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Lebanon
Lebanon
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Lebanon,[c] officially the Republic of Lebanon,[d] is a country in the Levant region of West Asia. Situated at the crossroads of the Mediterranean Basin and the Arabian Peninsula,[14] it is bordered by Syria to the north and east, Israel to the south, and the Mediterranean Sea to the west; Cyprus lies a short distance from the coastline. Lebanon has a population of more than five million and an area of 10,452 square kilometres (4,036 sq mi). Beirut is the country's capital and largest city.

Key Information

Human habitation in Lebanon dates to 5000 BC.[15] From 3200 to 539 BC, it was part of Phoenicia, a maritime civilization that spanned the Mediterranean Basin.[16] In 64 BC, the region became part of the Roman Empire and the subsequent Byzantine Empire. After the seventh century, it came under the rule of different Arab Islamic caliphates, including the Rashidun, Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates. The 11th century saw the establishment of Christian Crusader states, which fell to the Ayyubids and the Mamluks. Lebanon came under Ottoman rule in the early 16th century. Under Ottoman sultan Abdulmejid I, the first Lebanese proto-state, the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate, was established as a home for Maronite Christians, as part of the Tanzimat reforms.

After the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, Lebanon came under the Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon, administered by France, which established Greater Lebanon. By 1943, Lebanon had gained independence from Free France and established a distinct form of confessional government, with the state's major religious groups being apportioned specific political powers. The new Lebanese state was relatively stable,[17] but this was ultimately shattered by the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990). Lebanon was also subjugated by two military occupations: Syria from 1976 to 2005 and Israel from 1985 to 2000. It has been the scene of several conflicts with Israel, of which the ongoing war marks the fourth Israeli invasion since 1978.

Lebanon is a developing country, ranked 112th on the Human Development Index.[18] It has been classified as a lower-middle-income country.[19] The Lebanese liquidity crisis, coupled with nationwide corruption and disasters such as the 2020 Beirut explosion, precipitated the collapse of Lebanon's currency and fomented political instability, widespread resource shortages, and high unemployment and poverty. The World Bank has defined Lebanon's economic crisis as one of the world's worst since the 19th century.[20][21] Despite the country's small size,[22] Lebanese culture is renowned both in the Arab world and globally, powered primarily by the large and influential Lebanese diaspora.[23] Lebanon is a founding member of the United Nations and the Arab League,[24] and a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie, and the Group of 77.

Etymology

[edit]

The name of Mount Lebanon originates from the Phoenician root lbn (𐤋𐤁𐤍) meaning "white", apparently from its snow-capped peaks.[25][26] Occurrences of the name have been found in different Middle Bronze Age texts from the library of Ebla,[27] and three of the twelve tablets of the Epic of Gilgamesh. The name is recorded in Egypt as rmnn (Ancient Egyptian: 𓂋𓏠𓈖𓈖𓈉; it had no letter corresponding to l).[28] The name occurs nearly 70 times in the Hebrew Bible as לְבָנוֹן Ləḇānon.[29]

Lebanon as the name of an administrative unit (as opposed to the mountain range) that was introduced with the Ottoman reforms of 1861 as the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate (Arabic: متصرفية جبل لبنان; Turkish: Cebel-i Lübnan Mutasarrıflığı), continued in the name of Greater Lebanon (Arabic: دولة لبنان الكبير Dawlat Lubnān al-Kabīr; French: État du Grand Liban) in 1920, and eventually in the name of the sovereign Republic of Lebanon (Arabic: الجمهورية اللبنانية al-Jumhūriyyah al-Lubnāniyyah) upon its independence in 1943.[citation needed]

History

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Antiquity

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Byblos is believed to have been first occupied between 8800 and 7000 BC[30] and continuously inhabited since 5000 BC,[31] making it among the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world.[32][33] It is a UNESCO World Heritage Site.[34]

The Natufian culture was the first to become sedentary at around 12000 BC.[35]

Evidence of early settlement in Lebanon was found in Byblos, considered among the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world.[15] The evidence dates back to earlier than 5000 BC. Archaeologists discovered remnants of prehistoric huts with crushed limestone floors, primitive weapons, and burial jars left by the Neolithic and Chalcolithic fishing communities who lived on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea over 7,000 years ago.[36]

Lebanon was part of northern Canaan, and consequently became the homeland of Canaanite descendants, the Phoenicians, a seafaring people based in the coastal strip of the northern Levant who spread across the Mediterranean in the first millennium BC.[37] The most prominent Phoenician cities were Byblos, Sidon and Tyre. According to the Bible, King Hiram of Tyre collaborated closely with Solomon, supplying cedar logs for Solomon's Temple and sending skilled workers.[38] The Phoenicians are credited with the invention of the oldest verified alphabet, which subsequently inspired the Greek alphabet and the Latin one thereafter.[39]

In the 9th century BC, Phoenician colonies, including Carthage in present-day Tunisia and Cádiz in present-day Spain, flourished throughout the Mediterranean. Subsequently, foreign powers, starting with the Neo-Assyrian Empire, imposed tribute and attacked non-compliant cities. The Neo-Babylonian Empire took control in the 6th century BC.[38] In 539 BC, The cities of Phoenicia were then incorporated into the Achaemenid Empire by Cyrus the Great.[40] The Phoenician city-states were later incorporated into the empire of Alexander the Great following the siege of Tyre in 332 BCE.[40]

A map of Phoenicia, trade routes and the Phoenician colony of Carthage

In 64 BC, the Roman general Pompey had the region of Syria annexed into the Roman Republic. The area was then split into two Imperial Provinces under the Roman Empire, Coele-Syria and Phoenice, the latter which the land of present-day Lebanon was a part of.

The region that is now Lebanon, as with the rest of Syria and much of Anatolia, became a major center of Christianity in the Roman Empire during the early spread of the faith. During the late 4th and early 5th century, a hermit named Maron established a monastic tradition focused on the importance of monotheism and asceticism near the Mediterranean mountain range known as Mount Lebanon. The monks who followed Maron spread his teachings among Lebanese in the region. These Christians became known as Maronites and moved into the mountains to avoid religious persecution by Roman authorities.[41] During the frequent Roman–Persian Wars that lasted for many centuries, the Sasanian Empire occupied what is now Lebanon from 619 till 629.[42]

Middle Ages

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During the 7th century, Muslims conquered Syria from the Byzantines, incorporating the region, including modern-day Lebanon, under the Islamic Caliphate.[43] In the era of Uthman's caliphate (644–656), Islam gained significant influence in Damascus, led by Mu'awiya, a relative of Uthman, serving as the governor. Mu'awiya sent forces to the coastal region of Lebanon, prompting conversions to Islam among the coastal population. The mountainous areas retained their Christian or other cultural practices.[38] Despite Islam and Arabic becoming officially dominant, the population's conversion from Christianity and Syriac language was gradual. The Maronite community, in particular, managed to maintain a large degree of autonomy despite the succession of rulers over Lebanon and Syria. The relative isolation of the Lebanese mountains meant the mountains served as a refuge in the times of religious and political crises in the Levant. As such, the mountains displayed religious diversity and the existence of several well-established sects and religions, notably, Maronites, Druze, Shiite Muslims, Ismailis, Alawites and Jacobites.[44]

After the Islamic conquest, Mediterranean trade declined for three centuries due to conflicts with the Byzantines. The ports of Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, and Tripoli struggled to recover, sustaining small populations under Umayyad and Abbasid rule. Christians and Jews were often obligated to pay the jizya, or poll tax levied on non-Muslims.[43] During the 980s, the Fatimid Caliphate took control of the Levant, including Mount Lebanon, resulting in the rejuvenation of Mediterranean trade along the Lebanese coast through renewed connections with Byzantium and Italy. This resurgence saw Tripoli and Tyre flourishing well into the 11th century, focusing on exports such as textiles, sugar, and glassware.[43]

During the 11th century, the Druze religion emerged from a branch of Shia Islam. The new religion gained followers in the southern portion of Mount Lebanon. The southern portion of Mount Lebanon was ruled by Druze feudal families till the early 14th century. The Maronite population increased gradually in Northern Mount Lebanon and the Druze have remained in Southern Mount Lebanon until the modern era. Keserwan, Jabal Amel and the Beqaa Valley was ruled by Shia feudal families under the Mamluks and the Ottoman Empire. Major cities on the coast, Sidon, Tyre, Acre, Tripoli, Beirut, and others, were directly administered by the Muslim Caliphs and the people became more fully absorbed by the Arab culture.

The Fall of Tripoli to the Egyptian Mamluks and destruction of the Crusader state, the County of Tripoli, 1289

Following the fall of Roman Anatolia to the Muslim Turks, the Byzantines put out a call to the Pope in Rome for assistance in the 11th century. The result was a series of wars known as the Crusades launched by the Franks from Western Europe to reclaim the former Byzantine Christian territories in the Eastern Mediterranean, especially Syria and Palestine (the Levant). The First Crusade succeeded in temporarily establishing the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the County of Tripoli as Roman Catholic Christian states along the coast.[45] These crusader states made a lasting impact on the region, though their control was limited, and the region returned to full Muslim control after two centuries following the conquest by the Mamluks.

Among the most lasting effects of the Crusades in this region was the contact between the Franks (i.e., the French) and the Maronites. Unlike most other Christian communities in the Eastern Mediterranean, who swore allegiance to Constantinople or other local patriarchs, the Maronites proclaimed allegiance to the Pope in Rome. As such the Franks saw them as Roman Catholic brethren. These initial contacts led to centuries of support for the Maronites from France and Italy, even after the fall of the Crusader states in the region.

Ottoman rule

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Fakhreddine II Palace, 17th century

In 1516, Lebanon became part of the Ottoman Empire, with governance administered indirectly through local emirs.[46] Lebanon's area was organized into provinces: Northern and Southern Mount Lebanon, Tripoli, Baalbek and Beqaa Valley, and Jabal Amil.

In 1590, Druze tribal leader Fakhr al-Din II succeeded Korkmaz in southern Mount Lebanon and quickly asserted his authority as the paramount emir of the Druze in the Shouf region. Eventually, he was appointed Sanjak-bey, overseeing various Ottoman sub-provinces and tax collection. Expanding his influence extensively, he even constructed a fort in Palmyra.[47]

This expansion raised concerns for Ottoman Sultan Murad IV, leading to a punitive expedition in 1633. Fakhr al-Din II was captured, imprisoned for two years, and subsequently executed in April 1635, along with one of his sons.[48] Surviving members of his family continued to govern a reduced area under closer Ottoman supervision until the late 17th century. On the death of the last Maan emir, various members of the Shihab clan ruled Mount Lebanon until 1830.

While the history of Druze-Christian relations in Lebanon has generally been marked by harmony and peaceful coexistence,[49][50][51][52] there were occasional periods of tension, notably during the 1860 Mount Lebanon civil war, during which around 10,000 Christians were killed by the Druze.[53] Shortly afterwards, the Emirate of Mount Lebanon, which lasted about 400 years, was replaced by the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate, as a result of a European-Ottoman treaty called the Règlement Organique. The Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate[54][55][56] (1861–1918, Arabic: متصرفية جبل لبنان; Turkish: Cebel-i Lübnan Mutasarrıflığı) was one of the Ottoman Empire's subdivisions following the Tanzimat reform. After 1861 there existed an autonomous Mount Lebanon with a Christian mutasarrıf, which had been created as a homeland for the Maronites under European diplomatic pressure following the 1860 massacres. The Maronite Catholics and the Druze founded modern Lebanon in the early eighteenth century, through the ruling and social system known as the "Maronite-Druze dualism" in Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate.[57]

An 1862 map drawn by the French expedition of Beaufort d'Hautpoul,[58] later used as a template for the 1920 borders of Greater Lebanon.[59][60]

The Baalbek and Beqaa Valley and Jabal Amel was ruled intermittently by various Shia feudal families, especially the Al Ali Alsagheer in Jabal Amel that remained in power until 1865 when Ottomans took direct ruling of the region. Youssef Bey Karam,[61] a Lebanese nationalist played an influential role in Lebanon's independence during this era.

Lebanon experienced profound devastation in the First World War when the Ottoman army assumed direct control, disrupting supplies and confiscating animals, ultimately leading to a severe famine.[46] During the war, approximately 100,000 people in Beirut and Mount Lebanon died due to starvation.[62]

French Mandate

[edit]

Amidst the height of the First World War, the Sykes–Picot Agreement of 1916, a secret pact between Britain and France, delineated Lebanon and its surrounding areas as regions open to potential French influence or control.[46] After the Allies emerged victorious in the war, the Ottoman Empire ultimately collapsed, losing control over the area. Soon after the war, Patriarch Elias Peter Hoayek, representing the Maronite Christians, successfully campaigned for an expanded territory at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, also including areas with significant Muslim and Druze populations in addition to the Christian-dominated Mount Lebanon.[46]

In 1920, King Faisal I proclaimed the Arab Kingdom of Syria's independence and asserted control over Lebanon. However, following a defeat to the French at the Battle of Maysalun, the kingdom was dissolved.[46] Around the same time, at the San Remo Conference, tasked with deciding the fate of former Ottoman territories, it was determined that Syria and Lebanon would fall under French rule. Shortly afterward, the formal division of territories took place in the Treaty of Sèvres, signed a few months later.[46]

On 1 September 1920, Greater Lebanon, or Grand Liban, was established under French control as a League of Nations Mandate, following the terms outlined in the proposed Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon. Greater Lebanon united the regions of Mount Lebanon, North Lebanon, South Lebanon, and the Bekaa, with Beirut as its designated capital.[63][46] These specified boundaries later evolved into the present-day configuration of Lebanon. This arrangement was ratified in July 1922.[46] The Lebanese Republic was officially proclaimed on 1 September 1926, with the adoption of a constitution inspired by the French constitution on 23 May 1926. While a Lebanese government was established, the country continued to be under French control.[46]

Pressure on German-occupied France

[edit]
A map of the French Mandate and the states created in 1920

Lebanon gained a measure of independence while France was occupied by Germany.[64] General Henri Dentz, the Vichy High commissioner for Syria and Lebanon, played a major role in the independence of the nation. The Vichy authorities in 1941 allowed Germany to move aircraft and supplies through Syria to Iraq where they were used against British forces. The United Kingdom, fearing that Nazi Germany would gain full control of Lebanon and Syria by pressure on the weak Vichy government, sent its army into Syria and Lebanon.[65]

After the fighting ended in Lebanon, General Charles de Gaulle visited the area. Under political pressure from both inside and outside Lebanon, de Gaulle recognized the independence of Lebanon. On 26 November 1941, General Georges Catroux announced that Lebanon would become independent under the authority of the Free French government. Elections were held in 1943 and on 8 November 1943 the new Lebanese government unilaterally abolished the mandate. The French reacted by imprisoning the new government. Lebanese nationalists declared a provisional government, and the British diplomatically intervened on their behalf. In the face of intense British pressure and protests by Lebanese nationalists, the French reluctantly released the government officials on 22 November 1943, and accepted the independence of Lebanon.[66]

Martyrs' Square in Beirut during celebrations marking the release by the French of Lebanon's government from Rashayya prison on 22 November 1943

Independence from Free France

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Following the end of World War II in Europe the French mandate may be said to have been terminated without any formal action on the part of the League of Nations or its successor the United Nations. The mandate was ended by the declaration of the mandatory power, and of the new states themselves, of their independence, followed by a process of piecemeal unconditional recognition by other powers, culminating in formal admission to the United Nations. Article 78 of the UN Charter ended the status of tutelage for any member state: "The trusteeship system shall not apply to territories which have become Members of the United Nations, relationship among which shall be based on respect for the principle of sovereign equality."[67] So when the UN officially came into existence on 24 October 1945, after ratification of the United Nations Charter by the five permanent members, as both Syria and Lebanon were founding member states, the French mandate for both was legally terminated on that date and full independence attained.[68] The last French troops withdrew in December 1946.

Lebanon's unwritten National Pact of 1943 required that its president be Maronite Christian, its speaker of the parliament to be a Shia Muslim, its prime minister be Sunni Muslim, and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament and the Deputy Prime Minister be Greek Orthodox.[69]

Lebanon's history since independence has been marked by alternating periods of political stability and turmoil interspersed with prosperity built on Beirut's position as a regional center for finance and trade.[70]

In May 1948, Lebanon supported neighboring Arab countries in a war against Israel. While some irregular forces crossed the border and carried out minor skirmishes against Israel, it was without the support of the Lebanese government, and Lebanese troops did not officially invade.[71] Lebanon agreed to support the forces with covering artillery fire, armored cars, volunteers and logistical support.[72] On 5–6 June 1948, the Lebanese army – led by the then Minister of National Defense, Emir Majid Arslan – captured Al-Malkiyya. This was Lebanon's only success in the war.[73]

Under Fouad Chehab, Lebanon experienced economic growth and sectarian harmony

100,000 Palestinians fled to Lebanon because of the war. Israel did not permit their return after the cease-fire.[74] As of 2017, between 174,000 and 450,000 Palestinian refugees live in Lebanon with about half in refugee camps (although these are often decades old and resemble neighborhoods).[75] Often Palestinians are legally barred from owning property or performing certain occupations.[76] According to Human Rights Watch, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon live in "appalling social and economic conditions."

In 1958, during the last months of President Camille Chamoun's term, an insurrection broke out, instigated by Lebanese Muslims who wanted to make Lebanon a member of the United Arab Republic. Chamoun requested assistance, and 5,000 United States Marines were briefly dispatched to Beirut on 15 July. After the crisis, a new government was formed, led by the popular former general Fouad Chehab.

Until the early 1970s, Lebanon was dubbed "the Switzerland of the Middle East" for its unique status as both a snow-capped holiday destination and secure banking hub for Gulf Arabs.[77] Beirut was also nicknamed "the Paris of the Middle East."[78]

Civil War and occupation

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Map showing power balance in Lebanon, 1983:
  controlled by Syria
  controlled by Christian groups
  controlled by Israel
  controlled by the UN

With the defeat of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Jordan, many Palestinian militants relocated to Lebanon in 1970 and increased their armed campaign against Israel. The relocation also led to sectarian tensions between Palestinians versus the Maronites and other Lebanese factions. In 1975, following increasing tensions, largely boosted by Palestinian militant presence in the south, a full-scale civil war broke out in Lebanon. The war pitted a coalition of Christian groups against the joint forces of the PLO, left-wing Druze and Muslim militias. In October 1976 the Arab League agreed to establish a predominantly Syrian Arab Deterrent Force, which was charged with restoring calm.[79]

The Green Line that separated west and east Beirut, 1982

PLO attacks from Lebanon into Israel in 1977 and 1978 escalated tensions between two countries. On 11 March 1978, Fatah militants in northern Israel, hijacked two passenger buses, that killed 37 Israelis before being killed in a firefight with Israeli forces.[80] Israel invaded Lebanon four days later and occupied most of the area south of the Litani River. The UNSC passed the Resolution 425 calling for immediate Israeli withdrawal and creating the U.N Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), charged with attempting to establish peace. Israeli forces withdrew later in 1978, but retained control of the southern region by managing a 19-kilometre-wide (12 mi) security zone along the border. These positions were held by the South Lebanon Army (SLA), a Christian militia under the leadership of Major Saad Haddad backed by Israel. The Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, compared the plight of the Christian minority in southern Lebanon (then about 5% of the population in SLA territory) to that of European Jews during World War II.[81]

The PLO routinely attacked Israel during the period of the cease-fire, with over 270 documented attacks.[82] People in Galilee regularly had to leave their homes during these shellings. Documents captured in PLO headquarters after the invasion showed they had come from Lebanon.[83] PLO leader Yasser Arafat refused to condemn these attacks on the grounds that the cease-fire was only relevant to Lebanon.[84] In April 1980 the killing of two UNIFIL soldiers and the injuring of a third by the South Lebanon Army, near At Tiri, in the buffer zone led to a military conflict. On 17 July 1981, Israeli aircraft bombed multi-story apartment buildings in Beirut that contained offices of PLO associated groups. The Lebanese delegate to the United Nations Security Council claimed that 300 civilians had been killed and 800 wounded. The bombing led to worldwide condemnation, and a temporary embargo on the export of U.S. aircraft to Israel.[85]

In August 1981, defense minister Ariel Sharon began to draw up plans to attack PLO military infrastructure in West Beirut, where PLO headquarters and command bunkers were located.[86] In 1982, PLO attacks from Lebanon on Israel led to an Israeli invasion, aiming to support Lebanese forces in driving out the PLO. A multinational force of American, French and Italian contingents (joined in 1983 by a British contingent) were deployed in Beirut after the Israeli siege of the city, to supervise the evacuation of the PLO. The civil war re-emerged in September 1982 after the assassination of President Bachir Gemayel, an Israeli ally, and subsequent fighting. During this time a number of sectarian massacres occurred, such as in Sabra and Shatila, and in several refugee camps.[87] The multinational force was withdrawn in the spring of 1984, following a devastating bombing attack during the previous year.

