Hubbry Logo
AmishAmishMain
Open search
Amish
Community hub
Amish
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Amish
Amish
from Wikipedia

Amish
An Amish family riding in a traditional Amish buggy in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania
Total population
Increase 411,000
(2025, Old Order Amish)[1]
Founder
Jakob Ammann
Regions with significant populations
United States (large populations in Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania; notable populations in Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, Michigan, New York, and Wisconsin; small populations in various other states)
Canada (mainly in Ontario)
Religions
Anabaptist
Scriptures
The Bible
Languages
English
Pennsylvania Dutch
Swiss German

The Amish (/ˈɑːmɪʃ/ , also /ˈæmɪʃ/ or /ˈmɪʃ/; Pennsylvania German: Amisch), formally the Old Order Amish, are a group of traditionalist Anabaptist Christian church fellowships with Swiss and Alsatian origins.[2] Because they maintain a degree of separation from surrounding populations, and hold their faith in common, the Amish have been described by certain scholars as an ethnoreligious group, combining features of an ethnicity and a Christian denomination.[3][4] The Amish are closely related to Old Order Mennonites and Conservative Mennonites, denominations that are also a part of Anabaptist Christianity.[5] The Amish are known for simple living, plain dress, Christian pacifism, and slowness to adopt many conveniences of modern technology, with a view neither to interrupt family time, nor replace face-to-face conversations whenever possible, and a view to maintain self-sufficiency. The Amish value rural life, manual labor, humility and Gelassenheit (submission to God's will).

The Amish church began with a schism in Switzerland within a group of Swiss and Alsatian Mennonite Anabaptists in 1693 led by Jakob Ammann.[6] Those who followed Ammann became known as Amish.[7] In the second half of the 19th century, the Amish divided into Old Order Amish and Amish Mennonites; the latter do not abstain from using motor cars, whereas the Old Order Amish retained much of their traditional culture. When people refer to the Amish today, they normally refer to the Old Order Amish, though there are other subgroups of Amish.[8] The Amish fall into three main subgroups—the Old Order Amish, the New Order Amish, and the Beachy Amish—all of whom wear plain dress and live their life according to the Bible as codified in their church's Ordnung.[9][10][11] The Old Order Amish and New Order Amish conduct their worship in German, speak Pennsylvania Dutch, and use buggies for transportation, in contrast to the Beachy Amish who use modern technology (inclusive of motor cars) and conduct worship in the local language of the area in which they reside.[10] Both the New Order Amish and the Beachy Amish emphasize the New Birth, evangelize to seek converts, and have Sunday schools.[12][9]

In the early 18th century, many Amish and Mennonites emigrated to Pennsylvania for a variety of reasons. Most Old Order Amish, New Order Amish and the Old Beachy Amish speak Pennsylvania Dutch, but Indiana's Swiss Amish also speak Alemannic dialects.[13] As of 2024, the Amish population surpassed the 400,000 milestone,[14] with about 405,000 Old Order Amish living in the United States, and over 6,000 in Canada:[1] a population that is rapidly growing.[15] Amish church groups seek to maintain a degree of separation from the non-Amish world. Non-Amish people are generally referred to as "English" by the Amish, and outside influences are often described as "worldly".

Amish church membership begins with adult baptism, usually between the ages of 16 and 23. Church districts have between 20 and 40 families, and Old Order Amish and New Order Amish worship services are held every other Sunday in a member's home or barn, while the Beachy Amish worship every Sunday in churches.[16] The rules of the church, the Ordnung, which differs to some extent between different districts, are reviewed twice a year by all members of the church. The Ordnung must be observed by every member and covers many aspects of Old Order Amish day-to-day living, including prohibitions or limitations on the use of power-line electricity, telephones, and automobiles, as well as regulations on clothing. Generally, a heavy emphasis is placed on church and family relationships. The Old Order Amish typically operate their own one-room schools and discontinue formal education after grade eight (age 13–14). Most Amish do not buy commercial insurance or participate in Social Security. As present-day Anabaptists, Amish church members practice nonresistance and will not perform any type of military service.[17]

History

[edit]

Beginnings of Anabaptist Christianity

[edit]
Cover of "Little Known Facts About The Amish and the Mennonites. A Study of the Social Customs and Habits of Pennsylvania's 'Plain People'. By Ammon Monroe Aurand, Jr., Aurand Press. 1938.
Cover of The Amish and the Mennonites, 1938
Cemetery filled many small plain headstones with simple inscriptions and two large bare trees.
An old Amish cemetery in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, 1941

The Anabaptist movement, from which the Amish later emerged, started in circles around Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531) who led the early Reformation in Switzerland. In Zürich on January 21, 1525, Conrad Grebel and George Blaurock practiced believer's baptism to each other and then to others.[18] This Swiss movement, part of the Radical Reformation, later became known as Swiss Brethren.[19]

Emergence of the Amish

[edit]

The term Amish was first used as a Schandename (a term of disgrace) in 1710 by opponents of Jakob Amman, an Anabaptist leader. The first informal division between Swiss Brethren was recorded in the 17th century between Oberländers (those living in the Bernese Oberland) and Emmentalers (those living in the Emmental). The Oberländers were a more extreme congregation; their zeal pushed them into more remote areas.[citation needed]

Swiss Anabaptism developed, from this point, in two parallel streams, most clearly marked by disagreement over the preferred treatment of "fallen" believers. The Emmentalers (sometimes referred to as Reistians, after bishop Hans Reist, a leader among the Emmentalers) argued that fallen believers should only be withheld from communion, and not regular meals. The Amish argued that those who had been banned should be avoided even in common meals. The Reistian side eventually formed the basis of the Swiss Mennonite Conference. Because of this common heritage, Amish and conservative Mennonites from southern Germany and Switzerland retain many similarities. Those who leave the Amish fold tend to join various congregations of Conservative Mennonites.[20][21]

Migration to North America

[edit]

Amish began migrating to Pennsylvania, then-regarded favorably due to the lack of religious persecution and attractive land offers, in the early 18th century as part of a larger migration from the Palatinate and neighboring areas. Between 1717 and 1750, approximately 500 Amish migrated to North America, mainly to the region that became Berks County, Pennsylvania, but later moved, motivated by land issues and by security concerns tied to the French and Indian War. Many eventually settled in Lancaster County. A second wave of around 1,500 arrived around the mid-19th century and settled mostly in Ohio, Illinois, Iowa and southern Ontario. Most of these late immigrants eventually did not join the Old Order Amish but more liberal groups.[22]

1850–1878: Division into Old Orders and Amish Mennonites

[edit]

Most Amish communities that were established in North America did not ultimately retain their Amish identity. The major division that resulted in the loss of identity of many Amish congregations occurred in the third quarter of the 19th century. The forming of factions worked its way out at different times at different places. The process was rather a "sorting out" than a split. Amish people are free to join another Amish congregation at another place that fits them best.[citation needed]

In the years after 1850, tensions rose within individual Amish congregations and between different Amish congregations. Between 1862 and 1878, yearly Dienerversammlungen (ministerial conferences) were held at different places, concerning how the Amish should deal with the tensions caused by the pressures of modern society.[23] The meetings themselves were a progressive idea; for bishops to assemble to discuss uniformity was an unprecedented notion in the Amish church.[citation needed] By the first several meetings, the more traditionally minded bishops agreed to boycott the conferences.[citation needed]

The more progressive members, comprising roughly two-thirds of the group, became known by the name Amish Mennonite, and eventually united with the Mennonite Church, and other Mennonite denominations, mostly in the early 20th century. The more traditionally minded groups became known as the Old Order Amish.[24] The Egli Amish had already started to withdraw from the Amish church in 1858. They soon drifted away from the old ways and changed their name to "Defenseless Mennonite" in 1908.[25] Congregations who took no side in the division after 1862 formed the Conservative Amish Mennonite Conference in 1910, but dropped the word "Amish" from their name in 1957; in the year 2000 many congregations left to organize the Biblical Mennonite Alliance in order to continue the practice of traditional Anabaptist ordinances, such as headcovering.[26][27]

Because no division occurred in Europe, the Amish congregations remaining there took the same way as the change-minded Amish Mennonites in North America and slowly merged with the Mennonites. The last Amish congregation in Germany to merge was the Ixheim Amish congregation, which merged with the neighboring Mennonite Church in 1937. Some Mennonite congregations, including most in Alsace, are descended directly from former Amish congregations.[28][29]

20th century

[edit]
Red barns are common on Amish farms.

Although splits happened among the Old Order in the 19th century in Mifflin County, Pennsylvania, a major split occurred in World War I. At that time, two very conservative affiliations emerged – the Swartzentruber Amish in Holmes County, Ohio, and the Buchanan Amish in Iowa. The Buchanan Amish soon were joined by like-minded congregations all over the country.[30]

With Germany's aggression toward the US in World War I came the suppression of the German language in the US that eventually led to language shift of most Pennsylvania German speakers, leaving the Amish and other Old Orders as almost the only speakers by the end of the 20th century. This created a language barrier around the Amish that did not exist before in that form.[31]

In the late 1920s, the more change-minded faction of the Old Order Amish, that wanted to adopt the car, broke away from the mainstream and organized under the name Beachy Amish.[32]

During the Second World War, the old question of military service for the Amish came up again. Because Amish young men in general refused military service, they ended up in the Civilian Public Service (CPS), where they worked mainly in forestry and hospitals. The fact that many young men worked in hospitals, where they had a lot of contact with more progressive Mennonites and the outside world, had the result that many of these men never joined the Amish church.[33]

In the 1950s, the Beachy Amish laid heavy emphasis on the New Birth, personal holiness and Sunday School education.[34][35] The ones who wanted to preserve the old way of the Beachy became the Old Beachy Amish.[32]

In 1966, the New Order Amish were formed after certain congregations left the Old Order Amish due to issues regarding salvation and "the use of modern agricultural methods".[36] The Old Order Amish believe that they have a "hope for salvation", believing that "joining with other church members to live according to the Ordnung and the Bible will give them the strength to lives worthy of salvation".[37] The New Order Amish, on the other hand, affirm that a believer can have assurance—"that one can know the state of his soul while on earth".[37][38]

A view of Amish farms from westbound US 30

Until about 1950, almost all Amish children attended small, rural, non-Amish schools, but then school consolidation and mandatory schooling beyond eighth grade caused Amish opposition. Amish communities opened their own Amish schools. In 1972, the United States Supreme Court exempted Amish pupils from compulsory education past eighth grade. By the end of the 20th century, almost all Amish children attended Amish schools.[39]

In the last quarter of the 20th century, a growing number of Amish men left farm work and started small businesses because of increasing pressure on small-scale farming. Though a wide variety of small businesses exists among the Amish, construction work and woodworking are quite widespread.[40] In many Amish settlements, especially the larger ones, farmers are now a minority.[41] Approximately 12,000 of the 40,000 dairy farms in the United States are Amish-owned as of 2018.[42][43]

Until the early 20th century, Old Order Amish identity was not linked to the limited use of technologies, as the Old Order Amish and their rural neighbors used the same farm and household technologies. Questions about the use of technologies also did not play a role in the Old Order division of the second half of the 19th century. Telephones were the first important technology that was rejected, soon followed by the rejection of cars, tractors, radios, and many other technological inventions of the 20th century.[44]

Old Order Mennonites, Old Colony Mennonites and the Amish are often grouped together in North America's popular press. This is incorrect, according to a 2017 report by Canadian Mennonite magazine:[45]

The customs of Old Order Mennonites, the Amish communities and Old Colony Mennonites have a number of similarities, but the cultural differences are significant enough so that members of one group would not feel comfortable moving to another group. The Old Order Mennonites and Amish have the same European roots and the language spoken in their homes is the same German dialect. Old Colony Mennonites use Low German, a different German dialect.

