groups in the U.S.[8]

AIPAC was founded in 1954 by Isaiah L. Kenen, a lobbyist for the Israeli government,[9][10] partly to counter negative international reactions to Israel's Qibya massacre of Palestinian villagers that year.[1] AIPAC became a powerful organization during the 1980s.[11] In 2002, it expressed intent to lobby Congress to authorize use of force in Iraq,[12] and in 2003, the Iraq War was defended at AIPAC events.[13][14][15] In 2005, a Pentagon analyst pleaded guilty to espionage charges of passing U.S. government secrets to senior AIPAC officials, in what became known as the AIPAC espionage scandal.[16]

Until 2021, AIPAC did not raise funds for political candidates itself; its members raised money for candidates through political action committees unaffiliated with AIPAC and by other means.[17] In late 2021, AIPAC formed its own political action committee and announced plans for a Super PAC, which can spend money on candidates' behalf.[5][18][19] AIPAC's critics have said it acts as an agent of the Israeli government and that it has a "stranglehold" on the United States Congress.[20] AIPAC has been accused of being strongly allied with Israel's Likud party and the U.S. Republican Party. An AIPAC spokesman has called this a "malicious mischaracterization".[17][21]

AIPAC describes itself as a bipartisan organization.[22] It says it has five million members,[23] 17 regional offices, and "a vast pool of donors".[17] AIPAC's supporters say its bipartisan nature can be seen at its yearly policy conference, which in 2016 included both major parties' nominees: Democrat Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald Trump.[24][25] AIPAC has been criticized as unrepresentative of American Jews who support Israel and supportive only of right-wing Israeli policy and viewpoints.[26][27]

History

[edit]

Formation (1953–1970s)

[edit]

Journalist and lawyer Isaiah L. Kenen founded the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs (AZCPA) as a lobbying division of the American Zionist Council (AZC), and they split in 1954.[1] Kenen, a lobbyist for the Israeli government,[10] had at earlier times worked for the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As a lobbyist, Kenen diverged from AZC's usual public relations efforts by trying to broaden support for Israel among traditionally non-Zionist groups. The founding of the new organization was in part a response to the negative international reaction to the October 1953 Qibya massacre, in which Israeli troops under Ariel Sharon killed at least sixty-nine Palestinian villagers, two-thirds of them women and children.[1] As the Eisenhower administration suspected the AZC of being funded by the government of Israel, it was decided that the lobbying efforts should be separated into a separate organization with separate finances.[1]

In 1959, AZCPA was renamed the American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, reflecting a broader membership and mission.[28][11] Kenen led the organization until his retirement in 1974, when he was succeeded by Morris J. Amitay.[29] According to commentator M.J. Rosenberg, Kenen was "an old-fashioned liberal," who did not seek to win support by donating to campaigns or otherwise influencing elections, but was willing to "play with the hand that is dealt to us."[30]

Rise (1970s to 1980s)

[edit]

By the 1970s, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and AIPAC had assumed overall responsibility for Israel-related lobbying within the Jewish communal landscape. The Conference of Presidents was responsible for speaking to the Executive Branch of the U.S. government, while AIPAC dealt mainly with the Legislative Branch. Although it had worked effectively behind the scenes since its founding in 1953, AIPAC only became a powerful organization in the 15 years after the Yom Kippur War in 1973.[11]

By the mid-1970s, AIPAC had achieved the financial and political clout necessary to sway congressional opinion, according to former Israeli Diplomat to the United States Michael Oren.[31] During this period, AIPAC's budget soared from $300,000 in 1973 to over $7 million during its peak years of influence in the late 1980s. Whereas Kenen had come out of the Zionist movement, with early staff pulled from the longtime activists among the Jewish community, AIPAC had evolved into a prototypical Washington-based lobbying and consulting firm. Leaders and staffers were recruited from legislative staff and lobbyists with direct experience with the federal bureaucracy.[11] Confronted with opposition from both houses of Congress, United States President Gerald Ford rescinded his 'reassessment.'"[31] George Lenczowski notes a similar, mid-1970s timeframe for the rise of AIPAC power: "It [the Jimmy Carter presidency] also coincides with the militant emergence of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as a major force in shaping American policy toward the Middle East."[32]

In 1980, Thomas Dine became the executive director of AIPAC, and developed its grassroots campaign. By the late 1980s, AIPAC's board of directors was "dominated" by four successful businessmen—Mayer (Bubba) Mitchell, Edward Levy, Robert Asher, and Larry Weinberg.[33]

AIPAC scored two major victories in the early 1980s that established its image among political candidates as an organization "not to be trifled with" and set the pace for "a staunchly pro-Israel" Congress over the next three decades.[34] In 1982, activists affiliated with AIPAC in Skokie, Illinois, backed Richard J. Durbin to oust U.S. representative Paul Findley (R-Illinois), who had shown enthusiasm for PLO leader Yasir Arafat. In 1984, Senator Charles H. Percy (R-Illinois), then-chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and a supporter of a deal to allow Saudi Arabia to buy sophisticated airborne early warning and control (AWAC) military planes was defeated by Democrat Paul Simon. Simon was asked by Robert Asher, an AIPAC board member in Chicago, to run against Percy.[34]

Contemporary period (Post-1980s)

[edit]

In 2005, Lawrence Franklin, a Pentagon analyst pleaded guilty to espionage charges of passing U.S. government secrets to AIPAC policy director Steve J. Rosen and AIPAC senior Iran analyst Keith Weissman, in what is known as the AIPAC espionage scandal. Rosen and Weissman were later fired by AIPAC.[16] In 2009, charges against the former AIPAC employees were dropped.[35]

In February 2019, freshman U.S. representative Ilhan Omar (D-Minnesota), one of the first two Muslim women (along with Rashida Tlaib) to serve in Congress, tweeted that House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy's (R-California) support for Israel was "all about the Benjamins" (i.e. about money).[36] The next day, she clarified that she meant AIPAC.[37] Omar later apologized but also made another statement attacking "political influence in this country that says it is okay to push for allegiance to a foreign country.” The statements aroused anger among AIPAC supporters, but also vocal support among the progressive wing of the Democratic Party and "revived a fraught debate" in American politics over whether AIPAC has too much influence over American policy in the Middle East,[34] while highlighting the deterioration of some relationships between progressive Democrats and pro-Israel organizations.[37] On March 6, 2019, the Democratic leadership put forth a resolution on the House floor condemning anti-Semitism, which was broadened to condemn bigotry against a wide variety of groups before it passed on March 7.[38][39]

In August 2024, AIPAC's headquarters in Washington, D.C. were vandalized by anti-Israel activists.[40][41]

Aims, activities, size, and successes

[edit]

AIPAC's stated purpose is to lobby the Congress of the United States on issues and legislation related to Israel. AIPAC regularly meets with members of Congress and holds events where it can share its views.

Size

[edit]

As of early 2019, AIPAC had 17 regional and satellite offices and a new headquarters on K Street in Washington, D.C.[34] AIPAC spent $3.5 million on lobbying in 2018, a relatively large sum in the realm of foreign policy (more than 10 times J Street's lobbying expenditure),[37] but less than many industry lobby groups, according to OpenSecrets, with the top 15 such groups in the US all spending over $15 million.[42] It has also been noted that, simple dollar value comparisons aside, AIPAC has "a somewhat unique model" that often begins donating early in careers of politicians with "long-term promise".[42] AIPAC also commits to spending on a variety of "less formal means of influence-peddling", such as luxury flights and accommodation for congress members.[37] In addition to lobbying, AIPAC has affiliated political action committees which spend millions of dollars on political campaigns.[43][44]

Generating support among policymakers

[edit]
US secretary of state Mike Pompeo speaks at the AIPAC 2020 Policy Conference.