During the early 1980s, Hezbollah, a Shiite Islamist militant group and political party, came into existence through the efforts of Shiite clerics who were financially supported and trained by Iran. Arising in the aftermath of the 1982 war and drawing inspiration from the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Hezbollah actively engaged in combat against Israel as well as suicide attacks, car bombings and assassinations. Their objectives encompassed eliminating Israel, fighting for the Shia cause in the civil war, ending Western presence in Lebanon, and establishing a Shiite Khomeinist Islamic state.[88][43][89]

In the late 1980s, as Amine Gemayel's second term as president drew to an end, the Lebanese pound collapsed. At the end of 1987 US$1 was worth £L500. This meant the legal minimum wage was worth just $17 a month. Most goods in shops were priced in dollars. A Save the Children director estimated that 200,000–300,000 children were in need of assistance and were living almost entirely on bread, which was subsidized by the government. Those who could relied on foreign assistance. Hezbollah was receiving about $3–5 million a month from Iran.[90] In September 1988, the Parliament failed to elect a successor to President Gemayel as a result of differences between the Christians, Muslims, and Syrians. The Arab League Summit of May 1989 led to the formation of a Saudi–Moroccan–Algerian committee to solve the crisis.

On 16 September 1989 the committee issued a peace plan which was accepted by all. A ceasefire was established, the ports and airports were re-opened and refugees began to return.[79] In the same month, the parliament agreed to the Taif Agreement, which included an outline timetable for Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon and a formula for the de-confessionalization of the Lebanese political system.[79] The civil war ended at the end of 1990 after 16 years; it had caused massive loss of human life and property and devastated the country's economy. It is estimated that 150,000 people were killed and another 200,000 wounded.[91] Nearly a million civilians were displaced by the war, and some never returned.[92] Parts of Lebanon were left in ruins.[93] The agreement has still not been implemented in full and Lebanon's political system continues to be divided along sectarian lines.

Conflict between Israel and Lebanese militants continued, leading to a series of violent events and clashes including the Qana massacre.[94][95][96][97] In May 2000, Israeli forces fully withdrew from Lebanon.[98][95][99] Since then, 25 May is regarded by the Lebanese as the Liberation Day.[100][101][95] The internal political situation in Lebanon significantly changed in the early 2000s. After the Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon and the death of former Syrian president Hafez al-Assad in 2000, the Syrian military presence faced criticism and resistance from the Lebanese population.[102]

Demonstrations in Lebanon triggered by the assassination of Rafik Hariri on 14 February 2005

On 14 February 2005, former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was assassinated in a car bomb explosion.[103] Leaders of the March 14 Alliance accused Syria of the attack, while Syria and the March 8 Alliance claimed that Israel was behind the assassination.[104] It marked the beginning of a series of assassinations that resulted in the death of many prominent Lebanese figures and triggered the demonstrations which demanded the withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon and the establishment of an international commission to investigate the assassination.[nb 1] Under the pressure from the West, Syria began withdrew from Lebanon by 26 April.[105][106] UNSC Resolution 1595 called for an investigation into the assassination.[107] The UN International Independent Investigation Commission published preliminary findings on 20 October 2005 in the Mehlis report, which cited indications that the assassination was organized by Syrian and Lebanese intelligence services.[108][109][110][111]

Post-war revolution and spillover of the Syrian conflict

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On 12 July 2006, Hezbollah launched a series of rocket attacks and raids into Israeli territory, where they killed three Israeli soldiers and captured two others.[112] Israel responded with airstrikes and artillery fire on targets in Lebanon, and a ground invasion of southern Lebanon, resulting in the 2006 Lebanon War. The conflict was officially ended by the UNSC Resolution 1701 on 14 August 2006, which ordered a ceasefire, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon, and the disarmament of Hezbollah.[113][114] Some 1,191 Lebanese[115] and 160 Israelis[116] were killed in the conflict. Beirut's southern suburb was heavily damaged by Israeli airstrikes.[117]

In 2007, the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp became the center of the 2007 Lebanon conflict between the Lebanese Army and Fatah al-Islam. At least 169 soldiers, 287 insurgents and 47 civilians were killed in the battle. Funds for the reconstruction of the area have been slow to materialize.[118] Between 2006 and 2008, a series of protests led by groups opposed to the pro-Western Prime Minister Fouad Siniora demanded the creation of a national unity government, over which the mostly Shia opposition groups would have veto power. When Émile Lahoud's presidential term ended in October 2007, the opposition refused to vote for a successor unless a power-sharing deal was reached, leaving Lebanon without a president.

On 7 May 2008, Hezbollah and Amal forces, sparked by a government declaration that Hezbollah's communications network was illegal, seized western Beirut,[119][120] the most important Sunni center in Lebanon, leading to an intrastate military conflict.[121][122] The Lebanese government denounced the violence as a coup attempt.[123] At least 62 people died in the resulting clashes between pro-government and opposition militias.[124] On 21 May 2008, the signing of the Doha Agreement ended the fighting.[119][124] As part of the accord, which ended 18 months of political paralysis,[125] Michel Suleiman became president and a national unity government was established, granting a veto to the opposition.[119] The agreement was a victory for opposition forces, as the government caved in to all their main demands.[124]

Over 20,000 Syrian and Palestinian refugees live in the Shatila refugee camp on the outskirts of Beirut.

In early January 2011, the national unity government collapsed due to growing tensions stemming from the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, which was expected to indict Hezbollah members for the Hariri assassination.[126] The parliament elected Najib Mikati, the candidate for the Hezbollah-led March 8 Alliance, Prime Minister of Lebanon, making him responsible for forming a new government.[127] Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah later accused Israel of assassinating Hariri.[128] A report leaked by the Al-Akhbar newspaper in November 2010 stated that Hezbollah had drafted plans for a violent takeover of the country in case the Special Tribunal for Lebanon issued an indictment against its members.[129]

In 2012, the Syrian civil war threatened to spill over in Lebanon, causing incidents of sectarian violence and armed clashes between Sunnis and Alawites in Tripoli.[130] According to UNHCR, the number of Syrian refugees in Lebanon increased from around 250,000 in early 2013 to 1,000,000 in late 2014.[131] In 2013, The Lebanese Forces Party, the Kataeb Party and the Free Patriotic Movement voiced concerns that the country's sectarian based political system is being undermined by the influx of Syrian refugees.[132] On 6 May 2015, UNHCR suspended registration of Syrian refugees at the request of the Lebanese government.[133] In February 2016, the Lebanese government signed the Lebanon Compact, granting a minimum of €400 million of support for refugees and vulnerable Lebanese citizens.[134] As of October 2016, the government estimated that the country hosts 1.5 million Syrians.[135]

National crisis (2019–present)

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The 2019 protests were non-sectarian, crossing the Sunni–Shia Muslim / Christian sociological and religious divide.

On 17 October 2019, the first of a series of mass civil demonstrations erupted;[136][137][138] they were initially triggered by planned taxes on gasoline, tobacco and online phone calls such as through WhatsApp,[139][140][141] but quickly expanded into a country-wide condemnation of sectarian rule,[142] a stagnant economy and liquidity crisis, unemployment, endemic corruption in the public sector,[142] legislation (such as banking secrecy) that is perceived to shield the ruling class from accountability[143][144] and failures from the government to provide basic services such as electricity, water and sanitation.[145]

Women protesters forming a line between riot police and protesters in Riad el Solh, Beirut; 19 November 2019

As a result of the protests, Lebanon entered a political crisis, with Prime Minister Saad Hariri tendering his resignation and echoing protestors' demands for a government of independent specialists.[146] Other politicians targeted by the protests have remained in power. On 19 December 2019, former Minister of Education Hassan Diab was designated the next prime minister and tasked with forming a new cabinet.[147] Protests and acts of civil disobedience have since continued, with protesters denouncing and condemning the designation of Diab as prime minister.[148][149][150] Lebanon is suffering the worst economic crisis in decades.[151][152] Lebanon is the first country in the Middle East and North Africa to see its inflation rate exceed 50% for 30 consecutive days, according to Steve H. Hanke, professor of applied economics at the Johns Hopkins University.[153] On 4 August 2020, an explosion at the port of Beirut, Lebanon's main port, destroyed the surrounding areas, killing over 200 people, and injuring thousands more. The cause of the explosion was later determined to be 2,750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate that had been unsafely stored, and accidentally set on fire that Tuesday afternoon.[154] Protests resumed within days following the explosion, which resulted in the resignation of Prime Minister Hassan Diab and his cabinet on 10 August 2020, nonetheless continuing to stay in office in a caretaker capacity.[155] Demonstrations continued into 2021 with Lebanese blocking the roads with burned tires protesting against the poverty and the economic crisis.

On 11 March 2021 the caretaker minister of energy Raymond Ghajar warned that Lebanon was threatened with "total darkness" at the end of March if no money was secured to buy fuel for power stations.[156] In August 2021, a large fuel explosion in northern Lebanon killed 28 people.[157] September saw the formation of a new cabinet led by former prime minister Najib Mikati.[158] On 9 October 2021, the entire nation lost power for 24 hours after its two main power stations ran out of power due to the currency and fuel shortage.[159] Days later, sectarian violence in Beirut killed a number of people in the deadliest clashes in the country since 2008.[160] By January 2022, BBC News reported that the crisis in Lebanon had deepened further, with the value of the Lebanese pound plummeting and a scheduled general election expected to be delayed indefinitely.[161] The postponement of parliamentary elections was said to prolong the political deadlock in the country. The European Parliament called Lebanon's present situation a 'man-made disaster caused by a handful of men across the political class'.[162]

In May 2022, Lebanon held its first election since a painful economic crisis dragged it to the brink of becoming a failed state. Lebanon's crisis has been so severe that more than 80 percent of the population is now considered poor by the United Nations.[163] In the election the Shia Muslim Hezbollah movement (and its allies) lost their parliamentary majority. Hezbollah did not lose any of its seats, but its allies lost seats. Hezbollah's ally, President Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement, was no longer the biggest Christian party after the election. A rival Christian party, the Lebanese Forces led by Samir Geagea, became the largest Christian-based party in parliament. The Sunni Future Movement, led by former prime minister Saad Hariri, did not participate in the election, leaving a political vacuum for other Sunni politicians to fill.[164][165][166] The Lebanese crisis became so severe that multiple boats left the coast holding migrants in a desperate run from the country. Many proved unsuccessful and fatal. In April 2022, 6 people died and around 50 people were rescued after an overloaded boat sunk in Tripoli.[167] And on 22 September, at least 94 people were killed when a boat carrying migrants from Lebanon capsized off Syria's coast. 9 people survived. Many were declared missing and some were found either dead or injured. Dead bodies were sent to nearby hospitals. 40 people are still missing as of 24 September.[168] On 1 February 2023, the central bank of Lebanon devalued the Lebanese pound by 90% amid the ongoing financial crisis.[169] This was the first time Lebanon had devalued its official exchange rate in 25 years.[170] As of 2023, Lebanon is considered to have become a failed state, suffering from chronic poverty, economic mismanagement and a banking collapse.[171]

The Gaza war sparked a renewed Israel–Hezbollah conflict.[172] Hezbollah has said it will not stop attacking Israel until Israel ceases its attacks in Gaza.[173] Starting with the Israeli explosion of Lebanese pagers and walkie talkies in September 2024,[174] the conflict escalated severely,[175] with the 23 September 2024 Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon killing at least 558 people,[176] and sparking a mass exodus from southern Lebanon.[177] On 27 September 2024, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was killed in an Israeli airstrike.[178] On 1 October 2024, Lebanon was invaded by Israel with the objective of destroying infrastructure belonging to Hezbollah in the south of the country.[179] In November 2024, a ceasefire deal was signed between Israel and the Lebanese armed group Hezbollah to end 13 months of conflict. According to the agreement, Hezbollah was given 60 days to end its armed presence in southern Lebanon and Israeli forces were obliged to withdraw from the area over the same period.[180] The fall of Assad's Baathist regime in Syria was another blow to its Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, which was already weakened because of Israeli military actions.[181] The Syrian regime change in December 2024 was said to start a new chapter in Lebanese politics.[182] In January 2025, Joseph Aoun, the Lebanese army commander, was elected Lebanese 14th president after a two-year vacancy.[183] In February 2025, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, former president of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), formed a new government of 24 ministers after two-year caretaker cabinet.[184] On 26 February 2025, Lebanon's government of Nawaf Salam won a confidence vote in parliament.[185]

Geography

[edit]
Kadisha Valley, a view from Qannoubine Monastery

Lebanon is located in West Asia between latitudes 33° and 35° N and longitudes 35° and 37° E. Its land straddles the "northwest of the Arabian Plate".[186] The country's surface area is 10,452 square kilometres (4,036 sq mi) of which 10,230 square kilometres (3,950 sq mi) is land. Lebanon has a coastline and border of 225 kilometres (140 mi) on the Mediterranean Sea to the west, a 375 kilometres (233 mi) border shared with Syria to the north and east and a 79 kilometres (49 mi) long border with Israel to the south.[187] The border with the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights is disputed by Lebanon in a small area called Shebaa Farms.[188]

Lebanon from space. Snow cover can be seen on the western Mount Lebanon and eastern Anti-Lebanon mountain ranges.

Lebanon is divided into four distinct physiographic regions: the coastal plain, the Lebanon mountain range, the Beqaa Valley and the Anti-Lebanon Mountains. The narrow and discontinuous coastal plain stretches from the Syrian border in the north where it widens to form the Akkar plain to Ras al-Naqoura at the border with Israel in the south. The fertile coastal plain is formed of marine sediments and river deposited alluvium alternating with sandy bays and rocky beaches. Lebanon's mountains rise steeply parallel to the Mediterranean coast and form a ridge of limestone and sandstone that runs for most of the country's length.

The mountain range varies in width between 10 km (6 mi) and 56 km (35 mi); it is carved by narrow and deep gorges. The Lebanon mountains peak at 3,088 metres (10,131 ft) above sea level in Qurnat as Sawda' in North Lebanon and gradually slope to the south before rising again to a height of 2,695 metres (8,842 ft) in Mount Sannine. The Beqaa valley sits between the Lebanon mountains in the west and the Anti-Lebanon range in the east; it is a part of the Great Rift Valley system. The valley is 180 km (112 mi) long and 10 to 26 km (6 to 16 mi) wide, its fertile soil is formed by alluvial deposits. The Anti-Lebanon range runs parallel to the Lebanon mountains, its highest peak is in Mount Hermon at 2,814 metres (9,232 ft).[187]

The mountains of Lebanon are drained by seasonal torrents and rivers foremost of which is the 145 kilometres (90 mi) long Leontes that rises in the Beqaa Valley to the west of Baalbek and empties into the Mediterranean Sea north of Tyre.[187] Lebanon has 16 rivers all of which are non-navigable; 13 rivers originate from Mount Lebanon and run through the steep gorges and into the Mediterranean Sea, the other three arise in the Beqaa Valley.[189]

Climate

[edit]

Lebanon has a moderate Mediterranean climate. In coastal areas, winters are generally cool and rainy whilst summers are hot and humid. In more elevated areas, temperatures usually drop below freezing during the winter with heavy snow cover that remains until early summer on the higher mountaintops.[187][190] Although most of Lebanon receives a relatively large amount of rainfall, when measured annually in comparison to its arid surroundings, certain areas in north-eastern Lebanon receives only little because of the rain shadow created by the high peaks of the western mountain range.[191] Storm Adam 2025 saw severe polar weather system affecting Lebanon with low temperatures and snow expected to fall at elevations as low as 300 meters above sea level.[192]

Environment

[edit]
The Lebanon cedar is the national emblem of Lebanon.
'Pilgrimage to the Cedars of Libanon' – painting by a Hungarian painter, Csontváry Kosztka Tivadar

In ancient times, Lebanon was covered by large forests of cedar trees, the national emblem of the country.[193] Millennia of deforestation have altered the hydrology in Mount Lebanon and changed the regional climate adversely.[194] As of 2012, forests covered 13.4% of the Lebanese land area;[195] they are under constant threat from wildfires caused by the long dry summer season.[196]

As a result of longstanding exploitation, few old cedar trees remain in pockets of forests in Lebanon, but there is an active program to conserve and regenerate the forests. The Lebanese approach has emphasized natural regeneration over planting by creating the right conditions for germination and growth. The Lebanese state has created several nature reserves that contain cedars, including the Shouf Biosphere Reserve, the Jaj Cedar Reserve, the Tannourine Reserve, the Ammouaa and Karm Shbat Reserves in the Akkar district, and the Forest of the Cedars of God near Bsharri.[197][198][199] Lebanon had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 3.76/10, ranking it 141st globally out of 172 countries.[200]

In 2010, the Environment Ministry set a 10-year plan to increase the national forest coverage by 20%, which is equivalent to the planting of two million new trees each year.[201] The plan, which was funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and implemented by the U.S. Forest Service (USFS), through the Lebanon Reforestation Initiative (LRI), was inaugurated in 2011 by planting cedar, pine, wild almond, juniper, fir, oak and other seedlings, in ten regions around Lebanon.[201] As of 2016, forests covered 13.6% of Lebanon, and other wooded lands represented a further 11%.[202] Since 2011, over 600,000 trees, including cedars and other native species, have been planted throughout the country as part of the Lebanon Reforestation Initiative (LRI).[203]

Lebanon contains two terrestrial ecoregions: Eastern Mediterranean conifer–sclerophyllous–broadleaf forests and Southern Anatolian montane conifer and deciduous forests.[204]

Beirut and Mount Lebanon have been facing a severe garbage crisis. After the closure of the Bourj Hammoud dump in 1997, the al-Naameh dumpsite was opened by the government in 1998. The al-Naameh dumpsite was planned to contain 2 million tons of waste for a limited period of six years at the most. It was designed to be a temporary solution, while the government would have devised a long-term plan. Sixteen years later al-Naameh was still open and exceeded its capacity by 13 million tons. In July 2015 the residents of the area, already protesting in the recent years, forced the closure of the dumpsite. The inefficiency of the government, as well as the corruption inside of the waste management company Sukleen in charge of managing the garbage in Lebanon, have resulted in piles of garbage blocking streets in Mount Lebanon and Beirut.[205]

Mount Lebanon is a mountain range in Lebanon. It averages above 2,500 m (8,200 ft) in elevation.