Religious practices

[edit]
A page of ornate old German text. See description.
A scan of the historical document Diß Lied haben die sieben Brüder im Gefängnüß zu Gmünd gemacht

Two key concepts for understanding Amish practices are their rejection of Hochmut (pride, arrogance, haughtiness) and the high value they place on Demut (humility) and Gelassenheit (calmness, composure, placidity), often translated as "submission" or "letting be". Gelassenheit is perhaps better understood as a reluctance to be forward, to be self-promoting, or to assert oneself. The Amish's willingness to submit to the "Will of Jesus", expressed through group norms, is at odds with the individualism so central to the wider American culture. The Amish anti-individualist orientation is the motive for rejecting labor-saving technologies that might make one less dependent on the community. Modern innovations such as electricity might spark a competition for status goods, or photographs might cultivate personal vanity. Electric power lines would be going against the Bible, which says that you shall not be "conformed to the world" (Romans 12:2).[citation needed]

Amish church membership begins with baptism, usually between the ages of 16 and 23. It is a requirement for marriage within the Amish church. Once a person is baptized within the church, he or she may marry only within the faith. Church districts have between 20 and 40 families and worship services are held every other Sunday in a member's home or barn. The district is led by a bishop and several ministers and deacons who are chosen by a combination of election and cleromancy (lot).[46]

The rules of the church, the so-called Ordnung, which differs to some extent between different districts, is reviewed twice a year by all members of the church. Only if all members give their consent to it, Lord's supper is held. The Ordnung must be observed by every member and covers many aspects of day-to-day living, including prohibitions or limitations on the use of power-line electricity, telephones, and automobiles, as well as regulations on clothing. As present-day Anabaptists, Amish church members practice nonresistance and will not perform any type of military service. The Amish value rural life, manual labor, humility, and Gelassenheit, all under the auspices of living what they interpret to be God's word.[citation needed]

Members who do not conform to these community expectations and who cannot be convinced to repent face excommunication and shunning. The modes of shunning vary between different communities.[47] On average, about 85 percent of Amish youth choose to be baptized and join the church.[48] During an adolescent period of rumspringa (lit. 'running around',[49] from Pennsylvania German rumschpringe 'to run around; to gad; to be wild';[50] compare Standard German herum-, rumspringen 'to jump around') in some communities, nonconforming behavior that would result in the shunning of an adult who had made the permanent commitment of baptism, may be met with a degree of forbearance.[51][failed verification]

Way of life

[edit]
Amish youth learning about a church before considering membership

Amish lifestyle is regulated by the Ordnung ("rules"),[52] which differs slightly from community to community and from district to district within a community. There is no central Amish governing authority. Each Amish community makes its own decisions, and what is acceptable in one community may be unacceptable in another.[53] The Ordnung is agreed upon – or changed – within the whole community of baptized members prior to Communion which takes place two times a year. The meeting where the Ordnung is discussed is called Ordnungsgemeine in Standard German and Ordningsgmee in Pennsylvania Dutch. The Ordnung includes such matters as dress, permissible uses of technology, religious duties, and rules regarding interaction with outsiders. In these meetings, women also vote in questions concerning the Ordnung.[54]

Bearing children, raising them, and socializing with neighbors and relatives are the greatest functions of the Amish family. Amish typically believe that large families are a blessing from God. Farm families tend to be larger, because sons are needed to perform farm labor.[55] Community is central to the Amish way of life.

Working hard is considered godly, and some technological advancements have been considered undesirable because they reduce the need for hard work. Amish also avoid using technologies they believe will disrupt their traditional lives. Machines, such as automatic floor cleaners in barns, have historically been rejected as this provides young farmhands with too much free time.[56]

Transportation

[edit]

Amish communities are known for traveling by horse and buggy because they feel horse-drawn vehicles promote a slow pace of life. Many Amish communities do also allow riding in motor vehicles, such as buses and cars.[57] They also are allowed to travel by train.[58][59] In recent years many Amish people have taken to using electric bicycles as they are faster than either walking or harnessing up a horse and buggy.[53]

Clothing

[edit]
Clothing is plain in style and sewn by hand.

The Amish are known for their plain attire. Men wear solid colored shirts, broad-brimmed hats, and suits that signify similarity amongst one another. Amish men grow beards to symbolize manhood and marital status, as well as to promote humility. They are forbidden from growing mustaches because mustaches are seen by the Amish as being affiliated with the military, to which they are strongly opposed, due to their pacifist beliefs. Women have similar guidelines on how to dress, which are also expressed in the Ordnung, the Amish version of legislation. They are to wear calf-length dresses, muted colors along with bonnets and aprons. Prayer kapps and bonnets are worn by the women because they are a visual representation of their religious beliefs and promote unity through the tradition of every woman wearing one. The color of the bonnet signifies whether a woman is single or married. Single women wear black bonnets and married women wear white. The color coding of bonnets is important because women are not allowed to wear jewelry, such as wedding rings, as it is seen as drawing attention to the body which can induce pride in the individual.[60][page needed]

All clothing is sewn by hand, but the way to fasten the garment widely depends on whether the Amish person is a part of the New Order or Old Order Amish.[61][page needed] The Old Order Amish seldom, if ever, use buttons because they are seen as too flashy; instead, they use the hook and eye approach to fashion clothing or metal snaps. The New Order Amish are slightly more progressive and allow the usage of buttons to help attire clothing.[citation needed]

Cuisine

[edit]
Amish food sold at a market

Amish cuisine is noted for its simplicity and traditional qualities. Food plays an important part in Amish social life and is served at potlucks, weddings, fundraisers, farewells, and other events.[62][63][64][65] Many Amish foods are sold at markets, including pies, preserves, bread mixes, pickled produce, desserts, and canned goods. Many Amish communities have also established restaurants for visitors. Amish meat consumption is similar to the American average though they tend to eat more preserved meat.[66]

Amish cuisine is often mistaken for the similar cuisine of the Pennsylvania Dutch with some ethnographic and regional variances,[67] as well as differences in what cookbook writers and food historians emphasize about the traditional foodways and intertwined religious culture and celebrations of Amish communities. While myths about the diffusion of shoofly pie are common subject matter for studies of American cuisine, food anthropologists point out that the culinary practices of Pennsylvania Dutch and Amish are innovative and dynamic, evolving across time and geographic spaces, and that not all the Pennsylvania Dutch are Amish, and not all Amish live in Pennsylvania. Distinguishing local myths from culinary fact is accomplished by dedicated anthropological field studies in combination with studies of literary sources, usually newspaper archives, diaries, and household records.[68]

Economic activities

[edit]

Historically, Amish communities were primarily agrarian, with most families engaged in farming. However, rapid population growth and the resulting social and economic pressures have led to significant diversification in Amish employment patterns since the mid-20th century.[69]

In the Greater Holmes County settlement area of Ohio—the largest Amish community—approximately 75% of married males were full-time farmers in 1965. By contrast, only about 40% remained so by 1996, indicating a marked shift toward non-farming occupations. The ratio of farmers to non-farmers in the region declined from 2.41 to 0.61 during this period.[69]

More recent analyses of the Holmes County Amish Directory show that this move away from farming continues. In a 2015 census-level study, only 16% of male family heads who listed an occupation were farmers, while the remainder worked in other sectors.[70]

Common non-farming occupations include roofing, carpentry, construction, metalworking, and small-scale manufacturing.[70]

Despite the shift away from farming in recent decades, Amish communities still regard farming as a key occupation that strengthens household and community ties. Small farms provide a social foundation for family structures and the socialization of children. Through these shared agricultural experiences, farming families build a collective identity, reinforcing social, ethnic, and religious bonds.[71]

Dog breeding

[edit]

Amish and Mennonite communities across many states have turned to dog breeding as a lucrative source of income. According to the USDA list of licensees, over 98% of Ohio's puppy mills are run by the Amish, as are 97% of Indiana's, and 63% of Pennsylvania's.[72][failed verification] In Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, there are roughly 300 licensed breeders, and an estimated further 600 unlicensed breeding facilities.[73]

Subgroups

[edit]

The Amish fall into three main subgroups—the Old Order Amish, the New Order Amish, and the Beachy Amish—all of whom wear plain dress and live their life according to the Bible as codified in their church's Ordnung.[9][8] The Old Order Amish and New Order Amish conduct their worship in German, speak Pennsylvania German, and use buggies for transportation, in contrast to the Beachy Amish who use modern technology (inclusive of motor cars) and conduct worship in the local language of the area in which they reside (with exception of the Old Beachy Amish who continue to use Pennsylvania German).[10] Both the New Order Amish and the Beachy Amish emphasize the New Birth, evangelize to seek converts, and have Sunday schools.[12][9]

Over the years, the Amish churches have divided many times mostly over questions concerning the Ordnung, but also over doctrinal disputes, mainly about shunning. The largest group, the "Old Order" Amish, a conservative faction that separated from other Amish in the 1860s, are those who have most emphasized traditional practices and beliefs. The New Order Amish are a group of Amish whom some scholars see best described as a subgroup of Old Order Amish, despite the name.[citation needed]

Amish groups

[edit]
Amish mother and child in Chapman Township, Snyder County, Pennsylvania
Amish man

Affiliations

[edit]
Amish woman from Lancaster County serving pretzels

As of 2011, about 40 different Old Order Amish affiliations were known to exist. The eight major affiliations of the Old Order Amish are listed below, with Lancaster as the largest one in number of districts and population:[74]

Affiliation Date established Origin States Settlements Church districts
Lancaster 1760 Pennsylvania 8 37 291
Elkhart-LaGrange 1841 Indiana 3 9 176
Holmes Old Order 1808 Ohio 1 2 147
Buchanan/Medford 1914 Indiana 19 67 140
Geauga I 1886 Ohio 6 11 113
Swartzentruber 1913 Ohio 15 43 119
Geauga II 1962 Ohio 4 27 99
Swiss (Adams) 1850 Indiana 5 15 86

Use of technology by different affiliations

[edit]

The table below indicates the use of certain technologies by different Amish affiliations. The use of cars is not allowed by any Old and New Order Amish, nor are radio, television, or in most cases the use of the Internet. Three affiliations—"Lancaster", "Holmes Old Order" and "Elkhart-LaGrange"—are not only the three largest affiliations but also represent the mainstream among the Old Order Amish. The most conservative affiliations are at the top, the most modern ones at the bottom. Technologies used by very few are on the left; the ones used by most are on the right. The percentage of all Amish who use a technology is also indicated approximately.[timeframe?] The Old Order Amish culture involves lower greenhouse gas emissions in all sectors and activities with the exception of diet, and their per-person emissions has been estimated to be less than one quarter that of the wider society.[75]

Affiliation[76] Tractor for fieldwork Roto-tiller Power lawn mower Propane gas Bulk milk tank Mechanical milker Mechanical refrigerator Pickup balers Inside flush toilet Running water bath tub Tractor for belt power Pneumatic tools Chain saw Pressurized lamps Motorized washing machines
Swartzentruber No No No No No No No No No No No Some No No Yes
Nebraska No No No No No No No Some No No No No Some No Yes
Swiss (Adams) No No Some No No No No No Some No No Some Some Some Some
Buchanan/Medford No No No No No No No No No No No Some No Yes Yes
Danner No No No Some No No Some No Yes Yes Yes No No Yes No
Geauga I No No No No No No No Some Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Holmes No Some Some No No No Some Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Elkhart-LaGrange No Some Some Some Some Some Some Some Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Lancaster No No Some Yes No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Nappanee No Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Kalona Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Percentage of use by all Amish 6 20 25 30 35 35 40 50 70 70 70 70 75 90 97

Language

[edit]

Most Old Order Amish, New Order Amish and the Old Beachy Amish speak Pennsylvania Dutch, and refer to non-Amish people as "English", regardless of ethnicity.[77][78] Two Amish subgroups – called Swiss Amish – whose ancestors migrated to the United States in the 1850s speak a form of Bernese German (Adams County, Indiana, and daughter settlements) or a Low Alemannic Alsatian dialect (Allen County, IN and daughter settlements).[79]