Thomas Dine developed a network to reach every member of congress. American Jews, the "vital core" of AIPAC membership,[45] made up less than 3% of the U.S. population and was concentrated in only nine states.[46] Today, thousands of AIPAC supporters gather at AIPAC's annual Policy Conference in Washington, D.C. every year. Donors and VIPs are invited to the Leadership Reception on the final night of the conference, which hosts hundreds of members of Congress.[47]

AIPAC has created "caucuses" in every congressional district, with AIPAC staffers organizing every district's Jewish community, regardless of size. Campaign contributions were bundled and distributed to candidates in congressional districts and where they would do some good. According to journalist Connie Bruck, by the end of the 1980s, there were "dozens" of political action committees with no formal relation to AIPAC, but whose leader was often an AIPAC member.[46] The Wall Street Journal reports that in 1987 at least 51 of 80 pro-Israel PACs were operated by AIPAC officials.[48][49] Some committees that "operate independently" of AIPAC but "whose missions and membership align" with it include the Florida Congressional Committee, NORPAC in New Jersey, To Protect Our Heritage PAC near Chicago, and the Maryland Association for Concerned Citizens near Baltimore.[34]

The Washington Post states that "its Web site, which details how members of Congress voted on AIPAC's key issues, and the AIPAC Insider, a glossy periodical that handicaps close political races, are scrutinized by thousands of potential donors. Pro-Israel interests have contributed $56.8 million in individual, group, and soft money donations to federal candidates and party committees since 1990, according to the non-partisan OpenSecrets. Between the 2000 and the 2004 elections, the 50 members of AIPAC's board donated an average of $72,000 each to campaigns and political action committees."[14] According to Dine, in the 1980s and 1990s contributions from AIPAC members often constituted "roughly 10 to 15% of a typical congressional campaign budget."[17]

AIPAC influences lawmakers in other ways by:

  • matching an AIPAC member with shared interests to a member of Congress.[50] Sheryl Gay Stolberg calls the system of "key contacts" AIPAC's "secret" and quotes activist Tom Dine as saying that AIPAC's office can call on "five to 15" key contacts for every senator including "standoffish" ones.[34]
  • carefully curated trips to Israel for legislators and other opinion-makers, all-expenses-paid for by AIPAC's charitable arm, the American Israel Education Foundation.[51] In 2005 alone, more than 100 members of Congress visited Israel, some multiple times.[52]
  • cultivating student leaders such as student body presidents.[53] At colleges, it provides "political leadership training" to undergraduate student groups. This is an effort to "build a stronger pro-Israel movement among students on and off campuses nationwide."[54]
  • sympathy for Israel among the general public.[55]

AIPAC has supported loyal incumbents (such as Senator Lowell P. Weicker Jr., R-Connecticut) even when opposed by Jewish candidates, and the organization has worked to unseat pro-Palestinian incumbents (such as Representative Paul Findley) or candidates perceived to be unsympathetic to Israel (Senator Charles H. Percy).[17] However, a Jewish member of Congress, Representative Jan Schakowsky (D-Illinois), who had maintained good relations with AIPAC and had been given campaign contributions by its members, was opposed by the group in her 2010 reelection campaign after she was endorsed by the advocacy group J Street.[17]

According to former representative Brian Baird (D-Washington), "Any member of Congress knows that AIPAC is associated indirectly with significant amounts of campaign spending if you're with them, and significant amounts against you if you're not with them." "AIPAC-connected money" amounted to about $200,000 in each of his campaigns for office—"and that's two hundred thousand going your way, versus the other way: a four-hundred-thousand-dollar swing."[56] AIPAC-directed campaign contributions—as with many interest groups—came with considerable "tactical input". AIPAC staffers told Baird and other lawmakers, "No, we don't say it that way, we say it this way." Baird complained, "There's a whole complex semantic code you learn. ... After a while, you find yourself saying and repeating it as if it were fact."[17]

Goals

[edit]

AIPAC strongly supports substantial U.S. aid to Israel. In March 2009, AIPAC executive director Howard Kohr appeared before the House Committee on Appropriations' Foreign Operations subcommittee and requested that Israel receive $2.775 billion in military aid in fiscal year 2010, as called for in the 2007 Memorandum of Understanding between the U.S. and Israel that allocates $30 billion in aid for Israel over 10 years. Kohr stated that "American assistance to Israel serves vital U.S. national security interests and advances critical U.S. foreign policy goals." The military hardware Israel must purchase to face the increased threat of terrorism and Islamist radicalism is increasingly expensive due to the recent spike in petroleum prices which have enabled countries such as Iran to augment their military budgets, according to Kohr.[54][57]

The Iraq War

[edit]

The day after George W. Bush addressed the United Nations General Assembly to call for action against Iraq, AIPAC said to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that "[i]f the president asks Congress to support action in Iraq, AIPAC would lobby members of Congress to support him."[12] John Judis wrote in The New Republic that although AIPAC lobbying was not widely reported to prevent Arab states from connecting Bush's war plans to Israel, executive director Kohr called "'quietly' lobbying Congress to approve the use of force in Iraq" one of AIPAC's successes at a January 2003 AIPAC meeting. AIPAC spokesman Josh Block told The New Republic that AIPAC did no lobbying and that Kohr was misquoted.[58] In articles for The Washington Post, both Dana Milbank and Glenn Frankel noted that while AIPAC, like the Israeli government, officially had no position on the merits of going to war with Iraq, Bush administration officials were applauded at AIPAC events for defending the Iraq War.[13][14] Jeffrey Goldberg reported in The New Yorker that AIPAC had lobbied Congress in favor of the war, but that Iraq was not one of its chief concerns.[59] J. The Jewish News of Northern California explained that while AIPAC never explicitly supported or lobbied for the Iraq War, some in the pro-Israel community had seen the war as aligning the United States and Israel against Arab and Muslim radicalism. However, by the time of the 2007 AIPAC annual policy conference, continuing violence in Iraq had undermined that view, and at a conference session, the war was blamed for an increase in global terrorism.[15]

Policy towards Iran

[edit]
AIPAC leaders with Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev in Baku, Azerbaijan, December 11, 2024

AIPAC's official position on Iran is to encourage a strong diplomatic and economic response coordinated among the United States government, its European allies, Russia, and China.[14]

In 2012, AIPAC called for "crippling" sanctions on Iran in a letter to every member of Congress.[60] In line with this approach, AIPAC has lobbied to levy economic embargoes and increase sanctions on Iran (known as the Nuclear Weapon Free Iran Act of 2013).[6] However, according to The New York Times, its effort "stalled after stiff resistance from President Obama."[61][62]

On agriculture and agricultural trade AIPAC lobbies for greater cooperation between the two countries.[63] AIPAC considers agriculture to be a key economic sector for economic cooperation between them.[63]

Successes

[edit]

AIPAC has been compared to firearms, banking, defense, and energy lobbies as "long" being "a feature of politics in Washington." Its promotional literature notes that the Leadership Reception during its annual Policy Conference "will be attended by more members of Congress than almost any other event, except for a joint session of Congress or a State of the Union address."[64] The New York Times has described AIPAC as "a major force in shaping United States policy in the Middle East"[65] that is able to push numerous bills through Congress. "Typically," these "pass by unanimous votes."[61]

A House of Representatives resolution condemning the UN Goldstone Report on human rights violations by Israel in Gaza, for example, passed 344–36 in 2009.[66][67]

In 1997, Fortune magazine named AIPAC the second-most powerful influence group in Washington, D.C.[68]

AIPAC advises members of Congress about the issues that face today's Middle East, including the dangers of extremism and terrorism. It was an early supporter of the Counter-Terrorism Act of 1995, which resulted in increased FBI resources being committed to fight terrorism.[69]

AIPAC also lobbies for financial aid from the United States to Israel, helping to procure up to $3 billion in aid yearly, making Israel "the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II."[70] According to the Congressional Research Service (CRS), these include providing aid "as all grant cash transfers, not designated for particular projects, and...transferred as a lump sum in the first month of the fiscal year, instead of in periodic increments. Israel is allowed to spend about one quarter of the military aid for the procurement in Israel of defense articles and services, including research and development, rather than in the United States."[71]

Policy Conference

[edit]
Donald Trump speaking at the 2016 AIPAC Policy Conference

2016

[edit]

In 2016, nearly 20,000 delegates attended the AIPAC Policy Conference; approximately 4,000 of those delegates were American students.[72] For the first time in AIPAC's history, the general sessions of Policy Conference were held in Washington, D.C.'s Verizon Center in order to accommodate the large number of delegates. Keynote speakers included Vice President Joe Biden, former secretary of state Hillary Clinton, Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, Governor John Kasich, Senator Ted Cruz, and Speaker Paul Ryan. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who has spoken at AIPAC before in person, addressed Policy Conference via satellite on the final day of the conference.