In December 2015, the Lebanese government signed an agreement with Chinook Industrial Mining, part owned by Chinook Sciences, to export over 100,000 tons of untreated waste from Beirut and the surrounding area. The waste had accumulated in temporary locations following the government closure of the county's largest land fill site five months earlier. The contract was jointly signed with Howa International which has offices in the Netherlands and Germany. The contract is reported to cost $212 per ton. The waste, which is compacted and infectious, would have to be sorted and was estimated to be enough to fill 2,000 containers.[206] Initial reports that the waste was to be exported to Sierra Leone have been denied by diplomats.[207]

In February 2016, the government withdrew from negotiations after it was revealed that documents relating to the export of the trash to Russia were forgeries.[208] On 19 March 2016, the Cabinet reopened the Naameh landfill for 60 days in line with a plan it passed a few days earlier to end the trash crisis. The plan also stipulates the establishment of landfills in Bourj Hammoud and Costa Brava, east and south of Beirut respectively. Sukleen trucks began removing piled garbage from Karantina and heading to Naameh. Environment Minister Mohammad Machnouk announced during a chat with activists that over 8,000 tons of garbage had been collected up to that point in only 24 hours as part of the government's trash plan. The plan's execution was ongoing at last report.[209] In 2017, Human Rights Watch found that Lebanon's garbage crisis, and open burning of waste in particular, was posing a health risk to residents and violating the state's obligations under international law.[210]

In September 2018, Lebanon's parliament passed a law that banned open dumping and burning of waste. Despite penalties set in case of violations, Lebanese municipalities have been openly burning the waste, putting the lives of people in danger. In October 2018, Human Rights Watch researchers witnessed the open burning of dumps in al-Qantara and Qabrikha.[211] On Sunday 13 October 2019 at night, a series of about 100 forest fires according to Lebanese Civil Defense, broke out and spread over large areas of Lebanon's forests. Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Al-Hariri confirmed his contact with a number of countries to send assistance via helicopters and firefighting planes,[212] Cyprus, Jordan, Turkey and Greece participated in firefighting. According to press reports on Tuesday (15 October), fire has decreased in different places due to the rains.[213] Lebanon's ongoing economic crisis has precipitated electricity shortages, prompting an increased reliance on diesel generators and subsequently contributing to environmental deterioration and health hazards. The scarcity of power has led to a heightened contamination of water sources. The compromised infrastructure, marked by sewage infiltrating drinking water, has given rise to significant health concerns, including an increase in cases of Hepatitis A. The health service, grappling with workforce shortages due to emigration, struggles amid a growing public health crisis.[214]

Government and politics

[edit]
The Lebanese Parliament building at the Place de l'Étoile

Lebanon is a parliamentary democracy that includes confessionalism.[215] The National Pact, erected in 1943, laid out a governing arrangement intended to harmonize the interests of the country's major religious groups.[216] The President has to be a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, the Speaker of the Parliament a Shi'a Muslim, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament Eastern Orthodox.[217][218] This system is intended to deter sectarian conflict and to represent fairly the demographic distribution of the 18 recognized religious groups in government.[219][220]

Until 1975, Freedom House considered Lebanon to be among only two (together with Israel) politically free countries in the Middle East and North Africa region.[221] The country lost this status with the outbreak of the Civil War, and has not regained it since. Lebanon was rated "Partly Free" in 2013. Even so, Freedom House still ranks Lebanon as among the most democratic nations in the Arab world.[221] According to the V-Dem Democracy indices Lebanon is 2023 the second most electoral democratic country in the Middle East.[222]

Until 2005, Palestinians were forbidden to work in over 70 jobs because they did not have Lebanese citizenship. After liberalization laws were passed in 2007, the number of banned jobs dropped to around 20.[74] In 2010, Palestinians were granted the same rights to work as other foreigners in the country.[223] Lebanon's national legislature is the unicameral Parliament of Lebanon. Its 128 seats are divided equally between Christians and Muslims, proportionately between the 18 different denominations and proportionately between its 26 regions.[224] Prior to 1990, the ratio stood at 6:5 in favor of Christians, but the Taif Agreement, which put an end to the 1975–1990 civil war, adjusted the ratio to grant equal representation to followers of the two religions.[217]

One of many protests in Beirut

The Parliament is elected for a four-year term by popular vote on the basis of sectarian proportional representation.[12] The executive branch consists of the President, the head of state, and the Prime Minister, the head of government. The parliament elects the president for a non-renewable six-year term by a two-thirds majority. The president appoints the Prime Minister,[225] following consultations with the parliament. The president and the prime minister form a cabinet, which must also adhere to the sectarian distribution set out by confessionalism.

In an unprecedented move, the Lebanese parliament has extended its own term twice amid protests, the last being on 5 November 2014,[226] an act which comes in direct contradiction with democracy and article #42 of the Lebanese constitution as no elections have taken place.[7] Lebanon was without a President between May 2014 and October 2016.[227][228] Nationwide elections were finally scheduled for May 2018.[229] As of August 2019, the Lebanese cabinet included two ministers directly affiliated with Hezbollah, in addition to a close but officially non-member minister.[230] The most recent parliamentary elections were held on 15 May 2022.[231]

Administrative divisions

[edit]

Lebanon is divided into nine governorates (muḥāfaẓāt, Arabic: محافظات; singular muḥāfaẓah, Arabic: محافظة) which are further subdivided into twenty-five districts (aqdyah, Arabic: أقضية; singular: qadāʾ Arabic: قضاء).[232] The districts themselves are also divided into several municipalities, each enclosing a group of cities or villages. The governorates and their respective districts are listed below:

Corinthian capitals of the Temple of Jupiter in Baalbek

Foreign relations

[edit]
United Nations Lebanon headquarters in Beirut

Lebanon concluded negotiations on an association agreement with the European Union in late 2001, and both sides initialed the accord in January 2002. It is included in the European Union's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer. Lebanon also has bilateral trade agreements with several Arab states and is working toward accession to the World Trade Organization.

Lebanon enjoys good relations with virtually all of the other Arab countries (despite historic tensions with Libya and Syria), and hosted an Arab League Summit in March 2002 for the first time in over 35 years. Lebanon is a member of the Francophonie countries and hosted the Francophonie Summit in October 2002 as well as the Jeux de la Francophonie in 2009.

Military

[edit]
Soldiers of the Lebanese army, 2009

The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) has 72,000 active personnel,[233] including 1,100 in the air force, and 1,000 in the navy.[234] The Lebanese Armed Forces' primary missions include defending Lebanon and its citizens against external aggression, maintaining internal stability and security, confronting threats against the country's vital interests, engaging in social development activities, and undertaking relief operations in coordination with public and humanitarian institutions.[235]

Lebanon is a major recipient of foreign military aid.[236] With over $400 million since 2005, it is the second largest per capita recipient of American military aid behind Israel.[237]

The LAF is considered less powerful and influential than Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah claims to have around 100,000 personnel, including 20,000 active fighters and 20,000 in reserves and is supplied with advanced weaponry, including rockets and drones from Iran.[238][239] It possesses "a larger arsenal of artillery than most nations enjoy."[240] A report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2018 called it "the world's most heavily armed non-state actor."[240] In June 2024, experts estimated that Hezbollah had 150,000–200,000 rockets and missiles of various ranges.[240]

Hezbollah effectively controls large portions of southern Lebanon, and has greater military strength than the Lebanese armed forces.[241] The government of Lebanon has been unable or unwilling to prevent Hezbollah attacks on Israel, and violent conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in southern Lebanon.[242] Many Islamist and Palestinian militias operate in refugee camps because of an agreement that prevents the Lebanese Army from entering them. Many people wanted by the Lebanese government are believed to have taken refuge in the camp as a result of the lack of Lebanese authority.[citation needed]

Law

[edit]
Grand Serail from Riad El Solh Square, Beirut

There are 18 officially recognized religious groups in Lebanon, each with its own family law legislation and set of religious courts.[243] The Lebanese legal system is based on the French system, and is a civil law country, with the exception for matters related to personal status (succession, marriage, divorce, adoption, etc.), which are governed by a separate set of laws designed for each sectarian community. For instance, the Islamic personal status laws are inspired by the Sharia law.[244] For Muslims, these tribunals deal with questions of marriage, divorce, custody, and inheritance and wills. For non-Muslims, personal status jurisdiction is split: the law of inheritance and wills falls under national civil jurisdiction, while Christian and Jewish religious courts are competent for marriage, divorce, and custody. Catholics can additionally appeal before the Vatican Rota court.[245]

The most notable set of codified laws is the Code des Obligations et des Contrats promulgated in 1932 and equivalent to the French Civil Code.[244] Capital punishment is still de facto used to sanction certain crimes, but no longer enforced.[clarification needed][244] The Lebanese court system consists of three levels: courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and the court of cassation. The Constitutional Council rules on constitutionality of laws and electoral frauds. There also is a system of religious courts having jurisdiction over personal status matters within their own communities, with rules on matters such as marriage and inheritance.[246]

In 1990, article 95 was amended to provide that the parliament shall take necessary measures to abolish political structure based on religious affiliation, but that until such time only the highest positions in public civil service, including the judiciary, military, security forces, public and mixed institutions, shall be divided equally between Christians and Muslims without regard to the denominational affiliation within each community.[247]

LGBT rights

[edit]

Male homosexuality is illegal in Lebanon.[248] Discrimination against LGBTQ people in Lebanon is widespread.[249][250] According to 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center, 85% of Lebanese respondents believe that homosexuality should not be accepted by society.[251]

A gender and sexuality conference, held annually in Lebanon, since 2013, was moved abroad in 2019 after a religious group on Facebook called for the organizers' arrest and the cancellation of the conference for "inciting immorality." General Security Forces shut down the 2018 conference and indefinitely denied non-Lebanese LGBT activists who attended the conference permission to re-enter the country.[252]

Economy

[edit]
Beirut Central District

Lebanon's constitution states that 'the economic system is free and ensures private initiative and the right to private property'. Lebanon's economy follows a laissez-faire model.[253] Most of the economy is dollarized, and the country has no restrictions on the movement of capital across its borders.[253] The Lebanese government's intervention in foreign trade is minimal.[253] The Investment Development Authority of Lebanon was established with the aim of promoting investment in Lebanon. In 2001, Investment Law No.360[254] was enacted to reinforce the organisation's mission.

Lebanon is now suffering the worst economic crisis in decades.[151][152] As of 2023, the GDP has shrunk by 40% since 2018, and the currency has experienced a significant depreciation of 95%.[255] The annual inflation rate exceeds 200%, rendering the minimum wage equivalent to approximately $1 per day.[256] This was the first time Lebanon had devalued its official exchange rate in 25 years.[170] According to the United Nations, three out of every four Lebanese individuals fall below the poverty line.[256] The crisis stems from a long-term Ponzi scheme by the Central Bank of Lebanon, borrowing dollars at high interest rates to sustain deficits and maintain a currency peg. By 2019, insufficient new deposits led to an unsustainable situation, resulting in weeks-long bank closures, arbitrary capital controls, and ultimately, the country's default in 2020.[257]

Throughout the Ottoman and French mandatory periods and into the 1960s, Lebanon experienced prosperity, serving as a hub for banking, financial services, and a key distribution center for the Middle East. The local economy thrived with a foundation in industries related to food processing, clothing, jewelry, and carpets. This prosperity was later marred by four decades of conflict.[216] Following the end of the civil war, Lebanon has developed a service-based economy centered around finance, real estate, and tourism.[258] Nearly 65% of the Lebanese workforce attain employment in the services sector.[259] The GDP contribution, accordingly, amounts to roughly 67.3% of the annual Lebanese GDP.[17] However, dependence on the tourism and banking sectors leaves the economy vulnerable to political instability.[260]

The urban population in Lebanon is noted for its commercial enterprise.[261] Emigration has yielded Lebanese "commercial networks" throughout the world.[262] In 2008, Remittances from Lebanese abroad totalled $8.2 billion[263] and account for one-fifth of the country's economy.[264] In 2005, Lebanon had the largest proportion of skilled labor among Arab States.[265]

Agriculture

[edit]

The agricultural sector in Lebanon employs 20–25% of the total workforce,[266] and contributed 3.1% to the country's GDP,[267] as of 2020. Lebanon has the highest proportion of cultivable land in the Arab world.[268] Major crops include apples, peaches, oranges, and lemons.[17] A significant portion of the country's factories, approximately one-third, is dedicated to producing packaged food items, ranging from poultry to pickles.[266] However, despite favorable conditions for farming and diverse microclimates, the country depends on food imports, constituting 80% of its consumption. This is mainly attributed to the small scale of many farms, preventing the benefits of economies of scale.[266] The ongoing economic crisis and devaluation of the Lebanese pound have also negatively impacted the agricultural sector, particularly through elevated costs for essential imports such as seeds and fertilizers. This economic strain compounds existing burdens for farmers, including escalating debts and inefficient agricultural practices. Consequently, farmers are observing a decline in revenues and encountering difficulties in meeting loan repayment obligations.[266][269]

The commodities market in Lebanon includes substantial gold coin production, however according to International Air Transport Association (IATA) standards, they must be declared upon exportation to any foreign country.[270]

Manufacturing and industry

[edit]

Industry in Lebanon is mainly limited to small businesses that reassemble and package imported parts. In 2004, industry ranked second in workforce, with 26% of the Lebanese working population,[259] and second in GDP contribution, with 21% of Lebanon's GDP.[17]

Oil has recently been discovered inland and in the seabed between Lebanon, Cyprus, Israel and Egypt and talks are underway between Cyprus and Egypt to reach an agreement regarding the exploration of these resources. The seabed separating Lebanon and Cyprus is believed to hold significant quantities of crude oil and natural gas.[271] On 10 May 2013, the Lebanese minister of energy and water clarified that seismic images of the Lebanese sea bed are undergoing detailed explanation of their contents and that up till now, approximately 10% have been covered. Preliminary inspection of the results showed, with over 50% probability, that 10% of Lebanon's exclusive economic zone held up to 660 million barrels of oil and up to 30×1012 cu ft of gas.[272]

Lebanon has a significant drug industry, including both production and trade. Western intelligence estimate an annual production of over 4 million pounds of hashish and 20,000 pounds of heroin, generating profits exceeding $4 billion. In recent decades, Hezbollah has intensified its engagement in the drug economy, with narcotics serving as a significant revenue stream for the group. Despite some of the harvest being retained for local use, a significant amount is smuggled worldwide. Despite ongoing efforts, the government's inability to control the drug-producing Beqaa Valley and address illicit Captagon factories allows for the persistent occurrence of drug trades, impacting Lebanon's economy and regional stability.[273][274][275]

Science and technology

[edit]
Saint Joseph University of Beirut's Campus of Innovation and Sports on Damascus Street, Beirut

Lebanon was ranked 94th in the Global Innovation Index in 2024, down from 88th in 2019.[276][277][278] Notable scientists from Lebanon include Hassan Kamel Al-Sabbah, Rammal Rammal, and Edgar Choueiri.[279][280]

In 1960, a science club from a university in Beirut started a Lebanese space program called "the Lebanese Rocket Society". They achieved great success until 1966 where the program was stopped because of both war and external pressure.[281][282]

Development

[edit]

In the 1950s, GDP growth was the second highest in the world. Despite having no oil reserves, Lebanon, as the Arab world's banking center[283] and among its trading center, had a high national income.[284]

Lebanese real GDP 1970–2017

The 1975–1990 civil war heavily damaged Lebanon's economic infrastructure,[234] cut national output by half, and all but ended Lebanon's position as a West Asian entrepôt and banking hub.[12] The subsequent period of relative peace enabled the central government to restore control in Beirut, begin collecting taxes, and regain access to key port and government facilities. Economic recovery has been helped by a financially sound banking system and resilient small- and medium-scale manufacturers, with family remittances, banking services, manufactured and farm exports, and international aid as the main sources of foreign exchange.[285]

Port of Beirut

Until July 2006, Lebanon enjoyed considerable stability, Beirut's reconstruction was almost complete,[286] and increasing numbers of tourists poured into the nation's resorts.[287] The economy witnessed growth, with bank assets reaching over 75 billion US dollars.[288] Market capitalization was also at an all-time high, estimated at $10.9 billion at the end of the second quarter of 2006.[288] The month-long 2006 war severely damaged Lebanon's fragile economy, especially the tourism sector. According to a preliminary report published by the Lebanese Ministry of Finance on 30 August 2006, a major economic decline was expected as a result of the fighting.[289]

Over the course of 2008 Lebanon rebuilt its infrastructure mainly in the real estate and tourism sectors, resulting in a comparatively robust post war economy. Major contributors to the reconstruction of Lebanon include Saudi Arabia (with US$1.5 billion pledged),[290] the European Union (with about $1 billion)[291] and a few other Persian Gulf countries with contributions of up to $800 million.[292]

Tourism

[edit]
Beirut is the tourism hub of the country.

The tourism industry accounts for about 10% of GDP.[293] Lebanon attracted around 1,333,000 tourists in 2008, thus placing it as 79th out of 191 countries.[294] In 2009, The New York Times ranked Beirut the No. 1 travel destination worldwide due to its nightlife and hospitality.[295] In January 2010, the Ministry of Tourism announced that 1,851,081 tourists had visited Lebanon in 2009, a 39% increase from 2008.[296] In 2009, Lebanon hosted the largest number of tourists to date, eclipsing the previous record set before the Lebanese Civil War.[297] Tourist arrivals reached two million in 2010, but fell by 37% for the first 10 months of 2012, a decline caused by the war in neighbouring Syria.[293]

In 2011, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Japan were the three most popular origin countries of foreign tourists to Lebanon.[298] In summer, a considerable number of visitors to Lebanon consists of Lebanese expatriates coming to visit their hometowns.[257] In 2012, it was reported that an influx of Japanese tourists had caused a rise in popularity of Japanese cuisine in Lebanon.[299]

On 4 May, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has announced that it will lift its travel ban on Lebanon, effective May 7, 2025. This decision follows a meeting between Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed in Abu Dhabi, during which both leaders agreed to facilitate travel and improve movement between the two countries.[300]

Demographics

[edit]

Lebanon had an estimated population of 5,592,631 in 2021, with the number of Lebanese nationals estimated at 4,680,212 in July;[301][302] however, no official census has been conducted since 1932 due to the sensitive confessional political balance between Lebanon's various religious groups.[303] Identifying all Lebanese as ethnically Arab is a widely employed example of panethnicity, as the Lebanese "are descended from many different peoples who are either indigenous, or have occupied, invaded, or settled this corner of the world", making Lebanon, "a mosaic of closely interrelated cultures".[e][306]

The fertility rate fell from 5.00 in 1971 to 1.75 in 2004. Fertility rates vary considerably among the different religious groups: in 2004, it was 2.10 for Shiites, 1.76 for Sunnis and 1.61 for Maronites.[307]

Beirut, located on the Mediterranean Sea, is the most populous city in Lebanon.