Contrary to popular belief, the word "Dutch" in "Pennsylvania Dutch" is not a mistranslation, but rather a corruption of the Pennsylvania German endonym Deitsch, which means "Pennsylvania Dutch / German" or "German".[80][81][82][83] Ultimately, the terms Deitsch, Dutch, Diets and Deutsch are all cognates and descend from the Proto-Germanic word *þiudiskaz meaning "popular" or "of the people".[84] The continued use of "Pennsylvania Dutch" was strengthened by the Pennsylvania Dutch in the 19th century as a way of distinguishing themselves from later (post 1830) waves of German immigrants to the United States, with the Pennsylvania Dutch referring to themselves as Deitsche and to Germans as Deitschlenner (literally "Germany-ers", compare Deutschländ-er) whom they saw as a related but distinct group.[85]

According to one scholar, "today, almost all Amish are functionally bilingual in Pennsylvania Dutch and English; however, domains of usage are sharply separated. Pennsylvania Dutch dominates in most in-group settings, such as the dinner table and preaching in church services. In contrast, English is used for most reading and writing. English is also the medium of instruction in schools and is used in business transactions and often, out of politeness, in situations involving interactions with non-Amish. Finally, the Amish read prayers and sing in Standard German (which, in Pennsylvania Dutch, is called Hochdeitsch[a]) at church services. The distinctive use of three different languages serves as a powerful conveyor of Amish identity.[86] "Although 'the English language is being used in more and more situations,' Pennsylvania Dutch is 'one of a handful of minority languages in the United States that is neither endangered nor supported by continual arrivals of immigrants.'"[87]

Amish boys

Ethnicity

[edit]

The Amish largely share a German or Swiss-German ancestry.[88] They generally use the term "Amish" only for members of their faith community and not as an ethnic designation. However some Amish descendants recognize their cultural background knowing that their genetic and cultural traits are uniquely different from other ethnicities.[89][90] Those who choose to affiliate with the church, or young children raised in Amish homes, but too young to yet be church members, are considered to be Amish. Certain Mennonite churches have a high number of people who were formerly from Amish congregations. Although more Amish immigrated to North America in the 19th century than during the 18th century, most of today's Amish descend from 18th-century immigrants. The latter tended to emphasize tradition to a greater extent, and were perhaps more likely to maintain a separate Amish identity.[91] There are a number of Amish Mennonite church groups that had never in their history been associated with the Old Order Amish because they split from the Amish mainstream in the time when the Old Orders formed in the 1860s and 1870s. The former Western Ontario Mennonite Conference (WOMC) was made up almost entirely of former Amish Mennonites who reunited with the Mennonite Church in Canada.[92] Orland Gingerich's book The Amish of Canada devotes the vast majority of its pages not to the Beachy or Old Order Amish, but to congregations in the former WOMC.[citation needed]

Para-Amish groups

[edit]

Several other groups, called "para-Amish" by G. C. Waldrep and others, share many characteristics with the Amish, such as horse-and-buggy transportation, plain dress, and the preservation of the German language. The members of these groups are largely of Amish origin, but they are not in fellowship with other Amish groups because they adhere to theological doctrines (e.g., assurance of salvation) or practices (community of goods) that are normally not accepted among mainstream Amish. The Bergholz Community is a different case; it is not seen as Amish anymore because the community has shifted away from many core Amish principles.[citation needed]

Population and distribution

[edit]
Amish settlements in the United States and Canada, 2022
Historical population
YearPop.±% p.a.
1920 5,000—    
1928 7,000+4.30%
1936 9,000+3.19%
1944 13,000+4.70%
1952 19,000+4.86%
1960 28,000+4.97%
1968 39,000+4.23%
1976 57,000+4.86%
1984 84,000+4.97%
1992 128,150+5.42%
2000 166,000+3.29%
2010 249,500+4.16%
2020 350,665+3.46%
2025 411,060+3.23%
Source: 1992,[93] 2000,[94] 2010,[95] 2020,[96][97] 2025[1]

Because the Amish are usually baptized no earlier than 18 and children are not counted in local congregation numbers, estimating their numbers is difficult. Rough estimates from various studies placed their numbers at 125,000 in 1992, 166,000 in 2000, and 221,000 in 2008.[94] Thus, from 1992 to 2008, population growth among the Amish in North America was 84 percent (3.6 percent per year). During that time, they established 184 new settlements and moved into six new states.[98] In 2000, about 165,620 Old Order Amish resided in the United States, of whom 73,609 were church members.[99][page needed] The Amish are among the fastest-growing populations in the world, with an average of seven children per family in the 1970s[100] and a total fertility rate of 5.3 in the 2010s.[101] Due to this, their population doubles in size roughly every 20 years.[102]

In 2010, a few religious bodies, including the Amish, changed the way their adherents were reported to better match the standards of the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies. When looking at all Amish adherents and not solely Old Order Amish, about 241,000 Amish adherents were in 28 U.S. states in 2010.[103]

The Amish added 100,000 more adherents in just 9 years, reaching 411,000 in 2025 in comparison with the 308,000 figure from 2016,[104] at the same time the total number of settlements grew from 509 to 684 (+34%), and the number of districts went from 2,259 to 3,114 (+38%).[1]

Distribution by country

[edit]

United States

[edit]
Amish population by U.S. state and year
State 1992 2000 2010 2020 2025
Pennsylvania 32,710 44,620 59,350 81,500 95,410
Ohio 34,830 48,545 58,590 78,280 86,325
Indiana 23,400 32,840 43,710 59,305 67,310
Wisconsin 6,785 9,390 15,360 22,235 27,535
New York 4,050 4,505 12,015 21,230 25,220
Michigan 5,150 8,495 11,350 16,525 20,090
Missouri 3,745 5,480 9,475 14,520 18,465
Kentucky 2,625 4,850 7,750 13,595 16,720
Iowa 3,525 4,445 7,190 9,780 10,965

The United States is the home to the overwhelming majority (over 98 percent) of Amish people. In 2025, Old Order communities were present in 32 U.S. states. The total Amish population in the United States as of June 2025 has stood at 404,575[1] up 9,855 or 2.5 percent, compared to the previous year. Pennsylvania has the largest population (95.4 thousand), followed by Ohio (86.3 thousand) and Indiana (67.3 thousand), as of June 2025.[1] The largest Amish settlements are in Lancaster County in southeastern Pennsylvania (44.7 thousand), Holmes County and adjacent counties in northeastern Ohio (39.0 thousand), and Elkhart and LaGrange counties in northeastern Indiana (29.9 thousand), as of June 2025.[1] The highest concentration of Amish in the world is in the Holmes County community; nearly 50 percent of the entire population of Holmes County is Amish as of 2010.[105]

Amish settlements as of 2022 in Pennsylvania, the state with the largest Amish population in the U.S.

The largest concentration of Amish west of the Mississippi River is in Missouri, with other settlements in eastern Iowa and southeast Minnesota.[106] The largest Amish settlements in Iowa are located near Kalona and Bloomfield.[107] The largest settlement in Wisconsin is near Cashton with 13 congregations, i.e. about 2,000 people in 2009.[108]

Because of the rapid population growth of the Amish communities, new settlements in the United States are being established each year, thus: 18 new settlements were established in 2016, 22 in 2017, 17 in 2018, 26 in 2019, 26 in 2020, 18 in 2021, 19 in 2022, 39 in 2023 and 19 in 2024.[109][96][110][111][112] The main reason for the continuous expansion is to obtain enough affordable farmland, other reasons for new settlements include locating in isolated areas that support their lifestyle, moving to areas with cultures conducive to their way of life, maintaining proximity to family or other Amish groups, and sometimes to resolve church or leadership conflicts.[98]

The adjacent table shows the eight states with the largest Amish population in the years 1992, 2000, 2010, 2020 and 2025.[113][56][114][115][96][1]

Canada

[edit]

The Amish of Canada settled in southwestern Ontario, having come from the United States in 1815 and directly from Europe in 1822. They numbered about 1,000 people in 1991.[116] Today, the Canadian Amish population exceeds 6,000 people, living in 20 different communities.[117]

Rising land prices are causing some Amish families to leave Ontario.[118] Since 2015, some Amish families have settled in provinces other than Ontario, including Manitoba, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, primarily due to farmland prices, the geography of existing Amish settlements in both Canada and the United States, and the political hospitality of certain provinces.[119][120] Since 2017, some Amish families originally from Ontario have settled in Manitoba's Rural Municipality of Stuartburn.[121]

The Old Order Amish in Canada trace their origins to two distinct waves of Amish Mennonite migration. The first wave occurred in the 1880s, when a group of Amish Mennonites from Europe settled in Ontario. The second wave of Old Order Amish migration occurred in the 1950s, when Amish communities from states such as Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Iowa established settlements in Ontario.[122]

Amish population by Canadian province and year
Canada 1992 2010 2020 2024
All of Canada 2,295 4,725 5,995 6,190
Ontario 2,295 4,725 5,605 5,785
Prince Edward Isl. 0 0 250 280
New Brunswick 0 0 70 125

The majority of Old Order settlements are located in the province of Ontario, namely Oxford (Norwich Township) and Norfolk Counties. A small community is also established in Bruce County (Huron-Kinloss Township) near Lucknow.[citation needed]

In 2016, several dozen Old Order Amish families founded two new settlements in Kings County in the province of Prince Edward Island. Increasing land prices in Ontario had reportedly limited the ability of members in those communities to purchase new farms.[123] At about the same time a new settlement was founded near Perth-Andover in New Brunswick, only about 12 km (7.5 mi) from Amish settlements in Maine. In 2017, an Amish settlement was founded in Manitoba near Stuartburn.[124] In 2024 this colony ceased to exist, as the Amish have sold their properties and moved to Minnesota.[125]

Latin America

[edit]

There is only one colony left in Latin America, in Bolivia. The Argentina colony ceased to exist as of 2024.[112] The first attempt by Old Order Amish to settle in Latin America was in Paradise Valley, near Galeana, Nuevo León, Mexico, but the settlement lasted from only 1923 to 1929.[28] An Amish settlement was tried in Honduras from about 1968 to 1978, but this settlement failed too.[126] In 2015, new settlements of New Order Amish were founded east of Catamarca, Argentina, and Colonia Naranjita, Bolivia, about 75 miles (121 km) southwest of Santa Cruz.[127] Most of the members of these new communities come from Old Colony Mennonite background and have been living in the area for several decades.[128]

Europe

[edit]

In Europe, no split occurred between Old Order Amish and Amish Mennonites; like the Amish Mennonites in North America, the European Amish assimilated into the Mennonite mainstream during the second half of the 19th century through the first decades of the 20th century. Eventually, they dropped the word "Amish" from the names of their congregations and lost their Amish identity and culture. The last European Amish congregation joined the Mennonites in 1937 in Ixheim, today part of Zweibrücken in the Palatinate region.[129]

Seekers and joiners

[edit]

Only a few hundred outsiders, so-called seekers, have ever joined the Old Order Amish.[130] Since 1950, only some 75 non-Anabaptist people have joined and remained lifelong members of the Amish.[131] Since 1990, some twenty people of Russian Mennonite background have joined the Amish in Aylmer, Ontario.[132]

Two whole Christian communities have joined the Amish: the church at Smyrna, Maine, one of the five Christian Communities of Elmo Stoll after Stoll's death[133][134] and the church at Manton, Michigan, which belonged to a community that was founded by Harry Wanner (1935–2012), a minister of Stauffer Old Order Mennonite background.[135] The "Michigan Amish Churches", with which Smyrna and Manton affiliated, are said to be more open to seekers and converts than other Amish churches. Most of the members of these two para-Amish communities originally came from plain churches, i.e. Old Order Amish, Old Order Mennonite, or Old German Baptist Brethren.[citation needed]