Prominent officers and supporters

[edit]

Elliot Brandt was named CEO of AIPAC starting in late 2024.[3] Brandt succeeded Howard Kohr, who had been the CEO of AIPAC since 1996.[73]

Presidents

[edit]
AIPAC presidents
President Date range Short bio
Robert Asher 1962–1964 Lighting-fixtures dealer in Chicago
Larry Weinberg 1976–1982[74] Real-estate broker in Los Angeles and a former owner of the Portland Trail Blazers
Edward Levy Jr. Ended 1988[75] Building-supplies executive in Detroit
Mayer "Bubba" Mitchell 1990–1992[76] Real estate developer in Mobile, Alabama
David Steiner Resigned 1992[77] Construction and real estate executive
Steven Grossman 1992–1996[78] Communications executive and former Democratic Party chairman
Melvin Dow Started 1996[79] Houston attorney
Lonny Kaplan 1998–2000[80] New Jersey insurance executive
Tim Wuliger Ended 2001[81] Cleveland investor
Amy Friedkin 2002–2004[82][83] San Francisco, active in grassroots Jewish organisations
Bernice Manocherian 2004–2006[83]
Howard Friedman 2006–2010[84]
Lillian Pinkus Started 2016[83]
Betsy Berns Korn 2020–present[85][86] Former AIPAC vice president and former NFL employee

Supporters

[edit]
Hillary Clinton speaking at the 2016 AIPAC Policy Conference

[needs update]AIPAC has a wide base of supporters both in and outside of Congress.

  • Support among congressional members includes a majority of members of both the Democratic and Republican Parties. According to AIPAC, the annual Policy Conference is second only to the State of the Union address for the number of Federal officials in attendance at an organized event.[87][88]

American Israel Education Foundation

[edit]

The American Israel Education Foundation is a sister organization of AIPAC,[89] that handles educational work, rather than lobbying. It is a 501(c)(3) non-profit educational organization that conducts educational programs, including educational trips to Israel for members of the U.S. Congress and other American politicians.[90][91]

AIEF trips for members of Congress occur every two years, becoming "the top spender on congressional travel" in those years.[92] In August 2019, the foundation sponsored week-long trips with 72 members of Congress: 41 Democrats and 31 Republicans.[93] They traveled to Israel and the West Bank and visited with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.[94][95] Other educational activities include regular seminars for congressional staff.[96]

Critics alleges that these trips are propaganda rather than education and do not tell the Palestinian "side of the story,"[97] and that they violate ethics rules prohibiting lobbying groups from gifting personal travel to congresspersons.[98] In 2025, former Representative Matt Gaetz spoke about a “downward pressure” on congress members to participate, particularly for members of the Foreign Affairs, Armed Services, or Intelligence committees.[99]

Political Action Committee

[edit]

Until 2021 AIPAC did not raise funds for political candidates itself, but its members raise money for candidates through political action committees unaffiliated with AIPAC and by other means.[17] In late 2021, AIPAC formed its own political action committee. It also announced plans for a Super PAC, which can spend money on behalf of candidates.[5][18][19][100] In a letter explaining the move, Betsy Berns Korn, AIPAC president, said: "The DC political environment has been undergoing profound change. Hyperpartisanship, high congressional turnover and the exponential growth in the cost of campaigns now dominate the landscape."[100] Dov Waxman, director of the UCLA Y&S Nazarian Center for Israel Studies, said: "Although for decades AIPAC has had informal ties with pro-Israel PACs, it has always refrained from forming its own PAC." He added: "I think its decision to establish its own PAC and super PAC is based on the recognition that campaign funding is a crucial means of exerting political influence in Congress, and that AIPAC now needs this tool in order to maintain its influence in Congress."[19]

Former AIPAC executive director Tom Dine and legislative director Douglas Bloomfield criticized the move, saying it could call the organization's neutrality into question.[101]

In March 2022, the PAC released its first endorsements of 130 candidates for the House of Representatives and the Senate.[102][103] The list included 37 Congresspersons of the "Sedition Caucus" who had voted to overturn the 2020 election of Joe Biden.[104] The endorsement drew criticism from a variety of sources. Former U.S. ambassador to Israel Daniel C. Kurtzer said it was "very disappointing that AIPAC has turned a blind eye to the damage that these people have done to our democracy. Their support of Israel cannot ever trump that damage." Conservative pro-Israel columnist Jennifer Rubin called it "truly horrifying".[105]

AIPAC's push into the political campaign support comes amid the erosion of bipartisan support for Israel in the US, with opinion polls showing growing criticism for the state among younger Democrats, including American Jews, the breaking of the taboo on comparisons between Israel's treatment of Palestinians and apartheid South Africa, and rising support for the Boycott, Sanctions and Divest (BDS) movement.[43]

United Democracy Project spending

[edit]

In May 2022, it was also revealed that AIPAC has been spending millions, channeled through surrogate group, the United Democracy Project (UDP), which makes no mention of its creation by AIPAC, to defeat progressive Democrats and particularly female candidates who might potentially align with "the Squad" of progressive Congress members made up of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib.[43]

The UDP spent $2.3m in opposition to Summer Lee in the Pennsylvania Democratic congressional primary race in Pennsylvania. Lee has supported setting conditions for US aid to Israel and accused the country of atrocities in Gaza, comparing Israeli actions to the treatment of young black men in the U.S.[43] The UDP also spent $2m in a North Carolina senate primary to support the incumbent Valeria Foushee against Nida Allam, the first Muslim American woman to hold elected office in North Carolina and the political director for the 2016 presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders. Both candidates are endorsed by the squad.[43] UDP spent an estimated $280,000 to support incumbent Ohio's 11th Congressional District incumbent Shontel Brown over her primary challenger, progressive Nina Turner.[106][107]

The UDP spent a further $1.2m to help the Democratic congressman for Texas, Henry Cuellar, face off a challenge from Jessica Cisneros, a 28-year-old immigration lawyer also endorsed by the Squad.[43] After Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch released a report accusing Israel of imposing apartheid, Cuellar said "[t]hese inaccuracies incite antisemitic behavior" and decried what he called "dangerous effects of falsified name-calling."[43][108]

AIPAC veteran Darius Jones founded the "National Black Empowerment Fund" (NBEAF), which contributed money to defeat pro-Palestinian black candidates like Jamaal Bowman,[109] and Cori Bush.[110] NBEAF is led by Richard St. Paul, a member of AIPAC's National Council. Some black organizations argue NBEAF advocates for Israel, not black people.[111]

J Street spokesperson Logan Bayroff, has called AIPAC "a Republican front organisation", a fact that he said they are obfuscating while "trying to persuade Democratic voters who they should support". He added: "The United Democracy Project sounds innocuous ... but the reason that they’re aligning with certain candidates is because they are more aligned with their more hawkish positions on Israel".[43]

In mid-March 2024, with reports of AIPAC and UDP planning to spend $100M to primary incumbent progressive House Democrats, opponents formed the Reject AIPAC coalition "to protect democracy & Palestinian rights".[112][113] Founding members include: Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), Gen-Z for Change, IfNotNow, Justice Democrats, National Iranian American Council, Our Revolution, Progressive Democrats of America (PDA), RootsAction, Sunrise Movement, Working Families Party.[114][115]

Controversy and criticism

[edit]

Criticism

[edit]

One critic, former congressman Brian Baird, who said he "had admired Israel since [he] was a kid," but who became alienated from AIPAC, argued that "When key votes are cast, the question on the House floor, troublingly, is often not, 'What is the right thing to do for the United States of America?', but 'How is AIPAC going to score this?'" He cited a 2009 House resolution he opposed condemning the Goldstone Report on civilian deaths. "When we had the vote, I said, 'We have member after member coming to the floor to vote on a resolution they've never read, about a report they've never seen, in a place they've never been.'"[17] Baird worries that AIPAC members and supporters believe that they're "supporting Israel" when they are "actually backing policies" such as the killing of civilians in Gaza, "that are antithetical to its highest values and, ultimately, destructive for the country."[17]

A criticism of AIPAC's proposal for tougher sanctions on Iran is that the primary incentive P5+1 negotiators can give Iran to stop its nuclear program is reduction in the sanctions that have harmed Iran's economy. By imposing even harsher sanctions on Iran, AIPAC takes this chip away. According to a "senior" Obama Administration official, the administration told AIPAC leadership that its tougher sanctions on Iran "would blow up the negotiations—the Iranians would walk away from the table." The official asked them, "Why do you know better than we do what strengthens our hand? Nobody involved in the diplomacy thinks that."[30] A former congressional staffer complained to journalist Connie Bruck, "What was striking was how strident the message was," from AIPAC. "'How could you not pass a resolution that tells the President what the outcome of the negotiations has to be?'"[116]