Lebanese people have a long history of emigration stretching back to the 19th century; including partial ancestry, more Lebanese live outside the country than in Lebanon itself. The country has experienced a series of migration waves since independence: over 1.8 million people emigrated from the country between 1975 and 2011.[307] Consequently, millions of people of Lebanese descent are spread throughout the world, especially in Latin America;[308] Brazil and Argentina have the largest Lebanese communities,[309] with the former having the largest population in the world, at 5–7 million. North America likewise hosts a large diaspora, particularly in Canada (approximately 250,000–700,000) and the United States (around 2 million).[310] Australia is home to over 270,000 Lebanese.[311]

Large numbers of Lebanese migrated to West Africa,[312] particularly to the Ivory Coast (100,000)[313] and Senegal (30,000).[314] The Persian Gulf hosts many Lebanese expatriates,[315] led by Saudi Arabia with 269,000 Lebanese citizens.[316] Around a third of the Lebanese workforce, about 350,000, reportedly live in Gulf countries according to some sources.[317] Over 50% of the Lebanese diaspora are Christian, partly due to the large period of Christian emigration before 1943.[318]

Lebanon has the largest number of refugees per capita in the world.[319] As of 2024,[320] Lebanon hosted over 1.6 million refugees and asylum seekers: 449,957 from Palestine,[12] 100,000 from Iraq,[321] over 1.1 million from Syria,[12][322] and at least 4,000 from Sudan.[323] According to the Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia of the United Nations, among the Syrian refugees, 71% live in poverty and 80% lack legal residency.[324] Other estimates put the Syrian refugee population at 1.5 million in 2024,[319] compared to over 1.25 million according to a 2013 estimate by the United Nations.[131]

In the last three decades, lengthy and destructive armed conflicts have ravaged the country. The majority of Lebanese have been affected by armed conflict; those with direct personal experience include 75% of the population, and most others report suffering a range of hardships. In total, almost the entire population (96%) has been affected in some way – either personally or because of the wider consequences of armed conflict.[325]

 
 
Largest cities or towns in Lebanon
Source?
Rank Name Governorate Pop. Rank Name Governorate Pop.
1 Beirut Beirut 1,916,100 11 Nabatieh Nabatieh 50,000
2 Tripoli North 1,150,000 12 Zgharta North 45,000
3 Jounieh Mount Lebanon 450,000 13 Bint Jbeil Nabatieh 30,000
4 Zahlé Beqaa 130,000 14 Bsharri North 25,000
5 Sidon South 110,000 15 Baakleen Mount Lebanon 20,000
6 Aley Mount Lebanon 100,000
7 Tyre South 85,000
8 Byblos Mount Lebanon 80,000
9 Baalbek Baalbek-Hermel 70,000
10 Batroun North Governorate 55,000

Religion

[edit]
Distribution of main religious groups of Lebanon according to 2009 municipal election data[326]

Lebanon is the most religiously diverse country in West Asia and the Mediterranean.[327] Because the relative sizes of different religions and religious sects remains a sensitive issue, a national census has not been conducted since 1932.[328] There are 18 state-recognized religious sects: four Muslim, 12 Christian, one Druze, and one Jewish.[328] The Lebanese government counts its Druze citizens as part of its Muslim population,[329] although most Druze today do not identify as Muslims.[330][331]

The Damour massacre in 1976.

It is believed that there has been a decline in the ratio of Christians to Muslims over the past 60 years, due to higher emigration rates of Christians, and a higher birth rate in the Muslim population.[328] When the last census was held in 1932, Christians made up 53% of Lebanon's population.[307] In 1956, it was estimated that the population was 54% Christian and 44% Muslim.[307]

A demographic study conducted[when?] by the research firm Statistics Lebanon found that approximately 27% of the population was Sunni, 27% Shia, 21% Maronite, 8% Greek Orthodox, 5% Druze, 5% Melkite, and 1% Protestant, with the remaining 6% mostly belonging to smaller non-native to Lebanon Christian denominations.[328] The CIA World Factbook estimates (2020) the following (data does not include Lebanon's sizable Syrian and Palestinian refugee populations): Muslim 67.8% (31.9% Sunni, 31.2% Shia, smaller percentages of Alawites and Ismailis), Christian 32.4% (Maronite Catholics are the largest Christian group), Druze 4.5%, and very small numbers of Jews, Baha'is, Buddhists, and Hindus.[332] Other sources like Euronews[333] or the Madrid-based diary La Razón[334] estimate the percentage of Christians to be around 53%. A study based on voter registration numbers shows that by 2011, the Christian population was stable compared to that of previous years, making up 34.35% of the population; Muslims, the Druze included, were 65.47% of the population.[335] The World Values Survey of 2014 put the percentage of atheists in Lebanon at 3.3%.[336] Survey data indicates a decrease in religious faith within Lebanon, especially noticeable among young people.[337]

The Sunni residents primarily live in Western Beirut, the Southern coast of Lebanon, and Northern Lebanon.[338] The Shi'a residents primarily live in Southern Beirut, the Beqaa Valley, and Southern Lebanon.[338] The Maronite Catholic residents primarily live in Eastern Beirut and around Mount Lebanon.[338] The Greek Orthodox residents primarily live in the Koura region, Akkar, Metn, and Beirut (Achrafieh).[339][340] The Melkite Catholic residents live mainly in Beirut, on the eastern slopes of the Lebanon mountains, and in Zahlé.[341] The Druze residents are concentrated in the rural, mountainous areas east and south of Beirut.

Language

[edit]

Article 11 of Lebanon's Constitution states that "Arabic is the official national language. A law determines the cases in which the French language is to be used".[1] The majority of Lebanese people speak Lebanese Arabic, which is grouped in a larger category called Levantine Arabic, while Modern Standard Arabic is mostly used in magazines, newspapers, and formal broadcast media. Lebanese Sign Language is the language of the Deaf community.

There is also significant presence of French, and of English. Almost 40% of Lebanese are considered francophone, and another 15% "partial francophone", and 70% of Lebanon's secondary schools use French as a second language of instruction.[342] By comparison, English is used as a secondary language in 30% of Lebanon's secondary schools.[342] The use of French is a legacy of France's historic ties to the region, including its League of Nations mandate over Lebanon following World War I; as of 2005, some 20% of the population used French on a daily basis.[343] The use of Arabic by Lebanon's educated youth is declining, as they usually prefer to speak in French and, to a lesser extent, English, which are seen as more fashionable.[344][345]

English is increasingly used in science and business interactions.[346][347] Lebanese citizens of Armenian, Greek, or Assyrian descent often speak their ancestral languages with varying degrees of fluency. As of 2009, there were around 150,000 Armenians in Lebanon, or around 5% of the population.[348]

Education

[edit]
The Innovation and Sports Campus of Saint Joseph University

According to surveys from the World Economic Forum's 2013 Global Information Technology Report, Lebanon has been ranked globally as the fourth best country for math and science education, and as the tenth best overall for quality of education. In quality of management schools, the country was ranked 13th worldwide.[349]

In 2008, the United Nations assigned Lebanon an education index of 0.871. The index, which is determined by the adult literacy rate and the combined primary, secondary, and tertiary gross enrollment ratio, ranked Lebanon 88th out of the 177 countries participating.[350] All Lebanese schools are required to follow a prescribed curriculum designed by the Ministry of Education. Some of the 1,400 private schools offer IB programs,[351] and may add more courses to their curriculum with approval from the Ministry of Education. The first eight years of education are compulsory by law.[17]

Lebanon has forty-one nationally accredited universities, several of which are internationally recognized.[352][353] The American University of Beirut (AUB) and the Saint Joseph University of Beirut (USJ) were the first Anglophone and the first Francophone universities to open in Lebanon, respectively.[354][355]

Universities in Lebanon, both public and private, largely operate in French or English.[356] The top-ranking universities in the country are the American University of Beirut (#2 in the Middle East as of 2022 and #226 worldwide),[357] University of Balamand (#17 in the region and #802–850 worldwide),[358] Lebanese American University (#17 in the region and #501 worldwide),[359] Université Saint Joseph de Beyrouth (#2 in Lebanon and #631–640 worldwide),[360] Université Libanaise (#577 worldwide) and Holy Spirit University of Kaslik (#600s worldwide as of 2020).[361] Notre Dame University-Louaize (NDU) (#701 as of 2021).[362]

Health

[edit]
Belluve Medical Center

In 2010, spending on healthcare accounted for 7.03% of Lebanon's GDP. In 2009, there were 31.29 physicians and 19.71 nurses per 10,000 inhabitants.[363] The life expectancy at birth was 72.59 years in 2011, or 70.48 years for males and 74.80 years for females.[364] By the end of the civil war, only one-third of Lebanon's public hospitals were operational, each with an average of 20 beds. By 2009, Lebanon had 28 public hospitals, with a total of 2,550 beds.[365]

At public hospitals, hospitalized uninsured patients pay 5% of the bill, in comparison with 15% in private hospitals, with the Ministry of Public Health reimbursing the remainder.[365] The Ministry of Public Health contracts with 138 private hospitals and 25 public hospitals.[366]

In 2011, there were 236,643 subsidized admissions to hospitals; 164,244 in private hospitals, and 72,399 in public hospitals. More patients visit private hospitals than public hospitals, because the private beds supply is higher.[366] In 2017, the top 10 leading causes of reported hospital deaths were: malignant neoplasm of bronchus or lung (4.6%), Acute myocardial infarction (3%), pneumonia (2.2%), exposure to unspecified factor, unspecified place (2.1%), acute kidney injury (1.4%), intra-cerebral hemorrhage (1.2%), malignant neoplasm of colon (1.2%), malignant neoplasm of pancreas (1.1%), malignant neoplasm of prostate (1.1%), malignant neoplasm of bladder (0.8%).[367]

Recently,[when?] there has been an increase in foodborne illnesses in Lebanon. This has raised public awareness on the importance of food safety, including in the realms of food storage, preservation, and preparation. More restaurants are seeking information and compliance with International Organization for Standardization.[368]

Mental health

[edit]

The Asfouriyeh Hospital, founded in 1896 in Lebanon, is considered the first modern mental health hospital in the Middle East. The devastating impact of the Lebanese Civil War led to the hospital's closure in 1982.[369]

Culture

[edit]
The Temple of Bacchus is considered among the best preserved Roman temples in the world, c. 150 AD.

The culture of Lebanon reflects the legacy of various civilizations spanning thousands of years. Originally home to the Canaanite-Phoenicians, and then conquered and occupied by the Assyrians, the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Arabs, the Crusaders, the Ottoman Turks and most recently the French, Lebanese culture has over the millennia evolved by borrowing from all of these groups.[370]

Lebanon's diverse population, composed of different ethnic and religious groups, has further contributed to the country's festivals, musical styles and literature as well as cuisine. Despite the ethnic, linguistic, religious and denominational diversity of the Lebanese, they "share an almost common culture".[370] Lebanese Arabic is universally spoken while food, music, and literature are deep-rooted "in wider Mediterranean and Levantine norms".[370]

Arts

[edit]

In visual arts, Moustafa Farroukh was among Lebanon's most prominent painters of the 20th century. Formally trained in Rome and Paris, he exhibited in venues from Paris to New York to Beirut over his career.[371] Many more contemporary artists are active, such as Walid Raad, a contemporary media artist residing in New York.[372] In the field of photography, the Arab Image Foundation has a collection of over 400,000 photographs from Lebanon and the Middle East. The photographs can be viewed in a research center and various events and publications have been produced in Lebanon and worldwide to promote the collection.

Literature

[edit]

In literature, Kahlil Gibran is the third best-selling poet of all time, behind Shakespeare and Laozi.[373] He is particularly known for his 1923 book The Prophet, which has been translated into over twenty different languages.[374] Ameen Rihani was a major figure in the mahjar literary movement developed by Arab emigrants in North America, and an early theorist of Arab nationalism. Mikhail Naimy is widely recognized as among the most important figures in modern Arabic letters and among the most important spiritual writers of the 20th century. Several contemporary Lebanese writers have also achieved international success; including Elias Khoury, Amin Maalouf, Hanan al-Shaykh, and Georges Schéhadé.

Music

[edit]
Fairuz

While traditional folk music remains popular in Lebanon, modern music reconciling Western and traditional Arabic styles, pop, and fusion are rapidly advancing in popularity.[375] Lebanese artists like Fairuz, Majida El Roumi, Wadih El Safi, Sabah, Julia Boutros or Najwa Karam are widely known and appreciated in Lebanon and in the Arab world. Radio stations feature a variety of music, including traditional Lebanese, classical Arabic, Armenian[376] and modern French, English, American, and Latin tunes.[377]

Media and cinema

[edit]

The cinema of Lebanon, according to film critic and historian, Roy Armes, was the only cinema in the Arabic-speaking region, besides the dominant Egyptian cinema,[378][379] that could amount to a national cinema.[380] Cinema in Lebanon has been in existence since the 1920s. Lebanon has produced over 500 films, with many films including Egyptian filmmakers and film stars.[381]

The media of Lebanon is a regional center of production and the most liberal and free in the Arab world.[382] According to Press freedom's Reporters Without Borders, "the media have more freedom in Lebanon than in any other Arab country".[383] Despite its small population and geographic size, Lebanon plays an influential role in the production of information in the Arab world and is "at the core of a regional media network with global implications".[384]

Holidays and festivals

[edit]

Lebanon celebrates national and both Christian and Muslim holidays. Christian holidays are celebrated following both the Gregorian calendar and Julian calendar. Greek Orthodox (with the exception of Easter), Catholics, Protestants, and Melkite Christians follow the Gregorian Calendar and thus celebrate Christmas on 25 December. Armenian Apostolic Christians celebrate Christmas on 6 January, as they follow the Julian Calendar.[385]

Muslim holidays are followed based on the Islamic lunar calendar. Muslim holidays that are celebrated include Eid al-Fitr (the three-day feast at the end of the Ramadan month), Eid al-Adha (The Feast of the Sacrifice) which is celebrated during the annual pilgrimage to Mecca and also celebrates Abraham's willingness to sacrifice his son to God, the Birth of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, and Ashura (the Shiite Day of Mourning). Lebanon's National Holidays include Workers Day, Independence Day, and Martyrs Day. Music festivals, often hosted at historical sites, are a customary element of Lebanese culture.[385]

Among the most famous are Baalbeck International Festival, Byblos International Festival, Beiteddine International Festival, Jounieh International Festival, Broumana Festival, Batroun International Festival, Ehmej Festival, Dhour Chwer Festival and Tyr Festival.[385][386] These festivals are promoted by Lebanon's Ministry of Tourism. Lebanon hosts about 15 concerts from international performers each year, ranking 1st for nightlife in the Middle East, and 6th worldwide.[387]

Cuisine

[edit]

Lebanese cuisine is similar to those of many countries in the Eastern Mediterranean, such as Syria, Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus. The Lebanese national dishes are the kibbe, a meat pie made from finely minced lamb and burghul (cracked wheat), and the tabbouleh, a salad made from parsley, tomatoes, and burghul wheat. Lebanese restaurant meals begin with a wide array of mezze – small savoury dishes, such as dips, salads, and pastries. The mezze are typically followed by a selection of grilled meat or fish. In general, meals are finished with Arabic coffee and fresh fruit, though sometimes a selection of traditional sweets will be offered as well.

Sports

[edit]
Camille Chamoun Sports City Stadium in Beirut

Lebanon has six ski resorts. The country's unique geography makes it possible to go skiing in the morning and swimming in the Mediterranean Sea in the afternoon.[388] At the competitive level, basketball and football are among Lebanon's most popular sports. Canoeing, cycling, rafting, climbing, swimming, sailing and caving are among the other common leisure sports in Lebanon. The Beirut Marathon is held every fall, drawing top runners from Lebanon and abroad.[389]

Rugby league is a relatively new but growing sport in Lebanon. The Lebanon national rugby league team participated in the 2000 Rugby League World Cup,[390] and narrowly missed qualification for the 2008[391] and 2013 tournaments.[392] They qualified again for the 2017 World Cup reaching the quarter-finals, narrowly losing 24–22 to Tonga.[393] This ensured qualification for 2021. Their 2021 quarterfinal was not as competitive, losing 48–4 to eventual champions Australia.[394] Lebanon also took part in the 2009 European Cup where, after narrowly failing to qualify for the final, the team defeated Ireland to finish 3rd in the tournament.[395]

Al Ansar FC in Beirut

Lebanon participates in basketball. The Lebanese National Team qualified for the FIBA World Championship three times in a row.[396][397] Dominant basketball teams are Sporting Al Riyadi Beirut,[398] who are the Arab and Asian champions, and Club Sagesse, who have earned the Asian and Arab championships.

Football is also among the more popular sports in the country. The top football league is the Lebanese Premier League, whose most successful clubs are Al Ansar FC and Nejmeh SC. In recent years, Lebanon has hosted the AFC Asian Cup[399] and the Pan Arab Games.[400] Lebanon hosted the 2009 Jeux de la Francophonie,[401] and have participated in every Olympic Games since its independence, winning a total of four medals.[402] Water sports in Lebanon have been very active in recent years. Since 2012 and with the emergence of the Lebanon Water Festival NGO, more emphasis has been placed on those sports, and Lebanon has been pushed forward as a water sport destination internationally.[403] They host different contests and water show sports that encourage their fans to participate and win big.[404]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Lebanon, officially the Lebanese Republic, is a parliamentary republic in the Levant region of the Middle East, located along the eastern Mediterranean coast and bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south. With a land area of 10,452 square kilometers and a population estimated at 5.3 million as of 2023, primarily ethnic Arabs, the country features a Mediterranean climate, narrow coastal plains, and the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountain ranges, including the fertile Bekaa Valley. Arabic is the official language, and Beirut serves as the capital and economic hub. Lebanon's political system is defined by confessionalism, a power-sharing arrangement established in the 1943 National Pact that allocates key offices by religious sect—such as the presidency to Christian Catholic Maronites, prime ministership to Sunnis, and speakership to Shiites—among its 18 recognized communities, where Muslims constitute about 67% (split between Sunni, Shia, and others), Christians 32%, and Druze 5%, though exact figures remain uncertain due to the last census in 1932. This system, intended to foster stability, has instead perpetuated sectarian patronage, gridlock, and vulnerability to external interference, notably from Hezbollah, a Iran-backed Shia Islamist militia and political party that maintains a parallel state apparatus, including an arsenal exceeding that of the Lebanese Armed Forces and involvement in transnational conflicts. Independent since 1943 after French mandate rule, Lebanon experienced a post-World War II boom as a regional banking and tourism center, but descended into a 15-year civil war (1975–1990) fueled by sectarian militias, Palestinian factions, and foreign interventions, leaving over 120,000 dead and infrastructure in ruins. Subsequent Syrian occupation until 2005, Syrian withdrawal amid the Cedar Revolution, and recurring crises—including the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war, 2019–present economic meltdown with GDP contracting 38% amid banking collapse and hyperinflation, and Hezbollah's dominance—have entrenched corruption, elite capture, and state fragility, rendering it one of the world's most failed economies despite natural gas potential and remittances.

Etymology

Origins of the name

The name "Lebanon" derives from the Semitic root l-b-n, meaning "white," alluding to the perpetual snow cover on the peaks of Mount Lebanon, which rise to elevations exceeding 3,000 meters. This linguistic origin reflects the region's prominent geographical feature, visible from surrounding areas and central to ancient perceptions of the territory's identity. The term appears in ancient records as early as the 15th century BCE, including Akkadian transliterations like labnanu in Egyptian diplomatic texts such as the Amarna letters, where it designates the cedar-rich highlands rather than a political entity. In the Hebrew Bible, "Lebanon" (Levanon in Hebrew) is referenced over 70 times, frequently linked to its cedars (erez Levanon), prized for construction in temples and palaces, as in 1 Kings 5:6 where Solomon requests them from Hiram of Tyre. Classical Greek sources rendered it as Libanos, preserving the root while sometimes associating it with fragrant resins traded from the area. Through successive empires, the name evolved phonetically but retained its core form: in Arabic as Lubnān during the Islamic conquests from the 7th century CE onward, and later adopted in French as Liban for the Mandate territory established in 1920 as the État du Grand Liban, which formalized modern boundaries encompassing historic Mount Lebanon. This continuity underscores the enduring association with the mountain range, distinct from broader Levantine nomenclature.