More people have tested Old Order Amish life for weeks, months, or even years, but in the end decided not to join. Others remain close to the Amish, but never think of joining.[131]

On the other hand, the Beachy Amish, many of whom conduct their services in English and allow for a limited range of modern conveniences, regularly receive seekers into their churches as visitors, and eventually, as members.[136][137]

Stephen Scott, himself a convert to the Old Order River Brethren, distinguishes four types of seekers:

  • Checklist seekers are looking for a few certain specifications.
  • Cultural seekers are more enchanted with the lifestyle of the Amish than with their religion.
  • Spiritual utopian seekers are looking for true New Testament Christianity.
  • Stability seekers come with emotional issues, often from dysfunctional families.[132]

Various congregations belonging to Old Order Anabaptism and Conservative Anabaptism lend support to Christian Aid Ministries, a missionary arm of these movements, along with Iron Curtain and Freiheit Messengers Prison Ministry.[138]

Health

[edit]
An Amish woman and three children, on a path to a house and six wooden farm buildings, past some farm equipment
Amish farm near Morristown, New York
A 2016 study on Amish community funding for health care

Amish populations have higher incidences of particular conditions, including dwarfism,[139] Angelman syndrome,[140] and various metabolic disorders,[141] as well as an unusual distribution of blood types.[142][further explanation needed] The Amish represent a collection of different demes or genetically closed communities.[143] Although the Amish do not have higher incidence of genetic disorders than the general population,[3] since almost all Amish descend from a few hundred 18th-century founders, some recessive conditions are more prevalent (an example of the founder effect).[144][145][146] Some of these disorders are rare or unique, and are serious enough to increase the mortality rate among Amish children. The Amish are aware of the advantages of exogamy, but for religious reasons, marry only within their communities.[147] The majority of Amish accept these as Gottes Wille (God's will); they reject the use of preventive genetic tests prior to marriage and genetic testing of unborn children to discover genetic disorders. When children are born with a disorder, they are accepted into the community and tasked with chores within their ability.[148] However, Amish are willing to participate in studies of genetic diseases.[146] Their extensive family histories are useful to researchers investigating diseases such as Alzheimer's, Parkinson's, and macular degeneration.[citation needed]

While the Amish are at an increased risk for some genetic disorders, researchers have found their tendency for clean living can lead to better health. Overall cancer rates in the Amish are reduced and tobacco-related cancers in Amish adults are 37 percent and non-tobacco-related cancers are 72 percent of the rate for Ohio adults. Skin cancer rates are lower for Amish, even though many Amish make their living working outdoors where they are exposed to sunlight. They are typically covered and dressed by wearing wide-brimmed hats and long sleeves which protect their skin.[149]

Treating genetic problems is the mission of Clinic for Special Children in Strasburg, Pennsylvania, which has developed effective treatments for such problems as maple syrup urine disease, which once was fatal. The clinic is embraced by most Amish, ending the need for parents to leave the community to receive proper care for their children, an action that might result in shunning. Another clinic is DDC Clinic for Special Needs Children, located in Middlefield, Ohio, for special-needs children with inherited or metabolic disorders.[150] The DDC Clinic provides treatment, research, and educational services to Amish and non-Amish children and their families.[citation needed]

People's Helpers is an Amish-organized network of mental health caregivers who help families dealing with mental illness and recommend professional counselors.[151] Suicide rates for the Amish are about half that of the general population.[b]

The Old Order Amish do not typically carry private commercial health insurance.[153][154] A handful of American hospitals, starting in the mid-1990s, created special outreach programs to assist the Amish. In some Amish communities, the church will collect money from its members to help pay for medical bills of other members.[148] Although the Amish are often perceived by outsiders as rejecting all modern technologies, this is not the case and modern medicine is employed by Amish communities, including hospital births and other advanced treatments. As they go without health insurance and pay up front for services, Amish individuals will often travel to Mexico for non-urgent care and surgery to reduce costs.[155][156]

Amish typically have a large number of children, not because of any lack of birth control but because of their beliefs and because large families are useful in agrarian communities.[15]: 156  Comparing the number of children per family across multiple communities, it is clear that some Amish seem to practice some form of family planning, a subject that generally is not discussed among the Amish, because the size of families increases in correlation with the conservatism of a congregation—the more conservative, the more children.[15]: 157–158  Some communities openly allow access to birth control to women whose health would be compromised by childbirth.[148] The Amish are against abortion and also find "artificial insemination, genetics, eugenics, and stem cell research" to be "inconsistent with Amish values and beliefs".[157]

Life in the modern world

[edit]
Horsedrawn grey buggy in multilane auto traffic, with rearview mirrors, directional signals, lights, and reflectors
Traditional, Lancaster style Amish buggy
Amish school near Rebersburg, Pennsylvania

As time has passed, the Amish have felt pressures from the modern world. Issues such as taxation, education, law and its enforcement, and occasional discrimination and hostility are areas of difficulty.[citation needed][158]

The modern way of life in general has increasingly diverged from that of Amish society. On occasion, this has resulted in sporadic discrimination and hostility from their neighbors, such as throwing of stones or other objects at Amish horse-drawn carriages on the roads.[159][160][161]

The Amish do not usually educate their children past the eighth grade, believing that the basic knowledge offered up to that point is sufficient to prepare one for the Amish lifestyle. Almost no Amish go to high school and college. In many communities, the Amish operate their own schools, which are typically one-room schoolhouses with teachers (usually young, unmarried women) from the Amish community. On May 19, 1972, Jonas Yoder and Wallace Miller of the Old Order Amish, and Adin Yutzy of the Conservative Amish Mennonite Church were each fined $5 for refusing to send their children, aged 14 and 15, to high school. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972), the Wisconsin Supreme Court overturned the conviction,[162] and the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed this, finding the benefits of universal education were not sufficient justification to overcome scrutiny under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment.[163]

The Amish are subject to sales and property taxes. As they seldom own motor vehicles, they rarely have occasion to pay motor vehicle registration fees or spend money on the purchase of fuel for vehicles.[164] Under their beliefs and traditions, generally the Amish do not agree with the idea of Social Security benefits and have a religious objection to insurance.[165][166] On this basis, the United States Internal Revenue Service agreed in 1961 that they did not need to pay Social Security-related taxes. In 1965, this policy was codified into law.[167] Self-employed individuals in certain sects do not pay into or receive benefits from the United States Social Security system. This exemption applies to a religious group that is conscientiously opposed to accepting benefits of any private or public insurance, provides a reasonable level of living for its dependent members, and has existed continuously since December 31, 1950.[168] The U.S. Supreme Court clarified in 1982 that Amish employers are not exempt, but only those Amish individuals who are self-employed.[169]

Publishing

[edit]

In 1964, Pathway Publishers was founded by two Amish farmers to print more material about the Amish and Anabaptists in general. It is located in LaGrange, Indiana, and Aylmer, Ontario. Pathway has become the major publisher of Amish school textbooks, general-reading books, and periodicals. Also, a number of private enterprises publish everything from general reading to reprints of older literature that has been considered of great value to Amish families.[170] Some Amish read the Pennsylvania German newspaper Hiwwe wie Driwwe, and some of them even contribute dialect texts.[171]

Similar groups

[edit]

Anabaptist groups that sprang from the same late 19th-century Old Order Movement as the Amish share their Pennsylvania German heritage and often still retain similar features in dress. These Old Order groups include different subgroups of Old Order Mennonites, traditional Schwarzenau Brethren and Old Order River Brethren. The Noah Hoover Old Order Mennonites are so similar in outward aspects to the Old Order Amish, including dress, beards, horse and buggy, extreme restrictions on modern technology, Pennsylvania German language, that they are often perceived as Amish and even called Amish.[172][173]

Conservative "Russian" Mennonites and Hutterites who also dress plain and speak German dialects emigrated from other European regions at different times with different German dialects, separate cultures, and related but different religious traditions.[174] Particularly, the Hutterites live communally[175] and are generally accepting of modern technology.[176]

In Ukraine there is a nameless movement of Baptists that has been compared to the Amish, due to their similar beliefs of plain living and pacifism.[177][178]

The few remaining Plain Quakers are similar in manner and lifestyle, including their attitudes toward war, but are unrelated to the Amish.[179] Early Quakers were influenced, to some degree, by the Anabaptists, and in turn influenced the Amish in colonial Pennsylvania. Almost all modern Quakers have since abandoned their traditional dress.[180]

Relations with Native Americans

[edit]

The Northkill Amish Settlement, established in 1740 in Berks County, Pennsylvania, was the first identifiable Amish community in the New World. During the French and Indian War, the Hochstetler Massacre occurred: Local tribes attacked the Jacob Hochstetler homestead in the Northkill settlement on September 19, 1757. The sons of the family took their weapons but father Jacob did not allow them to shoot due to the Anabaptist doctrine of nonresistance.[17] Jacob Sr.'s wife, Anna (Lorentz) Hochstetler, a daughter (name unknown) and Jacob Jr. were killed by the Native Americans. Jacob Sr. and sons Joseph and Christian were taken captive. Jacob escaped after about eight months, but the boys were held for several years.[181] When freed, both of these sons joined the church and one of them became a minister.[17]

As early as 1809 Amish were farming side by side with Native American farmers in Pennsylvania.[182] According to Cones Kupwah Snowflower, a Shawnee genealogist, the Amish and Quakers were known to incorporate Native Americans into their families to protect them from ill-treatment, especially after the Removal Act of 1832.[clarification needed][183][better source needed]

The Amish, as pacifists, did not engage in warfare with Native Americans, nor displace them directly, but were among the European immigrants whose arrival resulted in their displacement.[184]

In 2012, the Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society collaborated with the Native American community to construct a replica Iroquois Longhouse.[185] The following years saw continuous efforts to meet with local Indigenous in a series of reconciliation meetings, a process started by Lancaster Mennonites more than a decade prior.[186]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Amish are a conservative Christian denomination within the Anabaptist tradition, originating from a schism led by Jakob Ammann in 1693 among Swiss and Alsatian Mennonites, emphasizing strict church discipline, adult baptism, and separation from the broader world to preserve faith and community. With roots tracing to the 16th-century Radical Reformation, where Anabaptists advocated believer's baptism amid persecution that claimed nearly 2,500 lives, the Amish migrated to North America in the 18th and 19th centuries, establishing rural settlements primarily in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. Their population has grown rapidly to an estimated 410,955 in North America as of June 2025, driven by fertility rates averaging six to seven children per family and retention rates exceeding 85 percent, resulting in over 650 church districts across 32 U.S. states, Ontario, and minor South American outposts. Central to Amish life is the Ordnung, an evolving yet largely unwritten code of conduct derived from biblical literalism and communal consensus, which regulates daily practices to promote humility, obedience, and mutual aid while curbing individualism and pride. Key rituals include biannual Holy Communion accompanied by foot-washing, symbolizing service and equality, and the practice of Meidung or shunning for unrepentant members, enforcing accountability through social avoidance to encourage reconciliation. Dress codes mandate plain, modest clothing—hook-and-eye fasteners instead of buttons for men, long dresses and head coverings for women—while married men grow untrimmed beards without mustaches, reflecting scriptural humility over fashion. Amish society selectively limits technology not as inherently evil but as a potential disruptor of face-to-face community and traditional values, forgoing automobiles, public electricity, and televisions in favor of horse-drawn buggies, gas lanterns, and shared telephones at district boundaries. Education typically ends at the eighth grade in one-room parochial schools, prioritizing practical skills and moral formation over higher learning, which they view as fostering worldly ambitions; formal schooling beyond this is rare and often discouraged. Economically self-reliant through farming, woodworking, and small enterprises, they eschew government subsidies and personal insurance, relying instead on communal funds like the Amish Aid for healthcare and barn-raisings for collective labor, sustaining low debt and high solidarity amid modernization pressures. This adaptive conservatism has enabled demographic vitality and cultural persistence, contrasting with declining birth rates in industrialized societies, though it demands ongoing discernment of innovations to align with core tenets of pacifism, non-resistance, and Gelassenheit—or yielded submission to divine will.