Protesters at AIPAC conference in Washington, D.C., May 2005

AIPAC has been criticized as being unrepresentative of American Jews who support Israel, and supportive only of right-wing Israeli policy and viewpoints.[26] A PEW center poll found that only 38% of American Jews believe that the Israeli government is sincerely pursuing peace; 44% believe that the construction of new settlements damages Israel's national security.[117][118]

Among the best-known critical works about AIPAC is The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, by University of Chicago professor John Mearsheimer and Harvard Kennedy School professor Stephen Walt. In the working paper and resulting book, they accuse AIPAC of being "the most powerful and best known" component of a larger pro-Israel lobby that distorts American foreign policy. They write:[119]

[AIPAC's] success is due to its ability to reward legislators and congressional candidates who support its agenda, and to punish those who challenge it. ... AIPAC makes sure that its friends get strong financial support from the many pro-Israel political action committees. Anyone who is seen as hostile to Israel can be sure that AIPAC will direct campaign contributions to his or her political opponents. ... The bottom line is that AIPAC, a de facto agent for a foreign government, has a stranglehold on Congress, with the result that US policy towards Israel is not debated there, even though that policy has important consequences for the entire world.

AIPAC has also been the subject of criticism by prominent politicians including Democrats J. William Fulbright,[120] Dave Obey[121] and Mike Gravel,[122] as well as Republicans John Hostettler[123] and Thomas Massie.[124]

Democratic congressman Jim Moran from Northern Virginia has been a vocal critic of AIPAC, causing national controversy in 2007 and drawing criticism from many Jewish groups after he told California Jewish magazine Tikkun that AIPAC had been "pushing the [Iraq War] from the beginning," and that, "I don't think they represent the mainstream of American Jewish thinking at all, but because they are so well organized, and their members are extraordinarily powerful—most of them are quite wealthy—they have been able to exert power."[125][126] AIPAC's membership has been described as "overwhelmingly Democratic" by one conservative columnist (Jennifer Rubin).[127]

In 2020, Democratic congresswoman Betty McCollum accused AIPAC of hate speech and said the group is a hate group.[128][129]

In 2020, Senator Bernie Sanders said AIPAC provides a platform for bigotry and said he will not attend their conference.[128] In 2023 (February 19), on CBS Face the Nation, Sanders said that AIPAC, formerly bipartisan, had evolved towards attempting to "destroy" the American progressive movement.[130]

Alleged complicity with antisemitism

[edit]

Critics have alleged that AIPAC is antisemitic, complicit in antisemitism, or silent concerning antisemitism coming from Donald Trump and other right-wing politicians.[131] Eva Borgwardt, writing for The Nation, criticized AIPAC for alleged complicity with antisemitism, stating that the organization "has welcomed Trump—and his top donors—with open arms, while refusing to condemn his blatantly antisemitic remarks."[132]

In August 2022, AIPAC tweeted that "George Soros has a long history of backing anti-Israel groups...Now he’s giving $1 million to help @jstreetdotorg support anti-Israel candidates and attack pro-Israel Democrats. AIPAC works to strengthen pro-Israel mainstream Democrats. J Street & Soros work to undermine them." In response to the tweet, the left-wing Jewish organization IfNotNow denounced AIPAC for antisemitism, tweeting that "AIPAC is the antisemitic far right...They are not a Jewish org, nor claim to be one."[133][134]

Controversies

[edit]

Former Senator William Fulbright, in the 1970s, and former senior CIA official Victor Marchetti, in the 1980s, contended that AIPAC should have registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).[135] FARA requires those who receive funds or act on behalf of a foreign government to register as a foreign agent. However, AIPAC states that the organization is a registered American lobbying group, funded by private donations, and maintains it receives "no financial assistance" from Israel or any other foreign group.[136]

In 2006, Representative Betty McCollum (DFL) of Minnesota demanded an apology from AIPAC, claiming an AIPAC representative had described her vote against the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006 as "support for terrorists." McCollum stated that AIPAC representatives would not be allowed in her office until she received a written apology for the comment.[137] AIPAC disputed McCollum's claim, and McCollum has since declared the incident over.[138]

Steiner resignation

[edit]

In 1992, AIPAC president David Steiner was forced to resign after he was recorded boasting about his political influence in obtaining aid for Israel. Steiner also claimed that he had "met with (then H.W. Bush U.S. Secretary of State) Jim Baker and I cut a deal with him. I got, besides the $3 billion, you know they're looking for the Jewish votes, and I'll tell him whatever he wants to hear ... Besides the $10 billion in loan guarantees which was a fabulous thing, $3 billion in foreign, in military aid, and I got almost a billion dollars in other goodies that people don't even know about."[139] Steiner also claimed to be "negotiating" with the incoming Clinton administration over who Clinton would appoint as secretary of state and secretary of the National Security Agency. Steiner stated that AIPAC had "a dozen people in [the Clinton] campaign, in the headquarters... in Little Rock, and they're all going to get big jobs."[139]

New York real estate developer Haim Katz told The Washington Times that he taped the conversation because "as someone Jewish, I am concerned when a small group has a disproportionate power. I think that hurts everyone, including Jews. If David Steiner wants to talk about the incredible, disproportionate clout AIPAC has, the public should know about it."[140]

Spying allegations

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Main articles: Lawrence Franklin espionage scandal and United States v. Franklin

In April 2005, AIPAC policy director Steven Rosen and AIPAC senior Iran analyst Keith Weissman were fired by AIPAC amid an FBI investigation into whether they passed classified U.S. information received from Lawrence Franklin on to the government of Israel. They were later indicted for illegally conspiring to gather and disclose classified national security information to Israel.[141][142] AIPAC agreed to pay the legal fees for Weissman's defense through appeal if necessary.[143]

In May 2005, the Justice Department announced that Lawrence Anthony Franklin, a U.S. Air Force Reserves colonel working as a Department of Defense analyst at the Pentagon in the office of Douglas Feith, had been arrested and charged by the FBI with providing classified national defense information to Israel. The six-count criminal complaint identified AIPAC by name and described a luncheon meeting in which, allegedly, Franklin disclosed top-secret information to two AIPAC officials.[144][145]

Franklin pleaded guilty to passing government secrets to Rosen and Weissman and revealed for the first time that he also gave classified information directly to an Israeli government official in Washington. On January 20, 2006, he was sentenced to 151 months (almost 13 years) in prison and fined $10,000. As part of the plea agreement, Franklin agreed to cooperate in the larger federal investigation. All charges against the former AIPAC employees were dropped in 2009.[146]

Support for 2020 election deniers

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After the formation of its first political action committee (PAC) in early March 2022, AIPAC was criticized for backing the election campaigns of 37 Republican members of Congress who voted against certifying Biden's 2020 U.S. presidential election victory after the 2021 United States Capitol attack.[147][148][149]

The endorsement of the politicians was described as "morally bankrupt and short-sighted" by Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, while Abe Foxman, former head of the Anti-Defamation League, called it a "sad mistake", and Dan Kurtzer, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel, urged AIPAC to reconsider the move.[147] Halie Soifer, of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, said the move suggested "one must compromise support of America’s democracy to support Israel",[147] which, she noted in an opinion piece published in Haaretz, presents "a patently false dichotomy rejected by the overwhelming majority of American Jews."[147][150]

AIPAC defended the endorsements by stating that it was "no moment for the pro-Israel movement to become selective about its friends".[147][148][149] In a later, "rare rebuke" of the lobby group from within the Israeli government, Alon Tal, a member of the Knesset, criticized the AIPAC endorsements as "outrageous", noting that criticism was important for maintaining what Tal referred to as "a healthy relationship between Israel and American Jewry", according to The Times of Israel.[151]

Financing pro-Israel Democrats in 2022

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Having endorsed over 100 Republican members of Congress who had voted against certifying Joe Biden's election, AIPAC spent $24 million, via its political action committee, the United Democracy Project, to defeat candidates not considered pro-Israel enough in the primaries of the Democratic Party that select candidates for the 2022 midterm elections. Substantial contributions to this funding were obtained from Republican Trump campaign financiers such as Paul Singer and Bernie Marcus,[152] together with Haim Saban.[153] It spent $4 million to support Haley Stevens and defeat the Jewish congressman Andy Levin who is known to be critical of AIPAC's support for hardline Israeli policies.[152] It spent $7 million to defeat the favorite in a Maryland July primary, Donna Edwards, who had failed to back resolutions in support of Israel during the 2012 Gaza War.[153][152] A number of AIPAC supporters assert that reports focusing on AIPAC's campaign funding against candidates critical of Israel's policies are 'antisemitic'.[152]