History

Ancient and classical periods

The coastal region of modern Lebanon hosted the Phoenician city-states of Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre, which emerged as independent maritime powers around 1200 BCE following the Late Bronze Age collapse. These polities, centered on natural harbors, dominated Mediterranean trade through advanced shipbuilding and navigation, exporting cedar timber from Lebanon's mountains to Egypt and Mesopotamia in exchange for grain, metals, and luxury goods. Byblos, with archaeological layers dating to 5000 BCE, served as an early hub for Egyptian-Phoenician exchanges, evidenced by inscribed sarcophagi and temple remains. Phoenician innovations included the development of a 22-letter alphabetic script around 1050 BCE, simplifying writing from prior cuneiform systems and influencing later Greek and Latin alphabets. They produced Tyrian purple dye from murex sea snails, a labor-intensive process yielding a vibrant color prized by elites across the Near East and Mediterranean, with Tyre as the primary center. Colonies like Carthage, founded by Tyrian settlers circa 814 BCE, extended their commercial network westward, facilitating the spread of goods and cultural exchanges. In 539 BCE, Cyrus the Great of Persia conquered Phoenicia, integrating its city-kings as vassals who provided naval support for Achaemenid campaigns while retaining local autonomy. Alexander the Great subdued the region in 332 BCE after besieging Tyre for seven months, incorporating its fleet into his forces following the Battle of Issus in 333 BCE. The ensuing Hellenistic era saw contested control between the Seleucid Empire and Ptolemaic Egypt during the Syrian Wars (274–168 BCE), with Phoenicia's coastal cities shifting hands amid dynastic rivalries over Coele-Syria. Roman general Pompey annexed Phoenicia in 64 BCE, organizing it as part of the province of Syria and fostering urban development, including the transformation of Baalbek into Heliopolis with colossal temples to Jupiter, Venus, and Bacchus constructed from local stone between 16 BCE and 60 CE. This period featured cultural syncretism, blending Phoenician deities with Roman equivalents, supported by archaeological evidence of theaters, hippodromes, and aqueducts at sites like Tyre and Baalbek. Lebanon's cedar forests continued as a key resource, with timber used in Roman shipbuilding and construction, underscoring the region's economic continuity from Phoenician times.

Medieval and Ottoman eras

The Arab conquest of Lebanon occurred during the Muslim expansion into the Levant between 634 and 638 CE, following the Rashidun Caliphate's victories over Byzantine forces, with Arab tribes settling among the indigenous populations in southern Lebanon after the fall of Syria. Under Umayyad rule from 661 to 750 CE, Lebanon was administered as part of the Syrian province, with Damascus as the capital, though local governance remained fragmented among feudal lords. The subsequent Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258 CE) treated Lebanon as a conquered territory, imposing harsh taxation that sparked revolts, while Byzantine-Fatimid conflicts in the 10th–11th centuries further destabilized the region, exacerbating sectarian divisions between Muslim rulers and Christian communities in Mount Lebanon. The First Crusade led to the establishment of the County of Tripoli in 1102 CE, encompassing northern Lebanon and the coast around modern Tripoli, as the last major Crusader state founded by Raymond IV of Toulouse, relying on alliances with local Maronites amid constant warfare with Muslim forces. This feudal entity persisted until the Mamluk Sultanate's reconquest, with Tripoli falling to Sultan Qalawun in 1289 CE after a prolonged siege, followed by the complete expulsion of Crusaders from the Levant by 1291 CE, leaving behind fortified ruins and deepened communal mistrust. Ottoman suzerainty over Lebanon began with Sultan Selim I's conquest in 1516 CE, incorporating the region into the Damascus Eyalet with nominal central control, but allowing semi-autonomous feudal arrangements under local emirs, particularly the Druze Ma'an and Shihab dynasties in Mount Lebanon. Sectarian power balances emerged, with Druze emirs dominating southern Mount Lebanon and Maronites holding northern strongholds, fostering a fragmented feudal system where muqata'aji (tax-farming lords) vied for Ottoman favor amid recurring Druze-Maronite clashes. The economy stagnated under heavy taxation and corruption, though silk production from mulberry cultivation became a key export by the 18th century, employing peasants in Mount Lebanon and tying local elites to European markets via Beirut. Civil strife intensified in the 19th century, culminating in the 1860 Druze-Maronite conflict, where Druze militias massacred up to 20,000 Maronites in Mount Lebanon amid economic disputes over land and feudal privileges, prompting European intervention and Ottoman reforms. This violence exposed the fragility of sectarian equilibria, leading to the establishment of the semi-autonomous Mutasarrifate of Mount Lebanon in 1861 CE under direct Ottoman governor Daud Pasha, with European oversight to curb feudalism and promote administrative councils balancing confessional representation. Despite these measures, underlying economic dependencies on silk—peaking at over 60% of exports by 1910—masked persistent governance failures and communal tensions until World War I.

French Mandate and independence

Following the Ottoman Empire's defeat in World War I, the 1920 San Remo Conference assigned France administrative control over former Ottoman territories in Syria and Lebanon under a League of Nations mandate formalized in 1923. On September 1, 1920, French General Henri Gouraud proclaimed the State of Greater Lebanon, detaching coastal cities like Beirut, the Bekaa Valley, and southern regions from Syria to augment the autonomous Mount Lebanon, thereby creating a territory with a fragile Christian plurality designed to favor Maronite interests while incorporating Muslim-majority areas that bred long-term demographic and sectarian tensions. This artificial state formation exemplified French divide-and-rule tactics, prioritizing colonial stability over organic national cohesion and institutionalizing confessional divisions inherited from Ottoman millet systems by granting disproportionate representation to Christians based on manipulated boundaries. French administration introduced a 1926 constitution establishing a parliamentary republic under tight colonial oversight, with a census in 1932—Lebanon's last official one—recording Christians at 51% of the population, a figure that locked in sectarian power-sharing ratios despite excluding many Muslims in annexed regions who resisted integration. Resistance to French rule manifested in sporadic unrest, including protests against treaty proposals in the 1930s and heightened during World War II when Vichy French control from 1940 prompted a 1941 Allied invasion by British and Free French forces, accelerating demands for autonomy amid shifting wartime allegiances. The mandate's confessional framework, while providing short-term elite accommodations, sowed seeds of clientelism by tying political power to religious identities rather than merit or citizenship, fostering dependency on sectarian patronage networks. In 1943, as Allied pressures mounted, President Bechara El Khoury and Prime Minister Riad al-Solh forged the unwritten National Pact, apportioning key offices by sect—presidency to Maronites, premiership to Sunnis, speakership to Shiites—while affirming Lebanon's Arab character without merger into Syria, a compromise that entrenched confessionalism as the basis for governance despite its rigidity against demographic shifts. France's attempt to dissolve the elected government by arresting leaders in November 1943 backfired amid nationwide strikes and international outcry, leading to their release and formal recognition of independence on November 22, 1943, though French troops lingered until 1946. Post-independence, under Khoury's presidency (1943–1952) and Camille Chamoun's (1952–1958), Lebanon enjoyed relative stability, leveraging remittances from a diaspora exceeding 200,000 emigrants and positioning Beirut as a regional banking hub through liberal policies, yet the pact's sectarian allocations perpetuated elite rivalries and vulnerability to external interference. This foundational confessionalism, imposed and then indigenized, prioritized communal balance over unified state-building, laying groundwork for future instability as population growth favored Muslims without electoral reform.

Civil War era (1975–1990)

The Lebanese Civil War erupted on April 13, 1975, following the Ain el-Rummaneh bus massacre, in which Phalangist militiamen ambushed a bus carrying Palestinian civilians in a Christian-majority Beirut suburb, killing 27 passengers and wounding 19 others. This incident, retaliatory in nature amid escalating tensions from Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) cross-border attacks on Israel launched from southern Lebanese bases—permitted under the 1969 Cairo Agreement allowing PLO operations in refugee camps—ignited citywide clashes between Christian militias aligned with the government and alliances of Muslim, leftist, and Palestinian groups. The PLO's relocation to Lebanon after its expulsion from Jordan during Black September in 1970 had intensified these provocations, transforming southern Lebanon into a launchpad for fedayeen raids that drew Israeli reprisals and destabilized the confessional balance. Factional lines solidified along sectarian divides, with Maronite Christian groups like the Phalange Party and later the Lebanese Forces defending the 1943 National Pact's power-sharing formula against the Lebanese National Movement (LNM)—a coalition of Sunni Muslims, Druze, Shiites via Amal, and leftist parties—bolstered by PLO fighters seeking to overhaul the system toward greater Muslim representation amid demographic shifts. Early battles, including the siege of Palestinian camps and retaliatory killings on Black Saturday (December 6, 1975), devolved into a cycle of militia atrocities, with both sides committing massacres such as the PLO-linked killings in Damour and Phalangist reprisals, fracturing Beirut along the Green Line into Christian east and Muslim west enclaves. Syrian forces intervened in June 1976, deploying up to 40,000 troops ostensibly to restore order but primarily to curb the PLO-LNM advance and secure Damascus's influence, halting the radicals' momentum while shifting the war's dynamics. Foreign incursions compounded the chaos: Israel launched Operation Litani on March 14, 1978, invading southern Lebanon with 25,000 troops up to the Litani River in response to the PLO's Coastal Road massacre that killed 38 Israeli civilians, establishing a buffer zone patrolled by the South Lebanon Army proxy. The 1982 Israeli invasion, dubbed Operation Peace for Galilee, advanced to Beirut to dismantle PLO infrastructure after intensified rocket attacks, besieging the capital and facilitating the evacuation of 14,000 fighters under international supervision. Amid this, on September 16–18, 1982, Phalangist militias, allied with Israel, entered the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, massacring between 700 and 3,500 Palestinian civilians and prisoners in revenge for prior PLO atrocities like the 1976 Damour killings, with Israeli forces illuminating the area and blocking exits but not halting the three-day slaughter. Iranian Revolutionary Guards simultaneously aided the formation of Hezbollah among Shiite militants, introducing asymmetric warfare against Israeli positions. Militia entrenchment led to pervasive atrocities, including indiscriminate bombings, kidnappings, and forced displacements, with over 150,000 deaths and 17% of the population fleeing by 1990; economic devastation ensued, as real GDP contracted by approximately 60% from pre-war levels, infrastructure crumbled under sabotage, and hyperinflation eroded the lira's value amid disrupted trade and capital flight. The Taif Accord, signed in October 1989 by Lebanese parliamentarians in Saudi Arabia, ended major hostilities by equalizing Christian and Muslim parliamentary seats in an expanded 108-member assembly, reducing the president's powers, and mandating militia disarmament under Syrian oversight—reforms that curbed but did not abolish confessionalism, effectively legitimizing former warlords as political actors while entrenching Syrian tutelage until 2005.

Post-war reconstruction and Syrian influence

Following the Taif Agreement of October 1989, which formally ended the Lebanese Civil War, reconstruction efforts centered on revitalizing Beirut's war-ravaged infrastructure under Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, who assumed office in October 1992. Hariri established Solidere in 1994 to redevelop the Beirut Central District, projecting annual expenditures of $1 billion over five years, with Hariri as the major shareholder. This initiative spurred real GDP growth averaging 6-8% annually from 1993 to 1996, driven by private capital inflows and infrastructure projects like road networks and hotels. However, financing relied heavily on domestic borrowing, elevating public debt from 99.8% of GDP in 1990 to over 140% by 2000, with much of the proceeds captured by political elites through contracts and real estate speculation rather than broad economic diversification. Syrian forces, numbering around 40,000 at the time of Taif, retained de facto control over Lebanese politics and security, legitimized by the accord's provisions for Syrian "assistance" in stabilizing the country and redeploying troops only after two years—a timeline repeatedly extended. Syria's hegemony manifested in veto power over cabinet appointments, electoral laws favoring pro-Syrian factions, and extraction of economic rents, including from reconstruction contracts, which undermined Lebanon's sovereignty and perpetuated confessional patronage networks. This occupation, spanning from 1976 to 2005, prioritized Damascus's strategic interests, such as buffering Israel, over Lebanese state-building, allowing parallel power structures to erode central authority. Hezbollah, formed in 1982 amid Israel's invasion and backed primarily by Iran through funding, training, and arms, operated under Syrian oversight in the post-war period, acquiescing to Damascus's dominance to maintain its southern "resistance" against Israel. While Hezbollah framed its militia as a national defense force, its unchecked growth—tolerated by Syria to counterbalance other factions—created a state-within-a-state, diverting resources from the Lebanese Armed Forces and complicating reconstruction by prioritizing ideological militancy over institutional reform. Syrian intelligence coordinated with Hezbollah's apparatus, embedding networks that extended Syrian influence beyond formal military presence. Tensions escalated in the early 2000s as Hariri pushed for economic autonomy, prompting UN Security Council Resolution 1559 on September 2, 2004, which demanded the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon and the disbanding of non-state militias, including Hezbollah. Syria completed its troop pullout by April 26, 2005, under international pressure, ending nearly 30 years of overt occupation. Yet, Syrian-aligned intelligence operatives and proxies persisted in Lebanese security services and political spheres, sustaining informal leverage despite the formal exit. This partial disengagement failed to dismantle entrenched networks, leaving Lebanon's sovereignty compromised and reconstruction gains vulnerable to external manipulation.

Cedar Revolution and 2006 Lebanon War

The assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri on February 14, 2005, by a car bomb that also killed 20 others, triggered widespread protests in Lebanon demanding an end to Syrian influence. These demonstrations, known as the Cedar Revolution, drew hundreds of thousands to Beirut's Martyrs' Square, leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Omar Karami and international pressure on Syria. Under mounting scrutiny, including from the United Nations, Syrian forces completed their withdrawal from Lebanon by April 26, 2005, ending nearly three decades of military presence. Parliamentary elections in May and June 2005 resulted in a majority for anti-Syrian factions, paving the way for Fuad Siniora to form a government on July 19, 2005, focused on reform and sovereignty restoration. Tensions escalated on July 12, 2006, when Hezbollah militants, using rocket fire on northern Israeli towns as a diversion, crossed the border into Israel, ambushed an IDF patrol, killed three soldiers, and captured two others. This unprovoked raid prompted Israel's declaration of war, initiating a 34-day conflict involving extensive airstrikes on Hezbollah targets, ground incursions into southern Lebanon, and Hezbollah rocket barrages into Israel. The war caused approximately 1,200 Lebanese deaths, predominantly civilians, and devastated infrastructure in southern Lebanon, including roads, bridges, and homes, while displacing nearly one million people. Israeli casualties totaled 165, including 119 soldiers and 44 civilians. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted on August 11, 2006, and effective August 14, called for a full cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Israeli forces, the deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and an enhanced UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) south of the Litani River, and the disarmament or withdrawal of non-state armed groups like Hezbollah from that area to prevent future attacks. Israel complied by withdrawing its troops, but Hezbollah defied the resolution by maintaining a presence south of the Litani, rearming with advanced weaponry smuggled via Syria and Iran, and continuing to build fortifications, which undermined Lebanon's sovereignty and exposed the state to repeated risks. The conflict inflicted severe economic costs on Lebanon, estimated at $3-5 billion in direct damages to infrastructure and lost economic output, including a sharp decline in tourism revenue and disruptions to agriculture and trade. Reconstruction efforts strained the Siniora government's resources, highlighting Hezbollah's role in provoking a war that disproportionately burdened the Lebanese state and civilians without commensurate benefits, as the group's arsenal grew stronger post-conflict despite international mandates.

Instability and coalitions (2008–2018)

In May 2008, sectarian clashes erupted in Beirut after the US-backed government attempted to dismantle Hezbollah's private telecommunications network, prompting Hezbollah fighters to seize control of Sunni-dominated West Beirut neighborhoods in a rapid show of force that resulted in over 60 deaths and displaced thousands. The fighting, pitting Hezbollah and its allies against supporters of the Future Movement and other March 14 coalition factions, highlighted the militia's military superiority over state forces and pro-government militias. These events culminated in the Doha Agreement on May 21, 2008, brokered by Arab League mediators, which installed army chief Michel Suleiman as president, formed a national unity government allocating Hezbollah and allies a blocking third-plus-one veto in the cabinet, and permitted the group to retain its weapons independently of state control. This accord entrenched Hezbollah's de facto veto power over major decisions, as no government could function without its consent, fostering chronic instability between the pro-Western March 14 alliance and the Iran-Syria-aligned March 8 coalition. The 2011 indictment by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) of four Hezbollah operatives—Salim Jamil Ayyash, Mustafa Amine Badreddine, Hussein Hassan Oneissi, and Assad Hassan Sabra—for the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri and 22 others intensified gridlock, as Hezbollah denounced the UN-backed tribunal and leveraged its veto to topple cabinets refusing to defund it. Parallel to these political fractures, the Syrian civil war from 2011 triggered an influx of approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees into Lebanon by 2014, equivalent to nearly 25% of the resident population, overwhelming infrastructure, public services, and the labor market without formal camps or comprehensive integration policies. Lebanon's confessional system exacerbated strains, with Sunni and Shia communities divided over refugee aid and spillover violence, while Hezbollah's cross-border involvement in Syria further polarized coalitions and diverted resources from domestic governance. A 29-month presidential vacancy from May 2014 to October 2016 underscored confessional paralysis, resolved only when Michel Aoun, in alliance with Hezbollah since 2006, secured endorsement from Saad al-Hariri and won election on October 31, 2016, solidifying the militia's influence over Christian politics. The 2017 electoral law shifted to proportional representation across 15 multimember districts but drew criticism for gerrymandered boundaries favoring incumbents and sectarian lists, enabling the 2018 elections to yield a fragile March 8-March 14 consensus government under Hariri. Amid this, annual GDP growth stagnated at 1-2% on average from 2009-2018, hampered by political deadlock and Hezbollah's obstruction of reforms, while Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index score held at around 28 points, with Lebanon's global rank deteriorating from 78th in 2008 to 138th in 2018 due to entrenched patronage. Hezbollah's veto consistently blocked anti-corruption measures and fiscal consolidation, prioritizing its arsenal and regional priorities over national stability.

Economic collapse, protests, and port explosion (2019–2022)

In late 2019, Lebanon faced a severe liquidity crisis stemming from decades of fiscal mismanagement, including unsustainable public debt exceeding 150% of GDP and a banking sector reliant on Ponzi-like schemes where deposits funded government deficits and subsidies. Banks imposed informal capital controls in August 2019, restricting access to foreign currency deposits and effectively imposing "haircuts" on savers' funds, as institutions lacked sufficient reserves to honor withdrawals. The Lebanese pound (LBP) devalued by over 90% against the US dollar on the black market by 2022, from an official peg of 1,507 LBP per USD to rates exceeding 30,000 LBP per USD, fueling hyperinflation that peaked at around 200% annually in food and essentials. Negotiations for an International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout, which required banking reforms, subsidy cuts, and fiscal restructuring, repeatedly failed due to political resistance from entrenched elites unwilling to cede control or address Hezbollah's parallel economy and expenditures. The crisis ignited widespread protests known as the October Revolution, beginning on October 17, 2019, initially sparked by a proposed tax on WhatsApp calls amid cash shortages but rapidly expanding into demands for an end to systemic corruption, sectarian power-sharing that entrenched family-based elites (zu'ama), and the dissolution of the political class. Demonstrators, crossing sectarian lines, occupied squares in Beirut and other cities, chanting against the "ruling mafia" and calling for accountability over embezzlement and nepotism that had hollowed out state institutions. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned on October 29, 2019, under pressure, but subsequent governments retained the same sectarian figures, rejecting non-partisan technocratic cabinets favored by protesters; security forces responded with tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition, injuring hundreds and killing several, while elite-linked thugs attacked encampments. On August 4, 2020, a massive explosion at Beirut's port killed at least 218 people, injured over 7,000, and devastated the city center, caused by the detonation of 2,750 metric tons of ammonium nitrate that had been confiscated from a ship in 2013 and stored unsafely in Warehouse 12 despite repeated warnings from customs officials, judges, and port authorities about fire risks and relocation needs ignored by multiple governments. The blast, equivalent to hundreds of tons of TNT, exposed profound governmental negligence and corruption, as senior officials including security chiefs and ministers failed to act on documented risks spanning six years. Caretaker Prime Minister Hassan Diab and several ex-ministers faced charges of negligence, but political interference stalled investigations, with no high-level prosecutions by 2022, further eroding public trust. The overlapping COVID-19 pandemic intensified the collapse, as lockdowns and subsidy collapses on fuel and medicine—coupled with dollar shortages—drove monetary poverty from 28% in 2019 to over 55% by mid-2020, with multidimensional poverty affecting more than 80% of the population by 2022 through deprivations in health, education, and living standards. Unemployment doubled to nearly 30%, and basic services like electricity (limited to one hour daily in some areas) and water faltered, attributing the depth of deprivation primarily to pre-existing elite capture rather than external shocks alone.