Origins and History

Roots in Anabaptist Movement

The Anabaptist movement, from which the Amish trace their religious ancestry, emerged in 1525 in Zurich, Switzerland, as a radical faction of the Protestant Reformation opposing both Catholic and emerging Protestant practices. Conrad Grebel, initially a follower of reformer Huldrych Zwingli, led a group that rejected infant baptism, viewing it as lacking biblical warrant and emphasizing instead voluntary adult baptism as a public confession of faith. On January 21, 1525, Grebel performed the first recorded adult rebaptism of the Reformation era by baptizing George Blaurock in Zollikon, near Zurich, an act that formalized the break and sparked rapid spread among disillusioned reformers seeking a return to New Testament church models. Central Anabaptist convictions included Gelassenheit (yieldedness to God's will), communal discipline, pacifism rooted in the Sermon on the Mount, and separation of believers from state churches to form voluntary congregations free of coercion. These Swiss Brethren, as the Zurich group became known, faced immediate persecution—executions by drowning symbolized rejection of their baptismal views—driving underground networks and migrations that preserved teachings through confessions like the 1527 Schleitheim document, which codified nonresistance, excommunication, and bans on oaths or magistracy. The movement's emphasis on scripture-alone authority and ethical living over sacramental rituals distinguished it from magisterial Reformers, fostering a countercultural ethos of simplicity and mutual aid that directly informed later Amish practices. Amish forebears remained integrated within broader Anabaptist fellowships, particularly the Swiss Brethren tradition, until the late 17th century, sharing migrations to escape European intolerance and adapting communal structures amid ongoing doctrinal refinements by leaders like Menno Simons, whose writings bridged Swiss and Dutch strains. This heritage prioritized empirical fidelity to apostolic patterns—evident in early Anabaptist rejection of state alliances as causally linked to corruption—over institutional power, a causal realism that sustained small, disciplined communities against assimilation pressures. By the 1690s, these roots culminated in the Amish schism, but the foundational Anabaptist impulse for believer-led purity and worldly detachment endured as core to Amish identity.

Jakob Ammann and the Schism

Jakob Ammann, born around 1644 in Switzerland, converted to Anabaptism sometime between 1671 and 1680 and rose to become an elder in the Swiss Brethren church, a Mennonite group emphasizing adult baptism and separation from state churches. By the late 17th century, Ammann grew concerned over what he perceived as lax discipline among Swiss and Alsatian Anabaptists, including infrequent communion (held only annually), avoidance of footwashing during ordinances, and inconsistent application of shunning (Meidung) for errant members. In late summer 1693, Ammann, commissioned by Alsatian churches, traveled to the Emmental region to address these issues, clashing with leaders like Hans Reist, who advocated a more lenient approach to excommunication and reintegration. Ammann pushed for reforms rooted in his interpretation of New Testament practices, including biannual communion services, mandatory footwashing as part of the ordinance, summary excommunication for lying or other moral failings, and stricter shunning that barred social and economic interactions with the unrepentant to enforce repentance. He also opposed cultural accommodations like men wearing long hair, shaving beards, or donning flashy clothing, viewing them as worldly influences eroding separation from society. The tensions escalated into a formal schism by November 1693, when Ammann issued a letter on November 22 accusing Reist and his followers of abandoning apostolic doctrines through their permissive stance on discipline. Ammann proceeded to excommunicate Reist and other opponents, forming separate congregations with those aligning to his stricter standards; these groups became known as Amish, derived from the German pronunciation of his name. The divide persisted despite Ammann's later regrets and multiple reconciliation attempts in the following years, as reconciliation efforts failed due to entrenched differences over authority and practice. This 1693 split marked the Amish emergence as a distinct conservative faction within Anabaptism, prioritizing visible humility and communal accountability over the Mennonites' relatively flexible interpretations.

Persecution in Europe and Early Migration

The Amish trace their roots to the Anabaptist movement that emerged during the Protestant Reformation in 1525, when Swiss Brethren began practicing adult baptism, rejecting infant baptism, and advocating separation of church and state, positions that provoked severe persecution from both Catholic and Reformed authorities across Europe. Anabaptists endured executions by drowning, burning, and sword, with estimates of thousands martyred; in Switzerland alone, government edicts from 1526 onward mandated death for rebaptism, driving many underground or into exile. This hostility stemmed from views of Anabaptist pacifism and communalism as threats to state religion and social order, resulting in confiscation of property, imprisonment, and forced labor for survivors. The Amish specifically arose from a 1693 schism within Swiss and Alsatian Mennonite Anabaptist communities, led by Jakob Ammann, who demanded stricter enforcement of shunning (Meidung), footwashing in communion, and plain dress to preserve separation from the world amid diluting influences. Ammann's excommunication by Mennonite leaders escalated internal divisions, while external persecution intensified; Swiss cantons like Bern issued warrants for Ammann's arrest in December 1693, and Amish faced bans, fines, and expulsion for nonconformity. Small Amish congregations persisted precariously in the Jura Mountains and Palatinate, but recurrent edicts—such as Bern's 1711 mandate for Anabaptist emigration or conversion—compelled many to flee, with some relocating temporarily to Catholic Alsace or Protestant German states offering limited toleration. Persistent intolerance prompted early Amish migration to North America, where William Penn's 1681 charter promised religious liberty to attract settlers. The first documented Amish arrivals occurred around 1727 in Philadelphia, but the pivotal voyage was in 1737, when 21 Amish and Mennonite families aboard the Charming Nancy disembarked in Philadelphia, establishing settlements in Berks County, Pennsylvania, drawn by affordable land and freedom from European mandates. These migrants, primarily from the Palatinate and Switzerland, numbered in the hundreds by mid-century, forming self-sustaining farming communities while maintaining Anabaptist distinctives; further influxes through the 1740s solidified Pennsylvania as the Amish cradle in the New World, escaping the cycles of persecution that had defined their European existence.

Settlement and Expansion in North America

The first Amish immigrants arrived in North America during the early 18th century, fleeing religious persecution in Europe, particularly from Swiss and German regions. Approximately 500 Amish migrated between 1717 and 1750, primarily settling in eastern Pennsylvania, drawn by William Penn's policies of religious tolerance and available farmland. Initial settlements formed in Berks County, Pennsylvania, with families such as the Detweilers and Siebers establishing communities along Northkill and Irish Creeks as early as 1736. The ship Charming Nancy brought 21 Amish and Mennonite families to Philadelphia in 1737, marking one of the earliest documented group arrivals. By the 1740s, Bishop Jacob Hertzler led the Northkill settlement, the first prominent Amish bishopric in the continent. Lancaster County emerged as the oldest continuously inhabited Amish community around 1760, growing from these early footholds due to communal clustering for mutual support. Population expansion remained modest through the 18th and 19th centuries, constrained by high mortality, assimilation, and limited immigration after 1860. Internal growth through large families—averaging seven children—drove gradual increases, with new districts forming when congregations exceeded 20-40 households to maintain social cohesion. By the 20th century, land scarcity and rising costs in Pennsylvania prompted migrations to Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois starting in the 1800s, followed by further westward and southward expansions into over 30 U.S. states and Ontario, Canada. As of 2025, the North American Amish population exceeds 410,000, having grown from about 178,000 in 2000 at an annual rate of roughly 3-4%, fueled by retention rates above 80% and high fertility rather than conversion or immigration. Pennsylvania hosts the largest concentration, with over 90,000 Amish, followed by Ohio and Indiana; Canada maintains smaller settlements totaling over 6,000. This dispersal reflects pragmatic responses to economic pressures, with new communities founded annually—averaging 40-50 since 2000—to secure affordable farmland while preserving traditional agrarian lifestyles.

19th-Century Divisions and Old Order Formation

In the early to mid-19th century, Amish communities in North America, primarily in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, experienced growing internal divisions driven by differing views on church discipline, cultural assimilation, and technological adoption. Conservative members sought to maintain strict separation from the surrounding society through adherence to traditional practices, including home-based worship, plain dress without buttons, and avoidance of innovations like topped buggies or lightning rods, while progressive factions, influenced by broader Mennonite trends and American revivalism, advocated for reforms such as meetinghouses, milder shunning, and limited acceptance of modern conveniences. These tensions were exacerbated by debates over baptism methods, photography, and the role of evangelism, reflecting causal pressures from population growth, westward migration, and exposure to non-Amish influences that threatened communal cohesion. Efforts to unify the church through ministers' conferences highlighted these rifts. The first pan-Amish ministers' conference, held in 1862 in Wayne County, Ohio, aimed to standardize practices but instead deepened divisions, as unresolved issues like dress reforms and technology use left conservative leaders feeling marginalized and prompting accusations of progressive overreach. By 1865, conservative groups, dissatisfied with the conferences' direction toward liberalization—including Sunday schools, English-language preaching, and relaxed discipline—formally withdrew and coalesced as the Old Order Amish, recommitting to the unaltered Ordnung (church rules) emphasizing Gelassenheit (yielded humility) and separation from the world. The Old Order formation was not a singular event but part of a series of schisms spanning 1850–1878, during which progressive congregations evolved into Amish Mennonite churches, adopting practices like formal evangelism and technological accommodations, while the Old Order remnant prioritized strict excommunication (Meidung) and rejection of worldly progress to preserve spiritual purity. Notable offshoots included the Egly Amish in 1865–1866 under Henry Egly in Indiana, which emphasized personal conversion experiences, and the Stuckey Amish in 1871–1878 under Joseph Stuckey in Illinois, which permitted reintegration of excommunicated members and doctrinal shifts toward universalism. These divisions reduced the overall Amish population but solidified the Old Order as a distinct conservative body, numbering around 5,000 by 1900, focused on agrarian self-sufficiency and resistance to state-mandated changes like compulsory education. The resulting structure allowed the Old Order to endure by enforcing conformity through social and ecclesiastical mechanisms, countering the dilution observed in progressive splinter groups.

20th- and 21st-Century Developments

The Amish population in North America experienced exponential growth throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, driven primarily by high fertility rates averaging five to seven children per family and retention rates of approximately 85 percent among youth. In 1901, the Old Order Amish numbered around 5,000; by 1950, this had risen to about 19,000, reflecting a near quadrupling in five decades. The growth accelerated further, with the population reaching approximately 177,910 in 2000 and expanding to an estimated 410,955 by June 2025, more than doubling in the intervening 25 years and increasing over 130 percent since the turn of the millennium. This demographic surge, occurring at an annual rate of 3-4 percent, far outpaced the U.S. population growth of 23 percent from 1992 to 2017, enabling the establishment of new settlements. Settlement expansion accompanied this population boom, with Amish communities proliferating beyond traditional strongholds in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana to 32 states by 2025, including northern extensions into Maine and southern and western reaches. Early 20th-century migrations were spurred by land scarcity and internal divisions, but post-World War II growth led to over 600 settlements by the late 20th century, with ongoing diversification into less traditional areas to accommodate family sizes exceeding viable farm inheritance. Economically, the Amish underwent a significant shift from agriculture-dominated livelihoods to non-farm occupations, as farmland prices rose and plots became insufficient for growing families; by the late 20th century, only about 10-20 percent of Amish men engaged in full-time farming, with many turning to woodworking, construction, small manufacturing, and market vending in a "mini-industrial revolution." This adaptation preserved community cohesion while leveraging manual skills, though it introduced tensions over technology use, such as pneumatic tools or shared telephones, with conservative groups like the Swartzentruber Amish rejecting even rubber tires on buggies to limit speed and worldly integration. Legal confrontations marked key 20th-century developments, particularly over education. Amish resistance to compulsory high school attendance, viewing it as promoting secular values incompatible with their faith, led to arrests and fines in the 1920s and 1950s; this culminated in the 1972 U.S. Supreme Court case Wisconsin v. Yoder, where the Court ruled 7-0 that states could not enforce education beyond the eighth grade for Amish children, as it substantially burdened their free exercise of religion without sufficient state interest. In the 21st century, tragic events like the October 2, 2006, West Nickel Mines School shooting—where gunman Charles Carl Roberts IV killed five Amish girls and injured five others—highlighted communal resilience, as families promptly forgave the perpetrator, attended his funeral, and directed aid to his widow and children, aligning with Anabaptist teachings on non-resistance and forgiveness. Ongoing schisms into over 40 affiliations, such as the more progressive New Order Amish permitting tractors, reflect debates over Ordnung interpretations amid modernization pressures, yet core practices of separation from the world persist.