AIPAC in film

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The Israeli documentary film The Kings of Capitol Hill features interviews with former and current AIPAC personalities and depicts how AIPAC has moved toward the political right wing and away from political positions most American Jews hold.[154]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

AIPAC

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The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is a bipartisan in the United States founded in 1954 to promote policies that strengthen the between the U.S. and , including for , diplomatic support, and opposition to threats against . With a claimed membership exceeding 5 million pro- across congressional districts, AIPAC operates as a movement focused on influencing U.S. lawmakers through direct , policy briefings, and electoral involvement. Its affiliated (PAC) functions as the largest pro-Israel PAC, channeling contributions to candidates who align with its priorities and demonstrating high efficacy, as evidenced by 96% of AIPAC-backed candidates winning their races in the 2024 election cycle. AIPAC's core activities center on securing annual U.S. foreign aid to , which has averaged billions of dollars in military assistance, reflecting the group's success in embedding pro-Israel positions into bipartisan congressional consensus. This influence extends to legislative efforts countering initiatives perceived as hostile to , such as sanctions on or recognitions of Palestinian statehood. While praised by supporters for safeguarding a key U.S. ally in the , AIPAC has drawn criticism for its substantial campaign spending—over $51 million in the cycle—and targeted opposition to incumbents and challengers critical of Israeli actions, raising questions about the scale of organized lobbying's role in U.S. electoral outcomes. Such tactics, while legally conducted through registered PACs and super PACs, have intensified debates over lobbies' impact on domestic , particularly amid shifting public sentiments on U.S. involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts.

History

Founding and Early Years (1951–1970s)

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) traces its origins to 1951, when Isaiah L. "Si" Kenen established the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs (AZCPA) as a arm to promote 's interests in the United States. Kenen, previously director of the Israeli to the Information Office in New York, aimed to counter negative media portrayals and build congressional support amid 's precarious post-independence security challenges, including threats from neighboring Arab states. The AZCPA operated with a small staff, primarily Kenen himself as executive director and registered lobbyist, relying on volunteers to monitor U.S. policy and media for biases against . In 1959, the organization rebranded as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) to widen its appeal beyond explicitly Zionist circles and distance itself from the broader American Zionist Council following U.S. government scrutiny. This shift emphasized bipartisan education on 's strategic value to U.S. interests, particularly in the context of dynamics where support for Arab regimes posed indirect threats to Western-aligned . Early efforts focused on disseminating factual information to lawmakers rather than partisan advocacy, with Kenen leading initiatives to oppose restrictive U.S. arms policies. During the 1956 Suez Crisis, AIPAC's predecessor lobbied against U.S. arms embargoes imposed by President Eisenhower on , Britain, and following their joint military action against Egypt's of the . Kenen's advocacy highlighted 's defensive needs amid escalating raids and Egyptian aggression, seeking to mitigate the diplomatic fallout that strained U.S.- ties. Similarly, in the lead-up to and during the 1967 , AIPAC intensified efforts to secure American diplomatic backing and matériel support, underscoring 's existential vulnerabilities against coordinated Arab-Soviet alignments. These activities laid the groundwork for AIPAC's role in fostering robust U.S. commitment to 's survival imperatives, rooted in post-Holocaust imperatives and regional .

Period of Expansion (1970s–1990s)

During the 1970s, AIPAC underwent significant professionalization under executive director Morris Amitay, who served from 1974 to 1980 and transformed the organization into a more aggressive and effective entity by emphasizing direct congressional engagement and issue-based advocacy. This period coincided with heightened U.S. awareness of 's strategic value, particularly following the 1973 , when Arab states imposed an oil embargo that underscored linkages between energy security and support for against Soviet-backed adversaries. AIPAC leveraged the crisis to build bipartisan congressional relationships, advocating for emergency that bolstered U.S. resupply efforts to and contributed to a surge in the group's financial resources and influence. In the , AIPAC refined its tactics through expanded mobilization, quadrupling its staff to over 100 members and quintupling its membership base since 1980 to pressure lawmakers on annual aid packages, which averaged around $3 billion in military and economic assistance to . A key success involved countering the proposed 1981 sale of Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft to , valued at $8.5 billion, which AIPAC deemed a threat to Israel's qualitative military edge; the group prioritized the campaign, rallying Jewish organizations and securing initial opposition before the deal narrowly passed 52-48. This effort paralleled broader achievements, including the November 1981 U.S.- on strategic cooperation, which established joint military facilities and intelligence sharing to deter regional threats amid alignments. The 1990s presented challenges for AIPAC amid post-Cold War shifts, including reduced emphasis on Soviet threats and scrutiny over U.S. aid amid the 1993 , which introduced Palestinian self-governance and tested the lobby's focus on unconditional security support. Despite these dynamics, AIPAC sustained growth by countering isolationist sentiments in , maintaining advocacy for aid levels exceeding $3 billion annually and expanding donor contributions that formed 10-15% of many congressional campaign budgets. This adaptation ensured continued influence as U.S. policy navigated uncertainties while prioritizing Israel's defense against persistent regional adversaries.

Modern Developments (2000s–Present)

In the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks, AIPAC intensified advocacy for U.S.- intelligence sharing to counter , aligning with broader post-9/11 security priorities. It supported congressional authorization for military action against in 2002, framing the effort as disrupting threats from regimes hostile to , and defended the 2003 invasion at its events. Concurrently, AIPAC lobbied for escalated sanctions on , citing its nuclear program and backing of militias that killed over 500 U.S. troops in during the decade, including pushes for measures targeting Iran's energy sector by 2007. During the Obama administration, AIPAC confronted policy frictions over expansions in , which strained U.S.- relations and were spotlighted at its policy conference. Tensions peaked with the 2015 (JCPOA), which AIPAC opposed vehemently, arguing it legitimized 's nuclear capabilities without sufficient dismantlement or verification; the group formed Citizens for a Nuclear-Free Iran and expended an estimated $20-40 million on ads and to sway Congress against ratification. Throughout the 2010s, AIPAC countered the (BDS) movement's expansion by amplifying anti-boycott messaging and supporting anti-BDS legislation, portraying BDS as an existential threat that demonizes and undermines peace efforts through economic and cultural isolation tactics. This period saw AIPAC enhance digital tools and coordinated responses within pro-Israel networks to combat BDS in academia, states, and international forums, contributing to over two dozen U.S. states enacting anti-BDS legislation by decade's end. The 2020 , normalizing ties between and several Arab states, elicited strong AIPAC endorsement as a breakthrough for regional stability and countering Iranian influence, with subsequent lobbying for U.S. legislation to bolster and expand the pacts. Hamas's , 2023 assault—killing over 1,200 Israelis and taking hostages—prompted AIPAC to mobilize for unqualified U.S. backing of 's defensive operations, emphasizing Iran's role in arming and urging measures against terrorism enablers amid rising domestic . In the ensuing Gaza conflict, AIPAC secured inclusions in the fiscal year 2025 , authorizing $47.5 million for joint U.S.- advancements in defense technologies such as directed energy, , and cybersecurity to address shared threats. In recent years, enabled by the post-Citizens United v. FEC landscape, AIPAC established affiliated PACs and the United Democracy Project super PAC in 2021, shifting toward direct electoral spending with expenditures exceeding $50 million in the 2024 cycle to support pro-Israel candidates.