Escalation with Israel and 2024 war

Hezbollah commenced near-daily cross-border attacks on northern Israel starting October 8, 2023, firing rockets, anti-tank missiles, and drones in declared solidarity with Hamas following the latter's October 7 assault on Israel, thereby violating the 2006 UN Security Council Resolution 1701 that mandates demilitarization south of the Litani River. These operations, totaling over 1,900 launches by Hezbollah through September 2024, killed at least 50 civilians and 40 soldiers in Israel while displacing roughly 63,000 residents from border communities unable to return home. Israel retaliated with targeted airstrikes on Hezbollah launch sites, command centers, and weapon depots in southern Lebanon, inflicting heavy losses on the militia, including an estimated 4,000 fighters killed and thousands injured by late 2024, alongside the destruction of underground infrastructure and radar systems. The exchanges escalated sharply in September 2024 when Israel executed a covert operation detonating explosives embedded in pagers and walkie-talkies procured by Hezbollah, causing simultaneous blasts on September 17 and 18 that killed at least 42 people—mostly militants—and wounded over 3,000 across Lebanon and Syria. On September 27, Israeli forces struck Hezbollah's central headquarters in Beirut's southern suburbs, assassinating secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah along with several senior commanders in a precision airstrike involving over 80 munitions. This decapitation strike prompted intensified Hezbollah barrages but degraded its command structure, leading Israel to expand operations: on October 1, ground forces invaded southern Lebanon in a limited offensive to seize border villages, neutralize cross-border threats, and dismantle rocket launchers embedded in civilian areas. The campaign resulted in Lebanon's Health Ministry reporting over 3,800 deaths and 15,000 injuries by November 2024, with independent assessments indicating the majority were Hezbollah combatants rather than unaffiliated civilians, though precise breakdowns remain contested due to the militia's embedding tactics. Southern Lebanon suffered widespread infrastructural damage, including over 99,000 housing units affected and key roads, bridges, and agricultural lands rendered unusable, with total physical and economic losses estimated at $8.5 billion by the World Bank. Hezbollah's prewar arsenal of 150,000 rockets and missiles was depleted by 50-67% through launches and Israeli interdictions, further hampered by strikes on Iranian resupply convoys and production sites in Syria.

2025 ceasefire, presidential election, and stabilization attempts

A ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah took effect on November 27, 2024, at 04:00 IST/EET, committing both parties to cessation of hostilities and full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 (2006), which mandates Hezbollah's withdrawal north of the Litani River and disarmament of non-state actors south of it. The agreement, brokered by the United States and France, included phased Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon and deployment of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) alongside UNIFIL to enforce a demilitarized zone. By January 26, 2025, the initial 60-day implementation period concluded with partial Israeli pullback, but UN reports documented near-daily violations, including Israeli strikes and Hezbollah incursions, undermining the truce's stability. Hezbollah pledged to vacate southern positions and relinquish arms in the area to the LAF, yet these commitments remained largely unfulfilled as of October 2025, with the group retaining operational capacity and clashing intermittently along the border. Lebanon's government, under interim leadership, tasked the LAF with a disarmament plan targeting all militias, but Hezbollah resisted full compliance, citing unfulfilled Israeli obligations and ongoing threats, resulting in thousands of southern displacements and stalled reconstruction. This non-adherence heightened risks of renewed escalation, as evidenced by continued Israeli airstrikes in response to perceived violations. On January 9, 2025, Lebanon's parliament elected General Joseph Aoun, the former LAF commander, as president with 99 votes in the second round, ending a 2.5-year presidential vacancy since Michel Aoun's term expired in October 2022. Aoun's selection, backed by Hezbollah and Amal alongside US-endorsed factions, signaled a fragile consensus amid post-war fatigue, positioning him to prioritize state sovereignty over militia influence. Stabilization efforts under Aoun included economic reforms, with the World Bank projecting 4.7% real GDP growth for 2025, fueled by tourism recovery—contributing up to 19.8% of GDP in 2024—and remittance inflows, though later revised downward to 3.5% amid regional tensions. Debt restructuring advanced via IMF talks, featuring a April 2025 bank secrecy amendment and plans for $16.5 billion in write-offs, clawbacks, and repayments, though implementation lagged due to political gridlock. Hezbollah's regrouping and conditional international aid—tied to disarmament—posed persistent threats, compounded by sectarian divisions limiting structural reforms. Human Rights Watch documented ongoing LAF-involved deportations of Syrian refugees, numbering thousands since 2023, as Lebanon eased pressures from hosting over 1 million amid domestic strain.

Geography

Physical features and borders

![Satellite image of Lebanon in March 2002.jpg][float-right]
Lebanon covers a total area of 10,400 square kilometers, with land accounting for 10,230 square kilometers, making it slightly smaller than the U.S. state of Connecticut. The country features a narrow Mediterranean coastline stretching 225 kilometers, flanked by a coastal plain that rises sharply into the Mount Lebanon range, which parallels the sea and reaches elevations up to 3,088 meters at Qurnat as Sawda, the nation's highest peak. East of this range lies the Bekaa Valley, a fertile lowland between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon mountains, while the Anti-Lebanon forms the eastern frontier.
The Litani River, Lebanon's longest at approximately 170 kilometers, originates near Baalbek in the Bekaa and flows southward through the valley before turning west to the Mediterranean near Tyre, supporting limited agriculture on about 12% arable land amid broader water scarcity exacerbated by mismanagement despite topographic potential for runoff collection. Lebanon's rugged terrain, including steep mountains and deep valleys, has historically enabled militia operations, with groups like Hezbollah exploiting natural cover for bunkers, tunnels, and weapons caches, as evidenced by Israeli discoveries of hundreds of such structures in southern forested and hilly areas during 2024 incursions. Lebanon shares 484 kilometers of land borders: 403 kilometers with Syria to the north and east, often porous and facilitating cross-border smuggling and militant movement, and 81 kilometers with Israel to the south along the UN-delineated Blue Line established after Israel's 2000 withdrawal. Key disputes persist over the Shebaa Farms, a 25-square-kilometer area held by Israel but claimed by Lebanon (with Syria asserting it as part of the Golan Heights), and the village of Ghajar, bisected by the Blue Line due to ambiguous colonial-era mapping, allowing Hezbollah to justify rocket launches from contested zones. These unresolved frontiers, combined with Syria's undefined boundary, have perpetuated insecurity and non-state actor entrenchment.

Climate and topography

Lebanon exhibits a predominantly Mediterranean climate, featuring mild, wet winters and hot, dry summers along the coast. In Beirut, average temperatures range from approximately 13°C in winter to 28°C in summer, with annual extremes rarely falling below 8°C or exceeding 32°C. Precipitation is concentrated in the winter months, supporting seasonal water availability critical for habitability in coastal and lowland areas. Higher elevations, such as those in the Mount Lebanon range, experience cooler conditions, with winter temperatures often dropping below 0°C and significant snowfall occurring annually. The country's topography consists of parallel north-south oriented landforms, including a narrow coastal plain, the Mount Lebanon range to the west, the Bekaa Valley in the center, and the Anti-Lebanon mountains to the east. Mount Lebanon reaches elevations averaging 1,500–1,800 meters, with its highest peak, Qurnat as Sawda, at 3,088 meters. This rugged terrain creates diverse microclimates, with the coastal plain benefiting from milder temperatures and higher rainfall compared to the drier eastern valleys, influencing patterns of human settlement and agricultural suitability across elevations. The Bekaa Valley, situated between the two mountain ranges, lies at lower altitudes around 1,000 meters, providing sheltered conditions that enhance habitability for valley-floor communities. Lebanon's location along the Dead Sea Transform fault system renders it seismically active, contributing to periodic earthquakes that impact long-term habitability. A notable event occurred on July 9, 551 AD, when a magnitude 7.2 earthquake struck near Beirut, generating a tsunami and causing widespread destruction along the Phoenician coast. The mountainous topography exacerbates risks from seasonal hazards, such as winter floods in valleys and lowlands due to heavy rainfall, which can disrupt access and infrastructure essential for habitation. Summer droughts and high temperatures have fueled wildfires, as seen in extensive blazes in 2020 that affected northern forested slopes, further straining habitability in elevated rural areas.

Environmental challenges and resources

Lebanon's cedar forests, once covering much of the country's mountains, have dwindled to approximately 17 square kilometers, or 0.4% of their estimated ancient extent, primarily due to centuries of logging, agricultural expansion, and recent pressures from climate-induced droughts and insect infestations that have killed over 7% of trees in key reserves like Tannourine. Biodiversity hotspots, including the Qadisha Valley and coastal wetlands, support migratory birds along the African-Eurasian flyway but face acute threats from habitat fragmentation, illegal hunting—making Lebanon one of the Mediterranean's deadliest routes for avian species—and urbanization that has converted natural areas into built environments. Pollution from conflict and industrial mishaps has severely degraded air, soil, and marine ecosystems. The 2006 bombing of the Jiyyeh power plant spilled 10,000–15,000 tonnes of heavy fuel oil, contaminating over 90 kilometers of coastline, including marine reserves, and persisting in sediments to harm aquatic life and fisheries. The August 4, 2020, Beirut port explosion of 2,750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate released toxic gases, elevating NO₂ concentrations by up to 1.8 mol/m² in the immediate aftermath and contributing to broader airborne pollutants that affected regional air quality. Water bodies, vital for agriculture and drinking, exhibit widespread contamination, with roughly 50% of resources polluted by untreated sewage, nitrates from fertilizers, and industrial effluents; major rivers like the Litani show high fecal coliform and E. coli densities, rendering much unfit for human use without treatment. Climate change amplifies these pressures amid Lebanon's limited natural resources, which include modest deposits of limestone, iron ore, and salt but rely heavily on groundwater and rivers strained by overexploitation. Projected sea-level rise of 30–60 cm within 30 years risks coastal erosion, flooding of low-lying areas, and saltwater intrusion into aquifers, while droughts—intensified by declining precipitation and shorter snow seasons—have reduced renewable water availability below the 1,000 m³ per capita threshold, exacerbating scarcity for the 70% of the population dependent on groundwater. Lebanon possesses significant untapped solar potential, estimated at 34 GW, sufficient to meet 30% of 2030 electricity needs cost-effectively, yet renewable deployment lags at under 8% of the energy mix due to governance failures, infrastructure deficits, and prioritization of fossil fuels.

Government and Politics

Confessional system and sectarian divisions

The National Pact of 1943 established Lebanon's confessional political framework through an unwritten agreement between Maronite Christian president Bechara El Khoury and Sunni Muslim prime minister Riad El Solh, allocating parliamentary seats in a 6:5 ratio favoring Christians over Muslims based on the 1932 census, reserving the presidency for Maronites, the premiership for Sunnis, and the speakership for Shiites. This system formalized sectarian power-sharing to manage communal tensions post-independence but entrenched divisions by tying state offices to religious identity rather than merit or national consensus, fostering a zero-sum competition among sects for resources and influence. The Taif Agreement of 1989, which ended the 1975–1990 civil war, modified the framework by equalizing parliamentary seats at 50:50 between Christians and Muslims while retaining confessional quotas for top posts and introducing enhanced veto powers for sects to block legislation perceived as threatening their interests. Despite pledges to phase out confessionalism gradually, these changes preserved the core structure, amplifying gridlock as sectarian leaders wielded informal vetoes and clientelist networks to maintain patronage flows, where public jobs, contracts, and services were distributed along confessional lines to secure loyalty rather than advance governance efficiency. This perpetuated paralysis, evident in repeated failures to form governments or pass reforms without cross-sect buy-in, directly contributing to institutional deadlock. Empirically, the system has sustained cycles of sectarian violence, as imbalances in representation and resource allocation fueled grievances leading to the civil war's outbreak in 1975 and subsequent flare-ups, including militia clashes and assassinations tied to confessional rivalries. Clientelism under confessionalism has entrenched corruption, with political elites using sectarian affiliation to monopolize state rents, resulting in measurable economic distortion and a brain drain where 61% of college-educated youth expressed intent to emigrate by 2022, driven by nepotism blocking merit-based opportunities and systemic instability. Proposals for secularism, including electoral law reforms to prioritize civic over confessional lists, have repeatedly stalled due to resistance from entrenched sectarian leaders who benefit from the status quo, as seen in the blocking of civil marriage drafts and Taif implementation delays. This resistance underscores how confessionalism causally reproduces division, prioritizing communal preservation over national cohesion and reform.

Executive and legislative branches

The executive branch of Lebanon is structured around a president, prime minister, and council of ministers, operating within a confessional power-sharing framework established by the 1943 National Pact and modified by the 1989 Taif Agreement, which vests primary executive authority in the cabinet rather than the presidency. The president, traditionally a Maronite Christian, serves as head of state with ceremonial duties, including appointing the prime minister after parliamentary consultations, dissolving parliament under specific conditions, and commanding the armed forces in coordination with the cabinet; however, these powers are constrained by the need for cross-sectarian consensus, rendering the role largely symbolic amid frequent vetoes from influential sectarian actors. General Joseph Aoun, former Lebanese Armed Forces commander, was elected president on January 9, 2025, by parliament after a 27-month vacancy since Michel Aoun's term ended in October 2022, marking the 14th such presidency and ending repeated failed voting sessions due to quorum shortfalls and bloc rivalries. The prime minister, conventionally a Sunni Muslim, leads the council of ministers, which exercises day-to-day executive power, including policy implementation and armed forces oversight, subject to parliamentary confidence votes. Najib Mikati served as caretaker prime minister from September 2021 until February 8, 2025, overseeing a prolonged interim cabinet amid economic collapse and conflict, with limited authority to enact reforms due to sectarian gridlock. On January 13, 2025, President Aoun designated Nawaf Salam, a former International Court of Justice judge, as prime minister after consultations, leading to a new 24-minister cabinet formed on February 9, 2025, which dissolved Mikati's government and aimed to address post-ceasefire stabilization, though its effectiveness remains hampered by veto powers held by parliamentary blocs. Lebanon's unicameral parliament, the Chamber of Deputies, comprises 128 seats allocated confessionally—64 for Christians and 64 for Muslims, further subdivided by sect (e.g., 34 Maronites, 27 Shiites)—elected for four-year terms via proportional representation in multi-member districts. The most recent elections occurred on May 15, 2022, yielding a fragmented assembly dominated by traditional parties like the Amal-Hezbollah alliance (which secured around 62 seats collectively) and independents from the 2019 protests (about 18 seats), but lacking a clear majority for reformist agendas. The next elections are constitutionally due by 2026, though historical delays—such as the 2018 vote postponed from 2014—highlight systemic vulnerabilities to extension amid security and economic crises. Parliamentary dysfunction manifests in chronic quorum failures, session boycotts, and deadlocks requiring unanimous sectarian buy-in for key votes, exacerbated by veto actors who leverage confessional quotas to block legislation on budgets, elections, or reforms; for instance, the 2022–2025 presidential void stemmed from over 12 aborted sessions due to rival nominations and absences, paralyzing government formation until external pressures post-2024 Israel-Hezbollah war facilitated Aoun's election. Post-2025, the assembly under Speaker Nabih Berri (in office since 1992) has convened for cabinet endorsements but struggles with hyper-partisan divisions, evidenced by stalled IMF-linked reforms and repeated dissolutions of prior cabinets, underscoring how formal institutions yield to informal sectarian bargaining rather than majoritarian rule. Lebanon's legal system is a hybrid civil law framework, largely derived from French codes introduced during the Ottoman era and Mandate period, with elements of Ottoman and customary law. General civil, criminal, and commercial matters are adjudicated in secular courts structured hierarchically, including courts of first instance, courts of appeal, and the Court of Cassation as the highest judicial body. Personal status laws, governing marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody, are administered by sectarian courts tied to the country's eighteen recognized religious communities, applying religious doctrines such as Sharia for Sunni and Shia Muslims, Druze canon law, and various Christian rites. Judicial independence is severely compromised by political and sectarian interference, with appointments to key positions often dictated by confessional power-sharing arrangements and elite patronage networks, rendering the judiciary subordinate to the executive and legislative branches. Corruption permeates the system, as reflected in Lebanon's 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index score of 22 out of 100, placing it 156th out of 180 countries, indicative of widespread bribery, nepotism, and undue influence in judicial proceedings. Enforcement mechanisms are ineffective, exacerbated by chronic underfunding and a backlog of over 100,000 cases in some districts as of 2023, leading to protracted delays and selective application of laws favoring entrenched interests. Parallel justice systems operated by non-state actors further erode state authority, particularly Hezbollah's Judicial Council, which maintains independent tribunals for its fighters and supporters, empowered to issue fines, imprisonment, and capital punishments outside official oversight. Human rights protections are inadequately upheld, with reports documenting arbitrary detentions of Syrian refugees in 2024, including mass arrests without warrants, torture in custody, and summary deportations violating non-refoulement principles. Press freedom has correspondingly deteriorated, as politically motivated judicial orders and defamation suits have silenced critical reporting, contributing to Lebanon's ranking of 152nd out of 180 in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index.

Administrative divisions

Lebanon is administratively divided into eight governorates (muḥāfaẓāt), each headed by a governor appointed by the central government, which are further subdivided into 26 districts (aqḍiya, singular qaḍāʾ), except for Beirut Governorate, which functions as a single district without further subdivision. The governorates are: Akkar, Baalbek–Hermel, Beirut, Bekaa, Mount Lebanon, Nabatieh, North Lebanon, and South Lebanon. Districts serve as intermediate administrative units, overseeing municipalities (baladiyyāt) that handle local services such as waste management and infrastructure maintenance, though these entities possess limited fiscal and decision-making autonomy due to heavy reliance on central funding transfers, which often arrive irregularly or insufficiently.
GovernorateDistricts (Qada') CountKey Districts Examples
Akkar2Akkar, Halba
Baalbek–Hermel2Baalbek, Hermel
Beirut1 (itself)Beirut
Bekaa4Zahle, West Bekaa, Rashaya, Baalbek
Mount Lebanon6Aley, Baabda, Chouf, Keserwan, Matn, Metn
Nabatieh3Nabatieh, Bint Jbeil, Marjeyoun
North Lebanon5Tripoli, Koura, Batroun, Bcharre, Zgharta
South Lebanon3Saida, Tyre, Jezzine
This structure reflects geographic and sectarian concentrations, with Shiite populations predominantly in Nabatieh and South Lebanon governorates as well as Bekaa and Baalbek–Hermel; Maronite Christians concentrated in Mount Lebanon and northern districts like Bcharre; and Sunni Muslims prominent in North Lebanon, particularly Tripoli, alongside mixed urban areas in Beirut. These patterns stem from historical settlement and post-Ottoman territorial expansions that incorporated diverse religious majorities into peripheral regions. Efforts at decentralization, including the 2014 Municipal Law amendments intended to enhance local fiscal powers, have largely failed due to central government dominance, political patronage networks, and inadequate revenue-sharing mechanisms, rendering municipal councils weak and dependent on Beirut for approvals on basic projects. Post-civil war reconstruction (1975–1990) exacerbated regional disparities, with Solidere-led efforts concentrating investment in Beirut's central district while peripheral governorates like Akkar, Bekaa, and South Lebanon received minimal aid, leading to persistent underdevelopment in infrastructure and services outside the capital.