Theological Foundations and Practices

Core Doctrines and Biblical Interpretations

The Amish adhere to the eighteen articles of the Dordrecht Confession of Faith, adopted in 1632 by Dutch Mennonites and serving as their primary doctrinal statement since the 18th century. This confession affirms orthodox Christian beliefs in the Trinity—one God in three persons: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit—and salvation through Jesus Christ's atoning death and resurrection, with the Holy Spirit enabling conviction of sin and empowerment for holy living. Biblical authority is central, with the Amish viewing the Bible, particularly the New Testament, as the infallible guide for faith and practice, interpreted literally in matters of ethics and conduct such as pacifism derived from Matthew 5:38-48 and non-conformity to worldly patterns from Romans 12:1-2. Key doctrines emphasize adult believer's baptism by pouring, symbolizing repentance and commitment to Christ, as practiced in Acts 2:38 and Matthew 28:19, rejecting infant baptism as unbiblical. The Lord's Supper and footwashing, observed biannually, commemorate Christ's humility and servanthood per John 13:1-17 and 1 Corinthians 11, underscoring communal equality and mutual aid rooted in Galatians 6:2 and Acts 2:44-45. Pacifism, or non-resistance, mandates rejection of violence, oaths, and military service, based on Christ's teachings in the Sermon on the Mount and the apostolic pattern of suffering for faith rather than retaliation. Separation from the world constitutes a core interpretive principle, drawn from 2 Corinthians 6:14-18 and James 1:27, manifesting in voluntary withdrawal from societal norms to preserve purity and obedience, with the church as a visible body of disciples rather than an invisible spiritual entity. This ecclesiology prioritizes visible fruits of faith—evident in lifestyle—over professed belief alone, aligning with James 2:14-26, though salvation remains by grace through faith in Christ, not works. Interpretations occur collectively via bishops' consensus, avoiding individualistic exegesis, and are codified in the Ordnung, which applies scriptural mandates to contemporary contexts like technology use. Discipline, including shunning for unrepentant sin per 1 Corinthians 5:11 and Matthew 18:15-17, aims at restoration, reflecting a covenantal view of church membership.

The Ordnung: Rules for Separation from the World

The Ordnung comprises the unwritten rules and guidelines that govern Amish daily conduct, emphasizing separation from modern society to preserve faith and community cohesion. Derived from New Testament teachings, particularly the imperative to remain "unspotted from the world" as stated in James 1:27, the Ordnung applies biblical principles of nonconformity to contemporary issues. This separation aims to shield members from worldly temptations such as pride, materialism, and individualism, fostering humility and mutual accountability within the church district. Each Amish church district maintains its own version of the Ordnung, orally transmitted and periodically reviewed during semiannual council meetings, allowing for adaptations while upholding core tenets of isolation from external cultural influences. Central to the Ordnung's separation mandate are regulations on dress and appearance, which mandate plain, uniform clothing in subdued colors without patterns or jewelry to symbolize equality and reject fashion-driven vanity. Men wear broad-brimmed hats, suspenders, and beards after marriage, while women don long dresses with capes and head coverings, all designed to distinguish Amish from "English" society and discourage personal ostentation. Transportation rules prohibit automobile ownership, enforcing horse-drawn buggies equipped with modern safety features like lights and reflectors for visibility amid motorized traffic, thereby limiting mobility and discouraging assimilation into faster-paced lifestyles. Technology restrictions form another pillar, barring public electricity, telephones in homes, and internet access to prevent dependency on external systems and exposure to media that could erode traditional values. Some communities permit battery-powered devices or shared phone shanties, but prohibitions on television, radios, and computers underscore the commitment to interpersonal communication over digital isolation. Leisure activities are curtailed to avoid worldly entertainments; for instance, organized sports, commercial amusements, and higher education beyond eighth grade are typically forbidden, as they promote competition and secular knowledge over scriptural simplicity. Variations in the Ordnung reflect affiliations and local contexts, with conservative Old Order groups imposing stricter bans—such as on indoor plumbing or rubber tires on buggies—compared to more progressive settlements that might allow tractors for farm work confined to the fields. These differences arise from communal consensus rather than centralized authority, ensuring the rules evolve to address emerging challenges like urbanization while prioritizing separation; for example, Swartzentruber Amish enforce the most rigorous standards, rejecting even slow-moving vehicle triangles on buggies. Adherence is voluntary upon baptism, typically around age 17-20, with violations addressed through confession and potential excommunication to maintain the boundary against worldly encroachment.

Worship, Baptism, and Sacraments

Amish worship services occur every other Sunday and are conducted in members' homes or barns, reflecting a commitment to simplicity and community integration rather than dedicated church buildings. These gatherings typically last three hours and emphasize unadorned humility, with no decorations, instruments, or paid clergy. The service begins with a cappella hymn singing from the Ausbund, the Amish hymnal containing Anabaptist martyr writings, sung slowly in High German without instrumental accompaniment. This is followed by silent prayer, scripture readings in Pennsylvania Dutch, a short introductory sermon, and a longer main sermon delivered extemporaneously by an unpaid minister selected by lot from among ordained male members. A second hymn and communal prayer conclude the formal worship, after which a shared meal reinforces social bonds. Baptism represents a public vow of adult commitment to the church and its Ordnung (disciplinary code), administered only to those who have reached maturity, typically between ages 16 and 21 following the exploratory period known as Rumspringa. Candidates undergo preparatory instruction in nine sessions over 18 weeks, covering doctrine, church rules, and expectations of obedience, often initiated by parental notification to the bishop. The rite itself involves kneeling before the congregation, confessing faith in Christ and submission to the church, followed by pouring of water on the head by an ordained minister; immersion is not practiced. This ordinance binds the individual to lifelong accountability, including potential excommunication for violations, and approximately 80-90% of Amish youth ultimately choose baptism, forgoing broader societal integration. The Amish observe two primary ordinances—baptism and communion—eschewing the seven sacraments of Catholic tradition in favor of symbolic acts tied to New Testament literalism. Communion, held twice annually in spring and fall, requires prior baptism and confession of faults to ensure communal purity, lasting an additional full day after preparatory services. Participants receive unleavened bread and grape juice or wine, symbolizing Christ's body and blood, while the accompanying foot-washing ritual, performed in same-sex pairs, enacts Jesus' example of servant humility from John 13, with towels and basins provided for mutual service. This practice underscores reconciliation and equality, as no other formal rituals like marriage or ordination are deemed sacramental.

Discipline, Confession, and Shunning

Amish church discipline enforces compliance with the Ordnung, the unwritten code of conduct, through a stepwise process emphasizing repentance and communal accountability rather than punitive isolation. Baptized adult members, who have publicly committed to church vows during adolescence or early adulthood, face initial private counseling from elders or ministers for violations such as technology use, marital infidelity, or doctrinal dissent. Persistent defiance escalates to public admonition during worship services, followed by a probationary period excluding participation in communion. This graduated approach prioritizes restoration over expulsion, reflecting the Amish interpretation of New Testament teachings on correcting sin within the body of believers to avoid leavening the community with unrepentance. Confession forms the core of disciplinary resolution, conducted publicly to affirm humility and communal solidarity. Offenders kneel before the congregation—often at the front of the meetinghouse during bimonthly services—and verbally acknowledge their transgression, seeking forgiveness from God and members. This occurs especially in preparatory meetings (Ordnungs Gmay) held before biannual communion, where closed doors ensure privacy for members only, as confessions detail personal failings audible to all. Women, like men, participate in this open admission, forgoing private absolution in favor of collective witness to deter recidivism and model accountability. Successful confession, evidenced by visible contrition and restitution where applicable, restores full standing; refusal prolongs exclusion from sacraments. Shunning (Meidung), imposed post-excommunication for unyielding members, entails structured social avoidance to enforce the baptismal covenant and safeguard ecclesiastical purity. Community members refrain from shared meals, unnecessary business dealings, or intimate fellowship with the shunned individual, though immediate family ties and emergency aid persist to avoid total abandonment. All baptized Amish bear responsibility for upholding the ban, as non-compliance risks their own discipline, underscoring the practice's role in collective covenant fidelity rooted in passages like 1 Corinthians 5:11. Intended as "tough love" to awaken conscience and prompt return—many eventually repent and rejoin—shunning varies by affiliation, with Old Order groups enforcing stricter separation than New Order counterparts, who may permit moderated contact. Critics, including some ex-members and external observers, contend it can exacerbate isolation, yet Amish sources maintain its necessity for moral cohesion in a non-coercive, voluntary faith.

Social Organization and Subgroups

Family, Marriage, and Gender Roles

Amish families emphasize extended kinship networks that offer mutual support across generations, with elderly parents often residing in attached apartments or separate structures on family farms known as Grossdawdy Häuser. These arrangements facilitate the transmission of practical skills and cultural values from grandparents to grandchildren. Amish women become pregnant naturally through sexual intercourse with their husbands. Family sizes remain notably large, with total fertility rates averaging 6-8 children per woman, driven by the rejection of most forms of birth control, artificial contraception, and modern reproductive technologies such as artificial insemination and IVF, which are inconsistent with Amish values, and a cultural valuation of progeny as blessings from God. Marriage constitutes a lifelong covenant within the church community, with couples typically wedding between ages 20 and 22 for women and 21 and 23 for men following courtship initiated around age 16 during unstructured youth gatherings. Courtship practices involve discreet buggy rides and private visits, often arranged through church districts' singing events, emphasizing compatibility in faith and lifestyle over romantic individualism; public displays of affection are minimized to preserve modesty. Weddings occur post-harvest in November, hosted in homes or barns with communal feasts featuring traditional dishes like chicken roast and creamed celery, attended by 200 to 500 guests who assist in preparations and cleanup. Divorce is forbidden under Amish doctrine, interpreted from biblical passages such as Matthew 19:6, resulting in virtual absence of dissolutions except in cases of spousal abandonment tied to church defection, which invites excommunication. Gender roles adhere to complementarian principles derived from scriptural interpretations, wherein men assume primary financial provision, spiritual headship in the household, church leadership positions, and community decision-making. Women focus on bearing and nurturing children, household management, hospitality, and domestic production, though flexibility emerges in dual-income scenarios like farm-based enterprises where wives may handle livestock or men assist with gardening. While husbands hold ultimate authority, many couples engage in joint decision-making and shared child discipline, with variations in relational dynamics influenced by individual temperaments rather than rigid uniformity. Single or post-childrearing women increasingly operate home-based ventures such as quilt shops or produce stands, supplementing family income without challenging core role distinctions. This structure, often characterized as patriarchal yet tempered by mutual respect and communal accountability, sustains family stability amid high fertility and economic pressures.