Organizational Structure

Leadership and Governance

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) traces its leadership origins to Isaiah L. "Si" Kenen, who founded the organization in 1951 as the American Zionist Committee for Public Affairs—renamed AIPAC in 1959—and served as its executive director until 1974, initially operating as a modest, volunteer-driven entity centered on informational lobbying and public education. Subsequent directors Morris J. Amitay (1974–1980) and Thomas Dine (1980–1993) professionalized operations, shifting from a small staff to a mass-based structure with enhanced grassroots mobilization and Capitol Hill expertise, laying the groundwork for expanded influence through targeted advocacy training and regional coordinators. Howard Kohr has led as CEO since 1996, further institutionalizing AIPAC's professional model by scaling staff capabilities in and legislative strategy, which supported organizational assets growing to $164 million by 2022 and CEO compensation surpassing $1 million annually. In March 2024, Kohr announced his retirement effective December 31, 2024, prompting the board to appoint Elliot Brandt—Vice CEO with nearly three decades at AIPAC, credited with doubling —as successor to address leadership succession amid rising anti-Israel campus and political post-2023. Governance centers on a drawn from business executives, legal experts, and Jewish communal leaders, with eighteen officers—many heading major Jewish organizations—elected every two years to align decisions with core objectives through internal policy vetting. AIPAC upholds a non-partisan framework, prioritizing bipartisan congressional relationships and staff specialization in U.S.- security dynamics for strategic navigation of legislative processes. Current board chair Betsy Berns Korn oversees this structure, ensuring continuity in professional amid evolving threats.

Membership, Funding, and Operational Scale

AIPAC describes itself as a organization with more than 5 million pro-Israel American members spanning every congressional district, enabling localized efforts. This claimed membership base supports operations through approximately 20 regional offices nationwide and specialized programs such as AIPAC Campus, which engages university students in advocacy training and networking. The scale of this network underscores broad public engagement rather than reliance on a narrow elite, as evidenced by the organization's emphasis on volunteer-driven district caucuses that mobilize supporters for policy influence. Funding for AIPAC derives predominantly from individual donations, with no corporate PAC structure; instead, affiliated entities like the AIPAC PAC and the super PAC United Democracy Project channel contributions transparently via filings. Direct contributions from foreign governments to U.S. political campaigns are illegal under federal law (52 U.S.C. § 30121), ensuring AIPAC's funding remains compliant with domestic requirements. Recent IRS data indicate annual revenues surpassing $150 million, reflecting a sharp post-October 7, 2023, influx including over $90 million raised in the subsequent months from thousands of donors. This individual-centric model, detailed in FEC reports showing diverse contribution sizes, counters narratives of top-down control by demonstrating sustained empirical demand from a wide donor pool. Operationally, AIPAC employs around 400 staff members, including lobbyists, regional directors, and analysts, facilitating year-round activities from Washington headquarters to field operations. Its budget has expanded dramatically—from approximately $300,000 in 1973 to over $7 million by the late 1980s—mirroring growth in membership and revenues into the tens to hundreds of millions today, which correlates with heightened public support amid geopolitical challenges like regional threats to . This trajectory highlights organizational resilience and scalability driven by momentum, rather than exogenous funding dominance.

Policy Objectives

Core Principles and Goals

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) operates on the principle of bipartisan advocacy to foster a robust U.S.- alliance, emphasizing shared democratic values such as free elections, , and universal voting rights, alongside mutual strategic interests in intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism. This non-partisan approach unites Democrats and Republicans to promote policies that advance American , including 's role in regional stability and technological innovations that enhance U.S. defenses, such as systems and urban protection technologies derived from joint developments. AIPAC's framework prioritizes U.S. interests over foreign directives, positioning the partnership as a strategic asset akin to alliances with members, where collective defense against authoritarian threats yields verifiable benefits like reduced American troop exposure in volatile regions. Central to AIPAC's goals is ensuring Israel's qualitative military edge (QME), defined as the capability to counter and defeat conventional military threats despite numerical disadvantages, which U.S. policy commits to maintaining through advanced weaponry and training support. This includes securing annual U.S. military aid under the 2016 Memorandum of Understanding, providing $3.8 billion yearly through 2028—comprising $3.3 billion in foreign military financing and $500 million for missile defense cooperation—to bolster Israel's self-defense while advancing U.S. objectives like deterring proliferation and stabilizing the Middle East. AIPAC also seeks to counter economic pressures on Israel, such as boycotts, by supporting legislation like the Combating BDS Act, which affirms U.S. opposition to discriminatory trade practices without restricting individual rights. These principles reflect a realist orientation toward mutual defense pacts, where a strong serves as a forward deterrent against rogue actors, promoting through demonstrable strength rather than unilateral concessions, and yielding empirical gains for the U.S. in transfers and threat intelligence that have saved American lives. Unlike lobbies tied to direct foreign influence, AIPAC's domestic focus aligns policies with American values and imperatives, as evidenced by its for joint anti-terrorism efforts that protect U.S. homeland interests.

Focus on Specific Issues (Aid, Security, and Regional Threats)

AIPAC advocates for sustained U.S. military financing to , emphasizing its role in maintaining Israel's qualitative military edge (QME) against regional adversaries while generating economic returns for the U.S. defense sector, as much of the aid must be spent on American-made equipment. Under the 2016 (MOU), effective from 2019, the U.S. provides $3.3 billion annually in foreign military financing (FMF) and $500 million for cooperation, totaling $38 billion over ten years, which AIPAC has defended as essential for shared security interests amid escalating threats. Following Hamas's , 2023, attack, AIPAC lobbied intensively for supplemental aid, contributing to the passage of a $14.3 billion package in , framed as critical to replenish munitions and counter multi-front aggressions from Iran-backed proxies without conditions that could undermine Israel's defense. On , AIPAC prioritizes comprehensive sanctions and diplomatic pressure to dismantle 's nuclear program and curb its ballistic missile development and proxy warfare, viewing these as root causes of regional instability rather than isolated incidents. The organization opposed the 2015 (JCPOA), arguing it failed to achieve verifiable dismantlement and enabled Iran's enrichment activities, and has since pushed for "maximum pressure" policies, including secondary sanctions on entities aiding Iran's nuclear quest or arming groups like . AIPAC contends that Iran's support for proxy militias—evidenced by intelligence on funding and training—directly fuels conflicts, such as 's rocket barrages from , necessitating U.S. measures to isolate and prevent nuclear breakout, which could trigger an . AIPAC addresses threats from and by advocating cuts to their international funding sources and bolstering Israel's defensive capabilities, such as funding, while promoting expansions of the as a counter to ideological extremism. It has urged pressure on to accept hostage-release and demilitarization proposals post-October 7, 2023, highlighting the group's rejection of ceasefires as prolonging instability, and supports designating 's financial networks for sanctions to disrupt arms flows. Concurrently, AIPAC backs broadening the 2020 —normalizing ties between and Arab states like the UAE—to foster economic and security cooperation, isolating and its proxies through pragmatic alliances rather than appeasement, with recent efforts focusing on integrating more partners to enhance collective deterrence.

Activities and Programs

Lobbying and Grassroots Advocacy

AIPAC employs a range of tactics centered on direct engagement with , including policy briefings for lawmakers and staff on topics such as U.S.-Israel security cooperation, intelligence sharing, and threats from and its proxies. These efforts emphasize factual presentations of shared strategic interests, drawing on data from defense collaborations and regional intelligence assessments to build consensus. The organization maintains a Washington office that coordinates year-round interactions, supplemented by its annual Policy Conference, where thousands of activists conduct hundreds of meetings on to urge support for pro-Israel measures. For instance, the 2017 conference drew over 18,000 participants who lobbied for amid debates on . Complementing these activities, AIPAC mobilizes its grassroots base—comprising more than 5 million members across every congressional district—for constituent advocacy, facilitating personalized meetings between local supporters and their representatives to underscore the alliance's benefits. District-level initiatives include workshops and sector-specific events that connect U.S. economic interests to , such as highlighting the $33.9 billion in goods exchanged between the U.S. and in 2019, which supports jobs in technology, defense, and agriculture sectors. Following the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, AIPAC intensified grassroots efforts, rallying members to advocate for measures countering the (BDS) movement, including support for federal legislation like the Combating BDS Act and state laws that by 2025 existed in 38 states to restrict government contracts with BDS adherents. These tactics have contributed to robust bipartisan outcomes, evidenced by near-unanimous congressional approval of aid packages, such as the repeated rejection of amendments to halt arms transfers—e.g., votes in 2024 and 2025 blocking restrictions proposed by Sen. —and a House vote in 2025 opposing funding cuts by a margin of 422-6. This pattern aligns with broad empirical recognition of the U.S.- alliance's role in countering mutual threats, including partnerships that have thwarted terror plots against American interests.