Foreign relations and alliances

Lebanon's foreign policy formally emphasizes neutrality and non-alignment, a stance reinforced in official declarations to avoid entanglement in regional conflicts, such as the 2025 Israeli strikes on Iran, where Lebanese leaders urged compliance from non-state actors to preserve dissociation from escalation. This policy, however, is persistently undermined by Hezbollah's operational alignment with Iran's "axis of resistance," which prioritizes confrontation with Israel and integration into Tehran's strategic network, overriding state efforts at balanced diplomacy and exacerbating Lebanon's isolation from Sunni Arab states. Relations with Western powers focus on bolstering state institutions against militia influence. The United States has provided substantial security assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces, including a $230 million package approved in October 2025 explicitly tied to disarmament efforts targeting Hezbollah's arsenal, reflecting Washington's strategy to empower the LAF as a counterweight. The European Union maintains an Association Agreement with Lebanon, effective since April 2006, which has progressively liberalized trade in goods—eliminating tariffs on most industrial products by 2014—and positions the EU as Lebanon's largest trading partner, with exports to Lebanon reaching €7.2 billion in 2017. Ties with Gulf Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia, deteriorated sharply due to Hezbollah's veto power over foreign policy decisions, culminating in Riyadh's 2016 suspension of a $3 billion arms grant to the Lebanese army and $1 billion for internal security forces, prompted by perceived Iranian dominance and events like the brief 2017 resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri in Riyadh. This funding cutoff, motivated by frustration with Hezbollah's obstruction of anti-Iran initiatives, persisted amid broader Gulf disengagement, though humanitarian aid sporadically resumed for non-aligned factions. Iran exerts de facto influence through Hezbollah, channeling military, financial, and logistical support—estimated in billions over decades—to sustain the group's paramilitary infrastructure, which in turn enforces pro-Tehran positions in Lebanese cabinets, such as resistance to normalization with Israel and alignment against Saudi-led coalitions. This dynamic distorts official neutrality, as Hezbollah's independent foreign engagements, including coordination with Iranian proxies, compel the state to navigate contradictions, evident in post-2024 ceasefire pressures for disarmament amid Tehran's weakened regional posture. Syrian-Lebanese relations, severed at the ambassadorial level since 2005, showed signs of normalization in 2025 following the fall of the Assad regime, with Syria's foreign minister visiting Beirut in October to address border demarcation, prisoner exchanges, and the repatriation of Syrian refugees—Lebanon hosts approximately 1.4 million, per UNHCR data—via a voluntary return plan launched in July targeting 200,000 to 400,000 individuals. Lebanese diplomacy has leveraged refugee pressures to secure concessions, including a March 2025 defense ministers' agreement on border delineation to facilitate returns and curb smuggling. Lebanon maintains no formal diplomatic relations with Israel, viewing it as an adversary in a state of war, with the 1983 May 17 Agreement—intended as a security arrangement post-invasion—unilaterally abrogated by Beirut in 1984 amid domestic opposition. A U.S.-brokered ceasefire on November 27, 2024, halted hostilities after over a year of cross-border exchanges, paving the way for 2025 indirect talks on land border demarcation, Israeli withdrawal from disputed points like Ghajar, and potential normalization frameworks, though violations and Hezbollah's lingering presence have stalled progress.

Military structure and capabilities

The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) comprise the Army, Air Force, and Navy, with approximately 73,000 active personnel as of 2024, including around 70,000 in the ground forces and 1,500 each in the air and naval branches. This volunteer-based structure emphasizes infantry and light mechanized units, supported by command and logistics elements, but lacks robust heavy armor or advanced integrated systems due to fiscal constraints. U.S. military aid has provided key equipment, including M60A3 Patton main battle tanks (over 200 in inventory), M113 armored personnel carriers, and TOW anti-tank missiles, alongside small arms like M16 rifles and M2 machine guns. However, much of the arsenal mixes aging platforms, such as Soviet T-55 tanks and French VAB vehicles, limiting interoperability and sustainment. The Air Force operates a small fleet of about 10 utility helicopters and A-29 Super Tucano light attack aircraft for reconnaissance and close air support, but possesses no fighter jets capable of achieving air superiority. Naval assets consist primarily of patrol boats for coastal defense, with minimal blue-water projection. These capabilities enable defensive operations and counterinsurgency but fall short of power projection or deterrence against peer adversaries. Military spending reached 8.9% of GDP in 2023 and 8.8% in 2024, among the highest globally, yet absolute funding remains inadequate amid Lebanon's economic collapse, hampering procurement, training, and maintenance. Pre-2019 crisis levels hovered lower at around 3-4% of GDP, reflecting chronic underinvestment that has left the LAF reliant on foreign donors for even basic operational readiness. The LAF maintains a partnership with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to monitor the Blue Line and implement Security Council Resolution 1701, focusing on southern border security and de-escalation. Post the November 27, 2024, Israel-Lebanon ceasefire, LAF units redeployed to over 120 positions in southern Lebanon with UNIFIL assistance, aiming to extend state control and dismantle unauthorized structures, though full implementation of a 10,000-troop surge has faced logistical hurdles. Domestically, the LAF handles internal security tasks, including anti-smuggling raids and stability operations, but border management—especially along the 400 km Syrian frontier—remains challenged by porous crossings exploited for illicit trade and infiltration. Efforts to fortify observation posts and conduct joint patrols with agencies like the Internal Security Forces have yielded intermittent successes, such as closing unauthorized border points in July 2025, yet persistent resource shortages undermine comprehensive control against non-state armed groups. This vulnerability highlights the LAF's role as a stabilizing force constrained by underfunding, unable to fully assert sovereignty over contested territories.

Hezbollah's political and paramilitary dominance

Hezbollah, established in 1982 amid Israel's invasion of Lebanon as a Shia Islamist militia with Iranian backing, has entrenched its paramilitary dominance through an arsenal estimated at 120,000 to 200,000 rockets and missiles prior to the 2024 escalation, exceeding the stockpiles of many national militaries. This firepower, largely supplied via Iran and Syria, enabled cross-border attacks on Israel and positioned Hezbollah as a de facto parallel army, operating independently of Lebanon's official military and flouting UN Security Council Resolution 1701's mandate for exclusive Lebanese Armed Forces control south of the Litani River. The group's paramilitary wing, the Jihad Council, maintains operational autonomy, with Iranian funding estimated in the hundreds of millions annually supporting training, procurement, and reconstruction after conflicts like the 2006 war. In the 2023–2024 Israel-Hezbollah conflict, Hezbollah sustained heavy losses, including up to 4,000 fighters killed according to internal estimates, yet it has regrouped amid a fragile November 2024 ceasefire, retaining capacity for asymmetric warfare. Politically, Hezbollah wields influence through its parliamentary bloc, securing 13 seats in the 2022 elections as part of the broader pro-resistance alliance that holds around 62 seats collectively, allowing it to shape coalitions and government formation in Lebanon's confessional system. From 2008 to 2019, the group and allies commanded a "blocking third" in cabinets, granting effective veto power over decisions, a leverage rooted in threats of destabilization rather than electoral mandate alone. This dominance extends to blocking reforms, such as banking transparency or state monopoly on arms, prioritizing militia preservation over national recovery, as evidenced by opposition to UN Resolution 1559's call for disbanding non-state forces. Supporters view this as Shiite empowerment in a historically marginalized community, framing Hezbollah's role as "resistance" against Israeli incursions, while critics, including Sunni and Christian factions, argue it constitutes state capture, subordinating Lebanese sovereignty to Tehran's agenda as an Iranian proxy. Hezbollah's social services apparatus—encompassing hospitals, schools, clinics, and welfare programs in Shiite-majority areas like southern Beirut and the Bekaa Valley—further cements loyalty by addressing state failures in service delivery, effectively buying allegiance in underserved regions. This network, funded partly through Iranian aid and parallel revenue streams, has expanded post-2006 to include youth training and infrastructure, fostering a constituency that equates group survival with communal welfare. However, allegations persist of involvement in illicit economies, including protection rackets and drug trafficking in the Bekaa Valley's Captagon production, which generates millions for arms despite official denials, exacerbating Lebanon's economic woes and international isolation. The United States and European Union designate Hezbollah's military wing a terrorist organization for attacks like the 1983 Beirut barracks bombing, underscoring how its paramilitary edge perpetuates cycles of conflict detrimental to Lebanon's stability. Empirical assessments indicate that while providing short-term empowerment for Shiites, Hezbollah's unchecked dominance causally links to vetoing sovereignty-restoring measures, entrenching dependency on external patrons over endogenous state-building.

Economy

Historical development and structure

Following independence in 1943, Lebanon's economy experienced a period of rapid growth from the late 1950s to the early 1970s, driven by its adoption of free-market policies, banking secrecy laws, and its role as a regional trade and financial hub. Beirut emerged as a key center for banking, commerce, and tourism, attracting capital from across the Middle East amid regional instability elsewhere; the city's population doubled during this era, housing half of Lebanon's residents by the 1970s. This "economic miracle" transformed Lebanon into a service-oriented economy, with gross domestic product (GDP) growth fueled by inflows from oil-rich Gulf states and expatriate remittances, positioning it as the "Switzerland of the Levant." The Lebanese Civil War from 1975 to 1990 inflicted severe damage, halting the boom and causing an estimated output loss equivalent to 98 billion Lebanese pounds in constant 1974 prices—roughly 24 times the 1993 real GDP. Infrastructure, including ports, roads, and factories, was extensively destroyed, while capital flight and emigration of skilled workers eroded the financial sector's foundations; foreign banks closed branches, and the exodus of nearly one million people further contracted economic activity. Postwar reconstruction in the 1990s briefly revived growth through foreign aid and investment, but it failed to diversify beyond services, perpetuating structural weaknesses. By the pre-2019 period, Lebanon's economy remained predominantly services-based, with the sector comprising approximately 79% of GDP in 2019, centered on Beirut's financial and real estate markets that benefited from liberalized capital flows and high interest rates on sovereign debt. Remittances from the diaspora contributed around 14% of GDP, serving as a critical buffer against trade deficits but highlighting rentier characteristics: heavy reliance on external transfers, tourism volatility, and non-productive rents from banking rather than manufacturing or agriculture, which together exposed the economy to shocks from global capital reversals and limited domestic production. This model, while generating elite wealth, fostered vulnerabilities such as chronic current account imbalances and insufficient investment in export-oriented industries.

Onset and causes of the 2019 crisis

Lebanon's economic crisis erupted in late 2019 with a triple default encompassing sovereign debt unsustainability, central bank insolvency, and the abrupt termination of subsidies. Public debt reached approximately 155% of GDP by the end of 2019, fueled by persistent fiscal deficits and reliance on domestic borrowing to finance expenditures. The Banque du Liban (BDL), the central bank, became insolvent amid massive financial engineering schemes that masked liquidity shortfalls, with banks accumulating over $72 billion in losses since the crisis onset. Subsidies on essentials like fuel and medicine, previously sustained by depleting foreign reserves, collapsed, triggering widespread protests starting October 17, 2019, against elite corruption and mismanagement. Decades of endogenous factors precipitated this collapse, including chronic corruption, elite capture of state resources, and a bloated public sector employing over 200,000 civil servants amid featherbedding and inefficiency. Political leaders prioritized short-term patronage, such as public sector pay hikes before the 2018 elections, over structural reforms, perpetuating a Ponzi-like scheme where new debt serviced old obligations. Diversions to non-state actors, notably Hezbollah's paramilitary expenditures estimated in billions annually and funded partly through parallel economies, strained national finances by prioritizing militia priorities over public investment. The protests exposed these vulnerabilities, revealing a system where sectarian elites siphoned resources, leading to immediate outcomes like the Lebanese pound's devaluation exceeding 90% against the dollar and proliferation of black-market USD transactions. Poverty rates surged from around 30% in 2019 to 85-90% by late 2021, as import-dependent subsidies ended and savings evaporated in insolvent banks. This internal rot, rather than isolated external shocks, underscored the crisis's roots in governance failures and resource misallocation.

Sectoral breakdown

Lebanon's economy is predominantly services-oriented, with agriculture and industry contributing smaller shares amid ongoing contraction from the 2019 crisis and 2024 conflict. In recent estimates, agriculture accounts for approximately 3% of GDP, industry around 13%, and services the remainder, exceeding 80%. Pre-2019 crisis, tourism within services contributed up to 20% of GDP, underscoring its role as a key driver before disruptions. Agriculture, the third-largest sector, focuses on high-value crops suited to Lebanon's Mediterranean climate, including olives, citrus fruits, bananas, apples, grapes, and tobacco, with crop production comprising about 60% of output and livestock 40%. The sector employs roughly 7-8% of the workforce but has faced chronic challenges from water scarcity, import competition, and conflict. The 2024 Israel-Hezbollah war inflicted severe damage in southern Lebanon, destroying 134 hectares of olive groves, 48 hectares of citrus orchards, 44 hectares of banana plantations, and other farmland, alongside livestock losses and farmer displacement, resulting in estimated damages of $1.2 billion. Industry contributes modestly, centered on light manufacturing such as textiles, cement production, food processing, chemicals, and jewelry, which together form key export-oriented activities. The sector's share has hovered around 13% pre-crisis but contracted amid energy shortages and supply chain breakdowns, with limited heavy industry due to resource constraints. While less directly impacted by the 2024 war than agriculture, broader infrastructure destruction and displacement have hampered operations, contributing to overall GDP contraction of 6.6% that year. Services dominate, encompassing tourism, trade, and real estate, with tourism historically providing significant foreign exchange through cultural heritage sites and coastal resorts. Pre-crisis, it supported over 100,000 jobs and drew 1.67 million visitors in 2023. The 2024 war caused a sharp dip, with arrivals falling 32% to 1.13 million and sector contribution dropping to 5.5% of GDP due to border closures and insecurity. By summer 2025, tourism rebounded with strong arrivals from Gulf states, driven by political stabilization and marketing efforts, aiding projected GDP growth of 4.7% for the year.

Banking collapse and hyperinflation

Lebanon's banking sector, comprising over 70 commercial banks as of 2019, faced acute illiquidity after accumulating substantial losses exceeding $72 billion from the economic crisis onward, primarily due to heavy exposure to sovereign debt instruments like Treasury bills that lost value amid government default risks. Banks had channeled depositor funds into these high-yield but risky assets, sustaining an unsustainable financial model reliant on financial inflows, leaving reserves trapped in non-performing loans and illiquid government securities. Total banking assets plummeted from $217 billion in 2019 to $104 billion by 2024, reflecting the sector's insolvency as sovereign obligations became effectively worthless without restructuring. In response to deposit runs, the Central Bank of Lebanon (BDL) imposed informal capital controls starting October 17, 2019, limiting cash withdrawals to small amounts in local currency (Lebanese pounds, LBP) at official rates, while restricting access to foreign currency deposits. These controls created parallel exchange markets, where the black-market USD/LBP rate diverged sharply from the official peg of 1,507.5 LBP per USD, which held until February 2023 before being abandoned. By October 2025, the market rate reached approximately 89,550 LBP per USD, representing a devaluation exceeding 90% from pre-crisis levels, with peaks near 90,000 LBP per USD earlier in the year. Depositors suffered effective haircuts of up to 90% on dollar-denominated savings, as banks withheld full access and any released funds were subject to the depreciated LBP equivalent or minimal USD allowances. The currency collapse fueled hyperinflation, with annual rates peaking above 200% in 2023 before moderating to around 16% by January 2025, driven by import dependency and supply disruptions amid restricted dollar liquidity. Banks' hoarding of scarce foreign reserves—estimated in the tens of billions pre-crisis—exacerbated the liquidity crunch, as institutions prioritized self-preservation over depositor payouts, leading to widespread loss of savings confidence and a shadow economy reliant on cash dollars. As of mid-2025, depositors remained unable to fully retrieve pre-2019 balances, with ongoing restrictions underscoring the unresolved insolvency of the sector.

Reform efforts, international aid, and recovery prospects

Negotiations for a $3 billion Extended Fund Facility with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), initially outlined in a staff-level agreement in April 2022, have stalled repeatedly due to elite resistance against restructuring the insolvent banking sector, which holds estimated losses exceeding $70 billion from mismanagement and currency collapse. Political disagreements center on protecting depositor claims versus state recapitalization, with the central bank governor's stance in October 2025 blocking key concessions like capital controls and loss allocation. An IMF mission visited Beirut from September 22-25, 2025, to advance discussions on banking resolution and fiscal strategy, but no final agreement was reached amid ongoing elite vetoes. Domestic reforms gained limited traction in 2025, including parliamentary approval of the Banking Sector Recovery Law and amendments to bank secrecy rules, mandating banks to submit restructuring plans within six months, incorporating write-offs, clawbacks from executives, and potential bond issuances for depositors. The cabinet endorsed a fiscal gap law on October 15, 2025, targeting budget deficits through revenue measures and subsidy cuts, as a prerequisite for debt restructuring of $16.5 billion in external obligations suspended since 2020. These steps, pushed by figures like Economy Minister amid creditor talks, aim to restore liquidity but face implementation hurdles from entrenched interests and judicial delays. International aid pledges surpass $5 billion cumulatively from donors including the World Bank and European Union, but economic packages remain conditional on verifiable banking reforms and governance improvements to prevent recurrence of pre-2019 opacity. The World Bank disbursed $250 million in June 2025 for repairing conflict-damaged infrastructure in southern and border regions, focusing on water and electricity grids hit by 2024 hostilities. Humanitarian assistance, such as the EU's €93 million allocation for 2025 and UN flash appeals totaling $371 million for January-March, supports displaced populations but draws criticism for fungibility risks, as Hezbollah's dominance in aid-recipient southern areas enables diversion of funds and materials to its paramilitary network rather than civilian needs. Recovery prospects hinge on fragile stabilization, with the World Bank projecting 4.7% real GDP growth in 2025 from tourism rebound, consumption uptick, and partial reform implementation, though this assumes no escalation in Hezbollah-Israel tensions or presidential vacuum persisting beyond late 2025. Risks include entrenched corruption eroding reform credibility—evidenced by minimal prosecutions despite $100 billion in central bank losses—and Hezbollah's parallel economy, which sustains militia funding via smuggling and imposes opportunity costs on state-led recovery estimated at 2-3% of GDP annually. Alternative forecasts, such as the UN's 2% contraction scenario, highlight downside vulnerabilities from incomplete debt deals and capital flight if IMF talks falter again. Overall, without decisive elite concessions and militia restraint, growth remains vulnerable to reversal, perpetuating poverty rates above 80% and emigration of skilled labor.

Demographics

Population dynamics and migration

Lebanon's resident population comprises an estimated 4.5 to 5.5 million Lebanese citizens, alongside approximately 1.5 million Syrian refugees and 180,000 to 450,000 Palestinian refugees, yielding a total of around 6.5 to 7.5 million people, though precise enumeration remains challenging due to the absence of a national census since 1932 and fluid migration patterns. The country's total fertility rate is 1.71 children per woman as of 2023 estimates, well below the replacement level of 2.1, signaling a trajectory toward population stagnation or decline absent sustained immigration. This low fertility, combined with net emigration, contributes to an aging demographic profile, where individuals aged 65 and older already account for roughly 10% of the population, projected to rise to 10.2% by 2025 and double the 60+ cohort by 2050. Emigration has accelerated since the 2019 economic crisis, with estimates indicating 500,000 to over 600,000 Lebanese citizens departing, predominantly youth and skilled professionals in fields like medicine, engineering, and IT, intensifying brain drain and depleting human capital. Irregular maritime and land outflows have surged, driven by hyperinflation, unemployment exceeding 40%, and political instability, resulting in a negative migration rate of -0.9 per 1,000 population. Remittances from the diaspora mitigate some economic strain, totaling $6.7 billion in 2023—equivalent to about 35% of GDP—and ranking Lebanon third regionally in remittance inflows relative to size, though these funds often support consumption rather than investment amid banking restrictions. Conversely, the sustained influx of Syrian refugees since 2011, peaking at over 1.5 million amid that country's civil war, has imposed demographic pressures, with Lebanon hosting the world's highest refugee density per capita and straining housing, employment, and public services without formal integration policies. Recent escalations in 2024 have prompted over 500,000 returns to Syria and internal displacements within Lebanon, further complicating population stability.