Community Governance and Affiliations

Amish communities are organized into autonomous church districts, each comprising 20 to 40 households within a defined geographic area, typically spanning several square miles to facilitate horse-and-buggy travel to worship services held biweekly in members' homes. These districts function as the primary unit of governance, with no overarching national or denominational hierarchy; decisions on doctrine, discipline, and daily conduct are made locally through consensus among ordained leaders and the congregation. Leadership within a district consists of unpaid male elders selected for life: a bishop, who oversees baptisms, marriages, funerals, and excommunications while serving as the spiritual authority; two or three ministers, responsible for preaching and counseling; and a deacon, who handles administrative duties such as almsgiving and community aid. Candidates for these roles are nominated by the congregation from married men in good standing, with the final selection determined by drawing lots from Bibles containing aspirant names, a process viewed as divinely guided and conducted roughly every decade as needs arise. Enforcement of the Ordnung—the unwritten code of conduct—relies on these leaders' interpretation and communal agreement, with disputes resolved through private admonition, public confession, or, in severe cases, shunning (Meidung) to preserve group cohesion. Affiliations represent informal networks of districts sharing similar interpretations of the Ordnung, practices, and levels of technology adoption, fostering occasional cooperation on issues like ministerial training or settlement expansion without binding authority; over 40 such affiliations exist, varying from conservative groups like the Swartzentruber to more progressive ones. The largest include the Lancaster affiliation, with districts emphasizing progressive farming adaptations while maintaining horse-drawn transport; the Holmes Old Order in Ohio, known for stringent rules on electricity; and the Elkhart-LaGrange group in Indiana, balancing tradition with selective mechanization. These affiliations enable districts separated by geography to align on core values, such as separation from worldly influences, but permit local adaptations, ensuring governance remains decentralized and responsive to immediate community needs.

Variations Among Old Order, New Order, and Progressive Groups

The Old Order Amish represent the largest and most traditional subgroup, adhering strictly to the Ordnung that prohibits automobile ownership, public electricity, and most modern machinery to preserve community cohesion and separation from worldly influences. These groups, comprising over 90% of Amish church districts as of 2020, emphasize uncertain assurance of salvation through faithful obedience rather than explicit grace-alone doctrine, viewing works as integral to perseverance. Horse-and-buggy transportation remains universal, with telephones restricted to communal shanties rather than homes. New Order Amish emerged from schisms in the 1960s, such as the 1966 division in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, driven by concerns over youth spiritual apathy and a desire for evangelistic revival influenced by figures like George Brunk II. Unlike Old Order groups, New Order communities explicitly teach salvation by grace through faith alone, promoting assurance of salvation and incorporating structured Bible studies or Sunday schools—practices often absent in traditional settings. They enforce stricter bans on tobacco and alcohol use, interpreting the body as the Lord's temple, and reject bundling or bed courtship customs. Technology allowances include in-home telephones but retain bans on cars and grid electricity, positioning them as moderately more permissive in communication while conservative in personal conduct. As of recent estimates, New Order districts number around 30-40 nationwide, concentrated in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Progressive Amish groups, often termed "high" or liberal affiliations on the Amish spectrum, permit greater technology integration to adapt to economic pressures while maintaining core Anabaptist separation principles, including cell phones, smartphones for business, air travel, and occasionally brighter buggy designs for visibility. These communities prioritize mission outreach and evangelical engagement, diverging from Old Order insularity by fostering external evangelism and sometimes allowing tractors on public roads or limited power tools. Theological emphases align closer to New Order grace-focused soteriology but extend to more flexible Ordnung interpretations, such as selective electricity in shops. Such groups remain a minority, with examples in Ohio settlements showing higher rates of youth retention through adaptive practices, though they risk further fragmentation from conservative critiques of worldliness.
AspectOld OrderNew OrderProgressive
Salvation AssuranceUncertain; works and obedience keyBy grace through faith; explicit assuranceGrace-focused; flexible interpretation
Tobacco/AlcoholPermitted in moderationStrictly prohibitedVaries; often restricted
TelephonesCommunal shanties onlyIn-home allowedCell/smartphones common
TransportationHorse-and-buggy onlyHorse-and-buggy; no carsBuggies plus air travel possible
Outreach/Bible StudyMinimal; internal focusEvangelical; Sunday schools promotedMission-oriented; external engagement

Ethnicity, Language, and Para-Amish Groups

The Amish trace their ethnic origins to the Anabaptist movement of the 16th century in Europe, particularly among Swiss, South German, and Alsatian communities in regions like the Palatinate and Zurich. Their ancestors, followers of Jakob Ammann who formalized Amish distinctives around 1693, emigrated primarily to North America between 1727 and 1770, settling in Pennsylvania and other Mid-Atlantic colonies. This population, numbering about 500 upon arrival, has grown through high birth rates and endogamy, resulting in a genetically insular group with ancestry overwhelmingly from German-speaking European Protestant reformers, showing minimal non-European admixture in DNA analyses of descendants. Amish ethnicity is thus not defined by race alone but by religious separation, though biological descent remains tied to these historical Swiss-German roots, with rare conversions from outside adding negligible diversity. The primary language of the Amish is Pennsylvania German (also called Pennsylvania Dutch), a dialect cluster derived from Palatine German spoken by 17th- and 18th-century immigrants, with influences from Swiss German and English loanwords. This High German variety serves for daily home and community interactions, church services, and informal settings, preserving oral traditions and hymns from the Ausbund, their oldest hymnbook dating to 1564. Most Amish are bilingual, acquiring English through one-room parochial schools ending at eighth grade and for commerce or legal dealings with non-Amish ("English") society, though proficiency varies by settlement and age. A small subset known as the Swiss Amish, concentrated in Indiana and Ohio with roots in 19th-century migrations from Europe, speak a dialect akin to Bernese Swiss German rather than Pennsylvania German, reflecting their distinct ancestral migration patterns. Para-Amish groups encompass affiliated Anabaptist communities that share Amish theological emphases on adult baptism, plain living, and separation from modernity but diverge in practices like vehicle use, dress strictness, or church polity, often emerging from 19th- or 20th-century schisms. Prominent examples include Old Order Mennonites, who maintain horse-and-buggy transportation and similar Ordnung (church rules) but permit more centralized conferences and sometimes tractors for field work, with populations exceeding 20,000 in North America as of 2020. Beachy Amish-Mennonites, originating from a 1927 Ohio split, represent a progressive para-Amish variant allowing automobiles and evangelical outreach while retaining plain clothing; their congregations, numbering around 7,000 members by 2015, blend Amish separatism with Mennonite missions. Other para-Amish entities, such as Conservative Mennonite fellowships or New Order Amish (formed in 1966 in Ohio over issues like communion wine), exhibit varying technology adoption—e.g., limited electricity—and occasional intermarriage with core Amish districts, fostering blurred boundaries in multi-group areas like Pennsylvania's Big Valley. These groups collectively embody "plain people" traditions but prioritize scriptural interpretations that permit adaptations Amish elders deem worldly compromises.

Daily Life and Cultural Norms

Education and Youth Rumspringa

Amish children typically begin formal schooling at age six and complete it after the eighth grade, around age 14 or 15, in one- or two-room parochial schools constructed and operated by their communities. These schools, numbering over 1,100 across 22 states by the late 1990s, enroll an average of 20 to 30 students each, often within walking distance of homes, emphasizing separation from public education systems to preserve religious values. Teachers are generally unmarried Amish women who themselves possess only an eighth-grade education, selected by school committees and tasked with instilling discipline alongside academics. The curriculum prioritizes foundational skills—reading, writing, arithmetic, spelling, grammar, penmanship, history, and geography—supplemented by Bible study and instruction in Pennsylvania Dutch, with limited or absent coverage of science and sex education to align with communal norms against worldly influences. Practical vocational preparation follows formal schooling, as youth apprentice in farming, crafts, homemaking, or trades, reflecting the Amish view that extended academic pursuits foster individualism over community utility and humility. This approach, upheld legally since the 1972 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Wisconsin v. Yoder, prioritizes religious formation over higher secular learning, enabling self-sufficiency within agrarian lifestyles. Upon reaching adolescence, typically around age 16, Amish youth enter a transitional phase known as Rumspringa, derived from Pennsylvania Dutch for "running around," during which parental oversight relaxes, particularly on weekends, allowing exploration of the external world prior to formal church commitment. This period, varying in duration from a few years to the early twenties, involves social gatherings, singing events, and limited exposure to modern amusements like cars or parties, though participation remains moderated by ongoing family and peer expectations rather than unrestrained rebellion. Contrary to sensationalized media depictions emphasizing deviance, most youth maintain proximity to community norms, attending church and avoiding permanent estrangement, as Rumspringa serves primarily as a rite of informed choice before baptism into the church. Baptism, occurring by pouring or affusion around ages 17 to 22 for those electing membership, formalizes adult accountability to the Ordnung; non-participants or defectors face potential shunning if baptized elsewhere or rejecting core tenets. Retention rates remain high, with approximately 85 to 90 percent of raised Amish youth ultimately joining the church, contributing to population doubling every 20 years alongside average family sizes of five or more children. This fidelity underscores the efficacy of insular socialization, where defection often correlates with prior marginalization or unmet familial obligations rather than widespread disillusionment.

Clothing, Appearance, and Symbolism

Amish clothing adheres to the principles of modesty, uniformity, and separation from worldly fashion, as prescribed by each community's Ordnung, the unwritten set of rules governing daily life. This attire, often handmade from plain fabrics, avoids ostentation and emphasizes humility, with solid colors such as black, navy, gray, or muted greens and blues dominating wardrobes; brighter hues or patterns are prohibited in conservative groups to prevent individualism. Fastenings typically employ straight pins, hooks and eyes, or snaps rather than buttons or zippers, which are viewed as modern vanities in stricter affiliations. Men's dress consists of broadfall trousers held by suspenders (banning belts to avoid prideful displays), plain long-sleeved shirts without collars in some groups or with simple collars in others, and straight-cut suit coats worn for church or formal occasions. Married men grow full beards without mustaches—reflecting a Biblical distinction from military styles—and wear broad-brimmed felt hats in black or dark colors during winter, switching to straw hats in summer; these hats symbolize authority and protection from the elements while reinforcing group identity. Footwear is sturdy black shoes, and vests or knitted sweaters provide layering, all in subdued tones to promote equality among wearers. Women's attire features full-length dresses with long sleeves and high necklines, overlaid with capes and aprons; unmarried women wear white heart-shaped prayer caps, while married women don black ones, both secured over long hair parted in the middle and pinned into buns to signify submission and marital status. Dresses are not form-fitting, with skirts extending below the knee and stockings opaque black cotton, prohibiting jewelry—including wedding rings—as symbols of vanity; this ensemble underscores roles of nurture and restraint from adornment. Children mimic adult styles from young ages, with boys donning miniature versions of men's suits and girls wearing scaled-down dresses, instilling conformity early without allowances for trendy variations. The symbolism of this plain dress derives from Anabaptist interpretations of New Testament exhortations to modesty and nonconformity to the world, as in Romans 12:2, serving as a visible marker of separation from English (non-Amish) society and a rejection of consumerism-driven fashion cycles that foster pride and inequality. Uniformity within a church district fosters communal bonds and deters envy, while the absence of logos or prints reinforces focus on inner faith over external display; deviations, such as brighter colors in progressive groups, signal subtle shifts toward assimilation but retain core elements of humility. Affiliations exhibit variations: Old Order Amish favor the plainest styles with darker palettes and stricter prohibitions on synthetic fabrics or elastic, whereas New Order or progressive subgroups may permit lighter colors, short sleeves in private, or even denim for work, reflecting looser Ordnung interpretations while preserving overall modesty. Swartzentruber Amish, among the most conservative, mandate nearly all-black attire and smaller hats, heightening visual distinction from outsiders. These differences arise from church votes on Ordnung updates, balancing tradition with practical needs like climate adaptation in diverse settlements.