Educational and Research Initiatives

The American Israel Education Foundation (AIEF), established in 1990 as a 501(c)(3) charitable affiliate of AIPAC, focuses on non-lobbying educational efforts to inform U.S. political leaders about the U.S.- relationship through firsthand experiences in . AIEF has sponsored hundreds of trips for members of , with 309 such trips funded between 2019 and 2023 at a cost of $6.1 million, including visits to sites of threats and briefings on regional threats. These programs emphasize direct observation of 's geopolitical context, such as border and counterterrorism operations, to provide perspectives contrasting with media portrayals. Recent examples include August 2025 delegations of 22 House Republicans and 23 House Democrats, and similar bipartisan groups in prior years, totaling over 40 participants per trip in some cases. AIEF and AIPAC produce briefing materials and reports highlighting empirical aspects of U.S.- ties, including threat assessments from groups like and , and economic interdependencies such as joint technological innovations in defense and agriculture. These resources aim to equip audiences with data-driven analyses, such as intelligence-sharing mechanisms that have thwarted attacks, fostering an understanding of mutual security benefits grounded in verifiable operational histories rather than abstract narratives. AIPAC also disseminates publications, like those debunking inaccuracies in debates over anti-boycott , to address specific distortions in public discourse. To cultivate long-term support, AIPAC targets emerging leaders through fellowship programs, including the Leffel Israel Fellowship for rabbinical students, which combines educational seminars, trips to , and training to build expertise on historical and contemporary issues. The AIPAC Fellows Program selects participants for intensive training in pro-Israel , networking with policymakers, and grassroots organizing skills. Additional initiatives, such as opportunities for college students, provide tools for campus engagement and policy analysis, emphasizing factual rebuttals to prevailing campus narratives on conflicts. These efforts prioritize younger demographics to sustain informed over generations.

Electoral and Political Action Efforts

In January 2021, AIPAC launched its own (PAC), enabling direct financial contributions to federal candidates and shifting from its prior emphasis on issue advocacy to include electoral involvement. This entity supported 361 Democratic and Republican candidates in the 2024 election cycle with over $53 million in direct contributions, focusing on those demonstrating strong support for the U.S.- alliance. Complementing the PAC, AIPAC-affiliated super PAC United Democracy Project (UDP), established in early 2022, conducted independent expenditures exceeding $65 million in the 2024 cycle alone, with total AIPAC-linked spending across entities surpassing $100 million. UDP raised approximately $87 million overall in the 2023-2024 cycle, directing funds toward advertising and mobilization efforts. These expenditures targeted primary challengers to incumbents perceived as opposing unconditional U.S. aid to , such as $14.5 million against Rep. (D-NY) and $8.5 million against Rep. (D-MO), contributing to both defeats in June and August 2024, respectively. AIPAC's approach remained bipartisan, endorsing candidates across parties while prioritizing the ouster of vocal critics within Democratic primaries, including members of the informal "Squad" group. Of the 129 AIPAC-backed Democratic incumbents facing primaries in 2024, all advanced, though UDP efforts failed to unseat Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) despite $8.7 million in opposition spending. This targeted strategy aimed to reinforce congressional majorities favorable to Israel-related policies amid declining bipartisan consensus on foreign aid, particularly following the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack, but revealed constraints against entrenched incumbents with local support. Overall, AIPAC's interventions helped secure pro-alliance outcomes in key races, sustaining influence despite heightened partisan divisions over Israel policy.

Key Events and Engagements

Annual Policy Conferences


The AIPAC Annual Policy Conference functions as the organization's flagship gathering, convening pro-Israel advocates in , to highlight bipartisan priorities in the U.S.- alliance, with speaker lineups and attendance levels serving as indicators of its political influence. Prior to the , the event typically drew 18,000 to 20,000 participants, including around 4,000 students, who participated in advocacy training and visits to to meet with lawmakers. The format includes plenary sessions featuring keynote addresses from U.S. presidents, vice presidents, cabinet officials, and Israeli leaders, alongside panels on policy issues and showcases of Israeli technological innovations in areas like defense and cybersecurity. A notable example occurred in 2016, when Israeli Prime Minister addressed the conference, critiquing the Iran nuclear deal and thanking attendees for their opposition to the agreement during congressional debates. Speakers from both major U.S. parties, such as in 2016 and in 2019, have used the platform to affirm commitments to Israel's security, underscoring the event's nonpartisan nature despite AIPAC's avoidance of direct endorsements. The conference reinforces core policy goals through networking, without engaging in electoral partisanship, allowing participants to build relationships with policymakers focused on shared strategic interests. The COVID-19 pandemic prompted adaptations, with in-person conferences canceled for 2021 and 2022 due to health uncertainties, shifting activities to virtual sessions and regional events. Post-2020, AIPAC has pivoted to smaller-scale policy summits and leadership forums, such as the 2023 Policy Summit addressed by , maintaining emphasis on resilience in U.S.- cooperation amid evolving threats while incorporating discussions on advanced technologies for security enhancement. These events continue to gauge and bolster influence by attracting officials committed to alliance priorities, including funding for counter-drone and anti-tunneling capabilities.

Responses to Major Crises (e.g., , Iran Policy, October 7, 2023 Attack)

In the lead-up to the 2003 Iraq invasion, AIPAC distributed briefing materials in its 2001-2004 policy book advocating for in , emphasizing threats from Saddam Hussein's weapons programs and intelligence-sharing between U.S. and Israeli agencies to address regional instability. The organization quietly lobbied for the October 2002 Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution, providing talking points to members and coordinating efforts to support pro-intervention lawmakers, framing the action as essential for countering proliferation risks that endangered U.S. allies and interests. AIPAC has sustained advocacy for comprehensive sanctions on to deter its nuclear ambitions and proxy militias, such as and , which threaten U.S. forces and partners through attacks like the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing and ongoing regional destabilization. Key efforts include pushing the Iran Sanctions Enforcement Act in 2025, which funds seizures of sanction-evading Iranian oil exports, and the Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act, tightening penalties on entities aiding Tehran's ballistic missile and aggression programs. These measures, AIPAC argues, address causal links where delayed enforcement has emboldened Iranian escalation, as evidenced by proxy strikes on U.S. assets in and post-2019. Following Hamas's , 2023, attack on —which killed 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and involved mass abductions—AIPAC rapidly mobilized members to urge for supplemental aid, contributing to over $38 billion in U.S. military assistance by mid-2025 to bolster Israel's and offensive capabilities against entrenched threats. This response prioritized deterrence, with AIPAC critiquing any aid pauses as signals of weakness exploited by Iran-backed groups, linking them to heightened attacks on U.S. bases. In 2024-2025, AIPAC backed the Illegitimate Court Counteraction Act to sanction officials issuing warrants against Israeli leaders for post-attack operations, viewing such actions as undermining legitimate and emboldening adversaries through perceived impunity for aggressors.

Achievements and Influence

Legislative and Policy Wins

AIPAC's lobbying efforts have contributed to the passage of multiple memoranda of understanding ensuring sustained U.S. foreign military financing to , including the 2016 agreement committing $38 billion over ten years, with $3.3 billion annually in foreign military financing and $500 million for programs. This support forms part of the cumulative $174 billion in U.S. bilateral assistance and funding provided to since . Annual aid appropriations typically garner overwhelming bipartisan ional approval, reflecting broad support for Israel's qualitative military edge. In , AIPAC has advocated for dedicated funding streams that bolster joint U.S.- systems, such as , , and , with approving $1 billion for replenishment in September 2021 by a vote of 420-9 and incorporating $500 million for cooperative programs in the 2025 . These allocations, exceeding $1.7 billion for alone since 2011, have enabled deployment of multilayered defenses that enhance U.S. technological capabilities against rocket threats and ballistic missiles. AIPAC has supported anti-BDS measures at federal and state levels, including the IGO Anti-Boycott Act reintroduced in 2025 to penalize participation in boycotts against by U.S. persons, and state laws in over 30 jurisdictions prohibiting government contracts with BDS-engaging entities. These policies counter economic pressure campaigns, with AIPAC emphasizing their role in preserving U.S.- commercial ties. On regional diplomacy, AIPAC backed U.S. policy affirming the , including the 2025 U.S.- Partnership and Abraham Accords Enhancement Act, which restates support for 's self-defense and encourages expansion of normalization agreements with Arab states to foster stability and counter shared threats like . This advocacy aligns with accords that have integrated into Middle Eastern security frameworks, yielding mutual benefits in intelligence and defense innovation for the U.S.