Ethnic and linguistic composition

Lebanon's ethnic composition consists primarily of Arabs, who form an estimated 95% of the population, alongside smaller minorities including Armenians at about 4% and others such as Kurds, Assyrians, and Turkmens comprising the remaining 1%. These figures are estimates, as Lebanon has not conducted an official census since 1932 due to political sensitivities surrounding sectarian balances, leading to reliance on surveys and extrapolations from voter registries or household data. The Arab majority encompasses diverse subgroups often aligned with historical migrations and regional ties, though some communities, particularly among Christians, emphasize pre-Arab Phoenician ancestry as a distinct identity marker rather than pan-Arab affiliation. Armenian communities, largely descendants of genocide survivors who arrived in the early 20th century, maintain cultural enclaves in Beirut and other urban centers, preserving traditions through associations and churches. Kurds, estimated at around 100,000 to 200,000, are concentrated in northern areas like Tripoli and have faced integration challenges, including limited citizenship rights for some descendants of Syrian migrants. Linguistically, Modern Standard Arabic serves as the official language for government, media, and formal education, while Lebanese Arabic—a Levantine dialect—predominates in everyday spoken communication across ethnic groups. French holds significant status as a legacy of the Ottoman and French Mandate periods, remaining prevalent in higher education, business, law, and elite social circles, with many schools offering bilingual curricula; surveys indicate over 40% proficiency among adults in urban areas. English has gained ground since the mid-20th century, especially post-1990s globalization and American cultural influence, serving as a third language in universities, tourism, and tech sectors, though rural and lower-income groups show lower fluency rates. Minority languages include Western Armenian, spoken by the Armenian community in domestic and community settings, and Kurmanji Kurdish among Kurds, with smaller pockets of Syriac Aramaic among Assyrian groups; these are not officially recognized but persist through private instruction and media. The Lebanese diaspora, estimated at 15 million people of Lebanese descent worldwide as of recent government figures, amplifies ethnic and linguistic diversity through remittances, media, and return migration, fostering hybrid identities that blend Arabic roots with host-country influences like Portuguese in Brazil or Spanish in Latin America. This expatriate network, concentrated in Brazil (7-10 million), the Americas, Australia, and Europe, maintains strong ties via satellite TV, social media, and investment, often prioritizing Arabic and English for cross-generational communication while adopting local languages.

Religious demographics and tensions

Lebanon has not conducted an official census since 1932, when Christians (primarily Maronites) constituted about 53% of the population of roughly 875,000, with Muslims at 47%. Contemporary estimates, derived from voter rolls, religious registries, and surveys like those by Statistics Lebanon, place Muslims at 54-68% (Sunni approximately 27-32%, Shia 27-32%, and smaller groups including Alawites and Ismailis), Christians at 30-40% (Maronites comprising about 21% of the total population as the largest subgroup, followed by Greek Orthodox at 8% and others), Druze at 5%, and negligible Jewish and other minorities. These approximations vary due to uncounted emigrants, Syrian and Palestinian refugees (predominantly Sunni), and political sensitivities around conducting a new census, which could disrupt confessional power allocations. Demographic shifts have intensified since the 1970s, driven by Christian emigration—accelerated by the 1975-1990 civil war, economic collapse, and the 2020 Beirut port explosion—and relatively higher Muslim fertility rates, particularly among Shia in southern Lebanon. Christians, once a plurality, now likely form a minority, with anecdotal and registry data indicating significant outflows post-2020, while Shia communities have expanded through natural growth and internal migration. Druze remain concentrated in mountainous areas, maintaining stability in their share. Such imbalances heighten insecurities: Christians fear erosion of influence amid declining numbers, while Muslim groups perceive historical overrepresentation of Christians in outdated quotas. Inter-sectarian unions are uncommon, comprising a small fraction of marriages due to Lebanon's sectarian personal status laws, which assign family jurisdiction to religious courts and prohibit civil marriage domestically, often necessitating conversion, expatriation, or informal arrangements. This legal and social endogamy preserves communal silos, limiting cross-group ties and amplifying divisions during stress, as families prioritize sect loyalty over individual choice. Perceived demographic disequilibria have repeatedly sparked tensions, contradicting narratives of seamless coexistence in Lebanon's "diverse mosaic." Empirical patterns include recurrent violence along sectarian fault lines, such as the 1958 intra-Christian clashes, the 1975-1990 war that mobilized militias by faith (e.g., Christian vs. Muslim alliances), and 2006-2008 Beirut gun battles between Sunni and Shia factions. Fears of tipping majorities—exacerbated by refugee influxes and emigration—prompt defensive postures, including demographic engineering claims (e.g., Shia settlement in Christian areas), fostering a cycle where numerical anxieties precipitate preemptive strife rather than integration.

Education system

Lebanon's adult literacy rate is 92.01% for individuals aged 15 and above, based on the most recent available data from 2019, with males at 94.8% and females at 89.5%. This figure reflects historical strengths in basic literacy but masks disparities in educational quality and access exacerbated by underfunding and instability. Primary and secondary education are compulsory from ages 3 to 15, structured into three cycles: kindergarten (ages 3-6), elementary (6-12), and intermediate/secondary (12-18), culminating in the official Lebanese baccalaureate exam for university entry. Private institutions dominate enrollment, accounting for 52.93% of students in 2023, compared to 31.34% in public schools, with the remainder in semi-private or other setups; private schools, often affiliated with religious orders such as Jesuit or evangelical missions, provide higher-quality instruction but at costs prohibitive for many families. Public schools, concentrated in low-income areas, suffer chronic underfunding, outdated curricula, and teacher shortages, leading to overcrowded classrooms and lower performance outcomes. Higher education features over 40 universities, with prominent private ones including the American University of Beirut (AUB), founded in 1866 as a non-sectarian institution offering liberal arts and professional degrees to more than 8,000 students, and the Jesuit-operated Université Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth, established in 1875 for French-language instruction in humanities and sciences. These elite private universities attract regional talent but contribute to stratification, as public higher education options remain limited and under-resourced. The 2019 economic crisis, compounded by the 2020 Beirut port explosion, COVID-19 disruptions, and conflicts including the 2023-2024 Israeli operations, has severely eroded access and quality, with children losing up to 60% of instructional time over five years and over 1.2 million students—roughly 75% of school-age children—facing prolonged interruptions by 2024. Poverty has driven dropout rates higher, including a 20% decline in female enrollment in some areas within a single year by 2023, as families prioritize income over schooling; an additional 31,011 students shifted from private to public institutions amid fee unaffordability. The 2024 war displaced over 1.2 million people, destroying or damaging hundreds of schools and forcing 500,000 students out of classrooms, further entrenching inequality as wealthier families access alternatives while public trust erodes. Intense brain drain has depleted expertise, with emigration of skilled educators and youth—estimated at half of those under 30 seeking opportunities abroad—leaving universities facing administrative delays, program approval backlogs of months, and shortages in specialized faculty, threatening accreditation and innovation. This exodus, accelerated by the crisis, has reduced the domestic talent pool, with public education bearing the brunt as private institutions leverage international partnerships for resilience. Recovery hinges on addressing funding gaps and instability, but ongoing conflicts risk permanent generational learning losses.

Healthcare and social welfare

Lebanon's healthcare system prior to the 2019 economic crisis featured a mix of public and private providers, with the National Social Security Fund (NSSF), established in the 1960s, aiming to extend coverage to salaried workers and their families through contributions and state subsidies. However, even then, approximately 40% of the population remained uninsured, relying on out-of-pocket payments or limited public facilities, while 70% of healthcare facilities were privately owned. The Ministry of Public Health (MoPH) subsidized medications and hospital care for vulnerable groups, supporting a relatively advanced system with high physician density compared to regional peers. The 2019 crisis precipitated a sharp deterioration, marked by currency devaluation, subsidy cuts, and medicine shortages, leading to over 70% of healthcare expenses now borne out-of-pocket for many households as reimbursements from public funds collapsed. Essential drugs, including those for cancer and chronic conditions, ceased MoPH coverage by 2020, forcing patients to procure imports at black-market rates inflated by the pound's 98% depreciation. Hospital closures and physician exodus—exacerbated by unpaid salaries and fuel shortages—reduced operational capacity, with primary care centers facing funding shortfalls that limited services to basic consultations. Life expectancy, which stood at around 78 years pre-crisis, declined to 74.3 years by 2021 amid these disruptions. Parallel to the state system, Hezbollah operates an extensive network of clinics, hospitals, and dispensaries in Shiite-majority areas, providing subsidized care, medications, and welfare services funded through party resources and donations, serving as a de facto alternative amid public shortfalls. This infrastructure has sustained access for affiliated communities but raises concerns over sectarian favoritism and integration with state efforts. Social welfare provisions, centered on the fragmented NSSF and ad hoc MoPH programs, covered pensions and limited family allowances pre-crisis but excluded informal workers and the unemployed, leaving gaps filled by NGOs. Post-2019, benefit payouts eroded by hyperinflation—real values dropping over 90%—have driven multidimensional poverty to 44% of the population by 2023, with cash transfers and food aid insufficient against surging needs. The mental health toll includes a 21.7% rise in suicides to 168 cases in 2023, averaging one every two days, linked to despair from economic ruin and service inaccessibility. Concurrently, substance abuse has escalated, with Captagon (fenethylline) trafficking from Syria fueling local epidemics of stimulant dependency amid youth unemployment and trauma.

Culture

Literature and intellectual traditions

Lebanese literature emerged as a pivotal force in modern Arabic modernism, particularly through the mahjar (diaspora) writers who emigrated to the Americas in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, fusing classical Arabic poetic forms with Western philosophical and narrative techniques to explore themes of exile, spiritual individualism, and cultural hybridity. This tradition was catalyzed by the Pen League, founded in 1920 by expatriate Lebanese and Syrian intellectuals in New York, which promoted free verse, essays, and realism as antidotes to neoclassical rigidity in Arabic letters. French Mandate-era exposure to European symbolism and rationalism further shaped Beirut's literary scene, where writers critiqued Ottoman-era stagnation and advocated secular humanism amid Lebanon's confessional pluralism. Kahlil Gibran (1883–1931), born in Bsharri, exemplifies this synthesis; his 1923 work The Prophet, composed in English but rooted in Lebanese Maronite mysticism and Sufi undertones, sold over nine million copies worldwide by emphasizing personal liberty over communal dogma, influencing global perceptions of Eastern wisdom. Ameen Rihani (1876–1940), a Freike native who traveled extensively, pioneered the modern Arabic essay as a vehicle for East-West dialogue, critiquing absolutism in works like The Book of Khalid (1911), which satirized immigrant assimilation while defending pan-Arab reform without ethnic particularism. Mikhail Naimy (1889–1988), from Baskinta, advanced prose realism through short stories and criticism, co-founding the Pen League and authoring The Book of Mirdad (1948), a philosophical allegory blending Christian esotericism with universalist ethics to challenge sectarian insularity. Intellectual traditions in Lebanon reflect recurrent exile motifs, as civil strife from 1975 onward prompted critiques of identity fragmentation; post-1990 writers like Ghassan Tueni (1926–2012), a Harvard-educated essayist and editor of An-Nahar, dissected authoritarianism and confessional patronage in columns advocating constitutional sovereignty over militia dominance. His son Gebran Tueni (1957–2005) extended this legacy, using journalism to expose Syrian interference until his 2005 assassination, underscoring literature's role in resisting external hegemony. These strands prioritize causal analysis of societal decay—rooted in elite corruption and demographic imbalances—over romanticized narratives, with émigré voices like Rawi Hage's dystopian novels amplifying alienation amid economic collapse.

Arts, music, and cinema

Fairuz, born Nouhad Wadie Haddad on November 20, 1934, in Beirut to a Syriac Catholic family, emerged as Lebanon's most iconic singer in the mid-20th century, her career spanning over seven decades and encompassing classical Arabic, Lebanese dialect, and folk repertoires that symbolized national unity and endurance during conflicts. Her recordings, often composed by her husband Assi Rahbani and brother-in-law Mansour Rahbani, peaked in popularity during Lebanon's 1958 crisis and the 1975-1990 civil war, where songs like "Sa'alouni el Nahar" evoked resilience without explicit partisanship, avoiding censorship from warring factions. Fairuz's neutrality—refusing to perform for any side—positioned her as a unifying cultural figure, with estimates of over 80 albums sold regionally, though exact figures remain unverified due to informal markets. Dabke, a communal line dance originating in the Levant and integral to Lebanese celebrations since at least the Ottoman era, involves participants linking arms in a row, executing rhythmic stomps and steps led by a caller, often to accompany zaffa wedding processions or folk music on instruments like the derbake drum and mijwiz flute. In Lebanon, dabke variants such as the Beiruti style emphasize shoulder shimmies and rapid footwork, performed at joyous events to foster social bonds amid historical instability, with its stomping motions tracing back to practical origins like clearing harvest debris or snow from roofs in rural areas. Despite wartime disruptions, dabke persisted as a marker of cultural continuity, adapted in diaspora communities and revived post-1990 through festivals, though its performance declined in urban youth due to emigration and modernization. Lebanese visual arts, centered in Beirut's galleries like those in the Gemmayzeh and Mar Mikhael districts, have historically grappled with conflict's scars, producing works that document destruction while asserting survival, as seen in exhibitions featuring artists like Oussama Baalbaki, whose paintings process recurring invasions through abstracted violence motifs. The 1975-1990 civil war razed studios and displaced creators, yet initiatives like artist-run spaces emerged by the 1990s, emphasizing resilience over victimhood; for instance, post-2006 war installations repurposed rubble into sculptures symbolizing reconstruction. Recent crises, including the 2020 port explosion that damaged over 20 galleries and the 2019 economic collapse, halved art market activity by 2021 per local reports, but underground collectives continue, prioritizing self-funding amid censorship risks from sectarian authorities. Cinema in Lebanon dates to 1929 with the silent short "The Adventures of Elias Mabruk," but production stalled after independence due to Egyptian dominance and limited infrastructure, yielding fewer than 200 features by 1975. The civil war halted most filming, destroying studios and imposing self-censorship on politically sensitive topics, with output dropping to near zero until a 1990s revival spurred by private funding produced over 300 films by 2020, often independently financed abroad. Nadine Labaki's 2018 drama "Capernaum," shot in Beirut's slums using non-actors, depicts a 12-year-old boy's lawsuit against his parents for neglect amid poverty and refugee influxes, earning the Cannes Jury Prize and an Oscar nomination while sparking debates on child labor laws, though critics noted its reliance on emotional appeals over systemic analysis. Ongoing challenges include piracy eroding revenues—estimated at 70% of ticket sales—and funding shortages post-2019 crisis, forcing co-productions with Europe despite cultural disconnects.

Cuisine and daily life

Lebanese cuisine emphasizes fresh ingredients such as vegetables, herbs, legumes, and olive oil, with a strong focus on mezze platters that serve as shared appetizers at meals. Common mezze include hummus prepared from chickpeas, tahini, and lemon; baba ghanoush made from roasted eggplant; and tabbouleh salad of finely chopped parsley, bulgur, tomatoes, and mint. Kibbeh, widely regarded as the national dish, features bulgur wheat combined with ground lamb or beef and spices, shaped into balls or patties that are either fried for a crispy exterior or baked and served raw as kibbeh nayyeh. These elements reflect a Levantine fusion incorporating Mediterranean produce, Ottoman meat preparations, and French baking techniques introduced during the mandate period. Winemaking in Lebanon centers on the Bekaa Valley, which accounts for over 90% of national production and draws on a viticultural history exceeding 5,000 years from Phoenician times. Producers like Château Ksara, founded in 1857 by Jesuit missionaries, cultivate indigenous grapes such as obeideh alongside international varieties like cabernet sauvignon, yielding reds, whites, and arak, a traditional anise-flavored spirit distilled from grapes. Daily life in Lebanon centers on family-oriented routines, with meals functioning as communal events that reinforce social ties through shared platters arranged on a sofra, or low table. Extended families frequently gather for these occasions, prioritizing hospitality where guests are offered multiple servings of dishes like grilled meats, stuffed vegetables, and sweets such as baklava. Urban cafe culture, prominent in Beirut, involves men and groups congregating for coffee, backgammon games, and nargile smoking, extending into evening hours as a space for conversation amid the Mediterranean climate. The economic collapse beginning in 2019, exacerbated by currency devaluation and import disruptions, prompted adaptations in cuisine and routines, including a shift toward home-prepared foods using available staples like lentils and seasonal produce to offset meat and seafood shortages. By 2025, acute food insecurity affected approximately 30% of the population, driving reliance on local sourcing and reduced portion sizes while maintaining mezze-style sharing to stretch resources.

Sports and leisure

Football is the most popular sport in Lebanon, with the national team, nicknamed the Cedars, competing in AFC competitions since its first international match in 1940. The team has participated in the AFC Asian Cup three times, including in 2000, but has yet to qualify for the FIFA World Cup. As of July 2025, the national side has recorded 116 wins, 105 draws, and 182 losses in 403 official matches. The Lebanese Premier League features prominent clubs such as Al-Ansar and Nejmeh, whose rivalries have occasionally reflected sectarian and political divisions, leading to fan bans and post-match violence in past seasons. Many clubs maintain affiliations with political or sectarian groups, contributing to tensions that authorities have sought to mitigate through spectator restrictions. Basketball ranks as another major sport, with the national team achieving greater regional success than in football, including consistent performances in FIBA Asia Cup tournaments. The Lebanese Basketball League draws significant crowds and features competitive rivalries, often viewed as a unifying passion amid national challenges. Skiing provides a distinctive winter leisure activity, enabled by Lebanon's Mount Lebanon range; the country hosts seven ski resorts with 82 kilometers of slopes and 47 lifts, operating from December to April. Mzaar Kfardebian, the largest in the Middle East, offers 40 kilometers of terrain and opened its 2025 season on January 11, located about an hour from Beirut. Other resorts like The Cedars, at elevations up to 2,850 meters, attract both locals and visitors for skiing and snowboarding. Lebanon has competed in the Olympics since 1948, sending athletes to every Summer Games except 1956 and earning four medals—two silver and two bronze—in wrestling and weightlifting, with no golds. The country also participated in Winter Olympics from 1948 to 1992 and since 2002, though without medals. However, sports infrastructure has deteriorated amid the economic crisis since 2019, with stadiums like Beirut's Camille Chamoun Sports City falling into disrepair, featuring overgrown pitches and inadequate facilities. This decay, compounded by currency collapse and athlete emigration, has hampered training and competition, though efforts persist to leverage sports for social cohesion.

Festivals and traditions

Lebanon's festivals reflect its sectarian diversity, with Muslims observing Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha through communal prayers and family feasts featuring sweets like ma'amoul, while Christians mark Christmas on December 25 with decorations, nativity scenes, and dabke folk dances alongside shared meals of kibbeh and tabbouleh. Easter, a public holiday for Orthodox and Catholic communities, involves church services, egg dyeing, and feasts emphasizing lamb dishes, underscoring the coexistence of these traditions amid Lebanon's multi-confessional fabric. The Baalbeck International Festival, held annually in July and August within the Roman temple complex, features opera, classical music, and jazz performances, drawing international artists since its inception as the region's oldest such event. Other summer gatherings, like those in Byblos or the Cedars, blend historical sites with concerts, though they prioritize cultural expression over religious observance. Family-oriented customs permeate these events, with extended kin gathering for elaborate spreads that reinforce social bonds through shared preparation of dishes like stuffed vegetables or pastries, traditions rooted in communal solidarity rather than isolated rituals. Ongoing economic crises and regional conflicts have curtailed festival scales, with funding shortages and security concerns reducing attendance and programming, as seen in diminished preparations for Eid al-Fitr amid border tensions and financial hardship limiting customary purchases of new clothes or sweets.

References

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