Electoral Impact and Bipartisan Support

In the 2024 election cycle, AIPAC-affiliated political action committees, including the United Democracy Project super PAC, expended over $100 million on federal races, with significant focus on Democratic primaries targeting incumbents critical of . This included more than $8 million against Representative (D-MO), contributing to her primary defeat on August 6, 2024, by , and substantial sums against Representative (D-NY), who lost his June 25, 2024, primary to George Latimer. These outcomes demonstrated AIPAC's capacity to influence races where Israel policy diverged from mainstream Democratic positions, though such interventions were selective and offset by broader successes. AIPAC's endorsements extended to 361 candidates across both parties, providing over $53 million in direct support, yielding a 98% win rate as of 2024. This bipartisan approach encompassed pro-Israel Democrats and Republicans, with data reflecting sustained donor mobilization from individuals across the , countering claims of eroding influence amid left-wing shifts. Historical patterns reinforce this resilience; for instance, the Israel Supplemental Appropriations Act (H.R. 8034) passed the on April 20, 2024, by a 366-58 vote, drawing overwhelming support from both parties to fund security assistance. Similarly, decades of congressional appropriations for U.S.- missile defense cooperation, initiated in the , have consistently garnered bipartisan majorities, underscoring enduring consensus on strategic alliance priorities. By prioritizing cross-aisle endorsements and leveraging funding, AIPAC has preserved U.S. policy continuity, hedging against isolationist tendencies or shifts toward adversarial regional powers. Federal campaign finance records indicate that pro-Israel contributions totaled over $5.4 million directly to candidates in 2024, with patterns of high reelection rates for recipients maintaining the alliance's institutional foundations. This framework sustains empirical support for aid, as evidenced by near-unanimous votes on supplemental packages, even amid domestic polarization.

Controversies and Criticisms

Historical Allegations (e.g., Espionage Claims, Internal Resignations)

In the espionage case, uncovered in 1985, U.S. naval intelligence analyst Pollard passed to Israeli handlers, resulting in his arrest and life sentence in 1987 after pleading guilty to espionage charges. While some critics linked the incident to broader pro-Israel networks, including unsubstantiated claims of influence peddling, the U.S. Department of Justice investigation focused on Pollard's direct contacts with Israeli military intelligence officers, with no charges filed against AIPAC or its personnel for involvement. A more direct allegation surfaced in the early 2000s with the investigation of analyst Larry Franklin, who in 2004 pleaded guilty to unauthorized disclosure of classified national defense information to AIPAC lobbyists Steven Rosen and Keith Weissman, including details on U.S. policy toward . The FBI probe examined whether the lobbyists conspired to transmit the information to Israeli officials, leading to indictments against Rosen and Weissman in 2005 under the Espionage Act. However, federal prosecutors dropped all charges against them in May 2009, citing unfavorable court rulings on evidentiary standards and challenges in proving intent to harm U.S. interests, with Franklin receiving a reduced 10-month sentence partly due to the dismissals. AIPAC fired Rosen and Weissman in 2005 and cooperated with authorities, maintaining the interactions involved standard advocacy rather than illicit activity. Internal frictions have occasionally led to high-profile resignations, such as that of AIPAC President David Steiner in November 1992, prompted by a leaked tape-recorded in which he boasted of the organization's influence over U.S. foreign policy decisions, including claims of negotiating loan guarantees with the Bush administration and shaping transition appointments. AIPAC denied the accuracy of Steiner's statements and distanced itself, with the resignation attributed to embarrassment over the exaggeration rather than of or violations. Such episodes, while fueling perceptions of undue sway among detractors, have not resulted in legal findings of wrongdoing, often reflecting tactical overreach in advocacy rather than systemic ethical breaches.

Recent Electoral Spending and Interventions (2022–2025)

In the 2022 midterm elections, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and affiliated groups increased direct involvement through its newly formed PAC, which supported pro- candidates with contributions totaling over $20 million across both parties. This spending targeted Democratic primaries where incumbents opposed unconditional U.S. aid to , such as in races against Representatives (IL-03) and (MI-12), both of whom lost to AIPAC-backed challengers. Overall, AIPAC-endorsed candidates achieved high success rates, with most winning their general election bids, bolstering congressional support for the U.S.- alliance amid debates over policy and regional security. The 2024 cycle marked a significant escalation, with AIPAC and its super PAC, United Democracy Project (UDP), exceeding $100 million in total spending on federal elections, primarily to counter candidates critical of U.S. military aid to . UDP alone expended approximately $37 million in independent expenditures, focusing on Democratic primaries to defeat incumbents like Representatives (MO-01) and (NY-16), who had voted against aid packages post-October 7, 2023. AIPAC's direct PAC contributions reached $53 million for 361 bipartisan candidates, emphasizing support for those upholding the longstanding U.S. policy consensus on . Proponents argue this targeted advocacy safeguards bipartisan from erosion by anti-aid voices, while critics, including progressive outlets, label it "dark money" influence despite mandatory FEC disclosures. Outcomes were mixed but leaned toward success: All 129 AIPAC-backed Democrats won their 2024 primaries, including victories over the targeted members, though win rates reached 97% overall, not universally. Independent analyses note AIPAC's spending amplified turnout and messaging but proved non-invincible in races with strong local opposition or incumbency advantages. Into 2025, AIPAC advocated for pro-Israel provisions in the (NDAA), securing authorizations for $500 million in U.S.- cooperation and $80 million for anti-tunneling efforts, amid ongoing Gaza conflict scrutiny. These measures, passed by in 2024, reflect sustained electoral efforts translating to policy continuity, with AIPAC framing them as essential defenses against threats from Iran-backed groups.

Broader Debates on Influence, Toxicity Claims, and Antisemitism Linkages

Critics of AIPAC have accused the organization of exerting over U.S. through financial contributions that effectively "buy" congressional votes, with its affiliated PACs spending over $100 million in the 2024 election cycle, including $95.1 million from AIPAC and United Democracy Project on direct support and opposition efforts. Such claims portray AIPAC as uniquely powerful, yet data from lobbying disclosures indicate its expenditures are comparable to other major interest groups; for instance, AIPAC's $3.3 million in 2024 lobbying outlays place it among the top tiers but below sectors like pharmaceuticals or firearms lobbies, which routinely exceed $10-20 million annually in combined PAC and direct spending. Defenders argue that AIPAC's activities reflect standard democratic advocacy, akin to the NRA's electoral interventions, and that influence stems from broad mobilization rather than disproportionate funding alone. This perception of outsized power has prompted some Democrats to distance themselves in 2025, exemplified by Rep. (D-MA), who on October 16 announced he would return $35,000 in prior AIPAC donations and reject future ones, citing the group's perceived alignment with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government amid the Gaza conflict. Moulton's move, as a centrist eyeing a bid, signals a broader partisan realignment, with surveys showing Democrats increasingly viewing pro-Israel advocacy as politically risky. Allegations of AIPAC's "toxicity" have intensified following the October 7, 2023, attacks, with left-leaning critics attributing a sharp decline in U.S. support for —particularly among Democrats—to the lobby's aggressive defense of Israeli policies, claiming it alienates younger voters and stifles debate. Polling data substantiates the drop: Gallup reported U.S. approval of 's Gaza military actions fell to 32% by July 2025, down from higher post-attack levels, while found 59% unfavorable views of 's government in October 2025, with Democrats showing the steepest decline from 51% sympathy for in early 2024 to lower figures amid prolonged conflict. However, causal analysis ties the shift less to lobbying pressure and more to the war's realities—initiated by 's massacre of 1,200 Israelis and hostage-taking—coupled with media portrayals emphasizing Palestinian casualties, which empirical reviews show often understate 's use of human shields and civilian targeting. Debates over AIPAC often intersect with charges, where critics of its influence face accusations of invoking dual-loyalty tropes historically used against , as seen in controversies involving Rep. Ilhan Omar's remarks on AIPAC's sway, which drew rebukes for echoing of divided allegiances. Proponents counter that legitimate scrutiny of any lobby's policy impact does not equate to bigotry, emphasizing AIPAC's role in bolstering U.S.- ties as a strategic counter to regional extremism, including and Iran-backed threats, without implying disloyalty among American supporters. Such linkages risk conflating policy disagreement with prejudice, yet defenses highlight that alliances with empirically advance shared interests in , as evidenced by joint intelligence successes against groups responsible for attacks like October 7.

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