Transportation, Technology Selectivity, and Home Life

The Amish primarily rely on horse-drawn buggies for personal transportation, limiting travel to a radius of approximately 20 miles at speeds of 5 to 8 miles per hour. These buggies, often gray in color for Old Order groups, incorporate safety modifications such as battery-powered headlights, reflective orange triangles, turn signals, and slow-moving vehicle emblems to comply with state traffic laws. Ownership of automobiles is prohibited under the Ordnung, the unwritten church guidelines emphasizing separation from worldly influences, though Amish may hire non-Amish drivers or use vans, buses, and trains for longer distances. Bicycles and scooters are permitted in some communities, but tractors are generally restricted to farm fields with steel wheels to deter road use. Amish selectivity toward technology stems from the Ordnung's aim to safeguard community cohesion, family bonds, and humility by evaluating innovations against biblical principles of non-conformity to the world. Televisions, radios, and personal computers are outright rejected as they foster individualism and external cultural immersion. Permitted technologies are often modified; for instance, batteries power buggy lights, flashlights, fans, and calculators, while pneumatic or hydraulic systems operate tools in workshops to avoid direct grid electricity. Community discussions precede adoption, with decisions varying by affiliation—New Order Amish allow more flexibility, such as home telephones, compared to stricter Old Order prohibitions. This discernment prioritizes technologies that do not undermine face-to-face interactions or economic interdependence, rooted in historical reactions to industrialization's disruptions post-19th century. In home life, Amish forgo public utility electricity to prevent dependency and worldly attachments, instead employing propane, diesel generators, or batteries for essential appliances like refrigerators, freezers, and stoves. Daily routines emphasize manual labor and communal support: families rise before dawn for chores, share prayer and meals, with women managing laundry via gas or diesel-powered wringers, gardening, and baking, while men handle fieldwork or trades. Homes feature wood stoves for heating and cooking, kerosene lamps for lighting, and natural cleaning methods using vinegar or lye-based soaps, fostering self-reliance and seasonal rhythms tied to agrarian cycles. Large families—averaging six to eight children—navigate these constraints through mutual aid, such as barn-raisings, reinforcing social ties without modern conveniences that could isolate members.

Cuisine, Diet, and Seasonal Rhythms

Amish cuisine emphasizes self-sufficiency, drawing primarily from farm-raised livestock, home gardens, and orchards, resulting in meals rich in carbohydrates, fats, and locally sourced proteins. Typical staples include breads, potatoes, noodles, meats such as beef, pork, and chicken, along with dairy products like cheese and milk, often prepared in casseroles, stews, or roasts. Desserts feature prominently, with pies (e.g., shoofly pie), cakes, and cookies made from simple ingredients like molasses, sugar, and farm butter, reflecting a cultural preference for hearty, comforting fare over processed or exotic foods. Food preparation relies on manual methods without electricity, involving wood-fired ovens for baking and large-scale cooking for families averaging seven children. Common dishes include chicken corn soup, friendship bread, and meatloaf, seasoned modestly to prioritize nourishment over variety. Preservation techniques, such as canning vegetables (e.g., corn, beans, pickles) and fruits into jams or sauces, ensure year-round access to summer harvests, with families processing hundreds of quarts annually during peak seasons. Dietary patterns follow agricultural cycles, with spring meals incorporating fresh asparagus and salads from early garden yields, while summer and fall focus on harvesting and immediate consumption of produce like tomatoes and berries. Winter diets shift to preserved soups, stews, root vegetables stored in cellars, and smoked or cured meats, minimizing reliance on external supplies and aligning caloric intake with labor-intensive farming demands. This rhythmic adaptation sustains communities through variable weather, as evidenced by traditions of communal canning bees where groups process produce collectively to build reserves before frost. Overall, these practices promote health through unprocessed, seasonal eating, though high-fat components contribute to elevated obesity rates in some settlements.

Economy and Labor

Traditional Farming and Crafts

The Amish traditionally rely on horse-drawn plows, cultivators, and other draft animal-powered equipment for field preparation and planting, eschewing gasoline tractors to maintain community norms against centralized power sources. They practice crop rotation, alternating fields with grains like wheat and corn, legumes such as soybeans, and cover crops like rye grass that is plowed under to restore soil nutrients. Principal field crops include corn for feed and silage, hay for livestock, tobacco in Pennsylvania settlements, barley, and wheat, with vegetable gardening for household use emphasizing self-sufficiency. Fertilization derives primarily from livestock manure, composted barn bedding, and occasional lime applications to sustain soil fertility without synthetic chemicals or commercial fertilizers in most traditional operations. Dairy production forms a core of traditional Amish agriculture, with small herds of Holstein cows milked by hand or basic machines and sold locally or processed into cheese and butter, often without bulk tanks due to off-grid preferences. Livestock such as horses, mules, and cattle are integral, providing draft power, meat, and manure, with breeding selected for work endurance over high yields. These methods prioritize soil conservation and family labor over mechanized efficiency, yielding lower per-acre outputs but fostering long-term land stewardship, as evidenced by sustained fertility in Amish fields compared to neighboring industrial farms. Historically, up to 90% of Amish households engaged in full-time farming as late as the mid-20th century, though this has declined to around 10% today due to land scarcity and rising costs, preserving traditional practices mainly in rural settlements like Lancaster County, Pennsylvania. Amish crafts emphasize handmade goods produced with basic tools, reflecting Ordnung guidelines that limit electricity and favor manual skills for economic independence. Woodworking predominates, with craftsmen using hand planes, chisels, and dovetail joinery to create durable oak or cherry furniture like cabinets, tables, and benches, often customized without nails or synthetic finishes. Quilting, primarily a women's craft, involves hand-stitching or treadle-sewn layers of wool or cotton batting into geometric patterns such as Lone Star or Sunshine and Shadow, originally for warmth but now marketed for their precision and bold solids. Blacksmithing supplies farm implements, horseshoes, and hardware, forging iron with coal fires and hammers to repair plows or craft gates, sustaining self-reliant repair traditions. These crafts generate supplementary income through roadside stands or markets, with products valued for authenticity and longevity, though commercialization has grown alongside farming's decline.

Modern Businesses and Economic Adaptation

The Amish have increasingly diversified into non-agricultural enterprises due to rapid population growth, which has doubled approximately every 20 years since 2000, reaching over 350,000 individuals by 2020, and resulting land shortages that limit traditional farming opportunities. In response, a majority of Amish households now derive income from small businesses rather than farming, with about two-thirds of entrepreneurs operating non-farm ventures such as woodworking, metal fabrication, construction, and retail operations. These businesses often emphasize skilled trades aligned with Amish values, including furniture and cabinetry production, quilt-making, harness shops, and food processing like bakeries and bulk food stores, which leverage manual craftsmanship and community networks for market access. Amish enterprises demonstrate exceptional longevity, with studies indicating a 95% survival rate after five years, compared to roughly 50% for general U.S. small businesses, attributed to low debt levels, family labor, frugality, and mutual aid among competitors, such as sharing techniques or resources. These practices distinguish Amish economic adaptation from that of Mennonites, who generally integrate more fully into the modern economy with diverse occupations spanning larger-scale farming using tractors, manufacturing, professional services like teaching and healthcare, and mainstream banking and insurance participation. Amish prioritize self-sufficiency through small-scale, community-oriented businesses with low debt, relying on mutual aid—such as interest-free loans and community fundraising—over commercial insurance or government assistance, for which they seek exemptions like IRS Form 4029 for Social Security. They strictly limit technology, avoiding grid electricity and motorized vehicles, while Mennonites embrace such tools and exhibit greater flexibility, though conservative Mennonite subgroups share some similarities. Technological adaptations in these operations balance Ordnung restrictions against grid electricity with practical needs; for instance, pneumatic and hydraulic tools powered by diesel compressors enable efficient manufacturing, while non-Amish employees or drivers handle prohibited tasks like computer use or long-distance transport. In regions like Holmes County, Ohio, Amish involvement has driven manufacturing employment to 27.5% of the local workforce, with a 36.7% job growth in the sector from 2010 to 2021, reflecting broader economic integration without full assimilation. This shift has introduced income disparities, with a bimodal distribution where larger enterprises yield higher revenues, yet community norms discourage ostentation and promote wealth redistribution through church aid.

Interactions with Non-Amish Economy

The Amish participate in the non-Amish economy primarily through the sale of agricultural products, handmade crafts, and services such as construction and carpentry to outsiders, often at farmers' markets, roadside stands, and tourist-oriented shops. In regions like Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, and Holmes County, Ohio, these transactions form a key revenue stream, with Amish vendors offering items like furniture, quilts, baked goods, and produce directly to non-Amish consumers. This commerce supports Amish self-sufficiency while integrating them into broader market dynamics, though church districts regulate participation to preserve community values. A significant portion of Amish labor now occurs outside traditional farming, with many men employed in non-Amish-owned factories, particularly in rural areas of settlements like northern Indiana, where woodworking, metal fabrication, and assembly roles predominate. Nationally, only about 10-15% of Amish families rely primarily on agriculture, reflecting a shift to non-farm occupations driven by land scarcity and economic pressures, which necessitates interactions with external employers and supply chains. Amish workers in these settings often commute via hired drivers or vans, maintaining separation from full immersion in modern workplaces. Tourism amplifies economic ties, generating substantial indirect benefits in Amish-heavy areas; for instance, in Holmes County, Ohio, visitor spending contributes $300-500 million annually to the local economy as of 2024, boosting sales at Amish markets and businesses catering to tourists. While this influx supports Amish enterprises through increased demand for authentic goods, it also elevates land prices and traffic congestion, prompting some families to relocate to less touristed regions. Amish-owned businesses, which exhibit a 95% five-year survival rate compared to the national average of around 50%, frequently partner with non-Amish retailers to expand market reach. Amish communities purchase essential goods, machinery parts, and raw materials from non-Amish suppliers, using cash or checks while avoiding credit and insurance systems. They remit state and federal income taxes, sales taxes, real estate taxes, and public school taxes, but qualify for exemptions from Social Security contributions due to their communal welfare practices. These interactions underscore a pragmatic balance: leveraging external markets for prosperity without adopting individualistic financial norms.

Health, Genetics, and Welfare

Traditional Healing and Community Support

Amish communities integrate traditional healing practices with faith-based approaches for minor ailments, prioritizing natural remedies and spiritual intervention over immediate recourse to modern medicine. These methods include herbal treatments, such as using vinegar for digestive issues, aloe vera for burns, and comfrey root for wounds, drawn from Pennsylvania Dutch folk traditions. Powwowing, or Braucherei, persists among some Amish as a form of ritual faith healing, involving prayers, charms, and physical manipulations recited from old German texts to invoke divine power for conditions like fevers or injuries, though its use varies by settlement and is not universally endorsed. This practice emphasizes humility before God and views illness as potentially stemming from spiritual causes, aligning with Amish theology that attributes healing ultimately to divine will rather than human expertise alone. For routine health maintenance, Amish families rely on home-based care, including dietary adjustments and preventive measures like communal prayer during outbreaks, reflecting a cultural preference for self-sufficiency and community resilience over pharmaceutical dependence. Midwives assist in most births at home, employing time-honored techniques unless complications necessitate hospital transfer, with maternal and infant mortality rates comparable to or lower than national averages in some studies due to robust familial support structures. While these traditions persist, Amish selectively incorporate modern diagnostics for serious conditions, but initial treatments often favor empirical folk cures tested across generations. Community support forms the backbone of Amish healthcare financing, eschewing commercial insurance—which many view as akin to gambling or lacking in communal accountability—in favor of mutual aid networks. Informal church district funds and ad-hoc fundraisers cover extraordinary expenses like surgeries or hospitalizations, with members voluntarily contributing labor, goods, or cash to assist afflicted families, ensuring no one faces ruinous debt. In larger settlements, formalized plans such as Amish Hospital Aid pool resources to reimburse major medical costs, operating since the mid-20th century and covering claims exceeding routine care thresholds through subscription-like assessments on participants. This system, documented in ethnographic studies, leverages dense social ties to distribute risk collectively, with negotiation aides interfacing with hospitals to reduce bills via cash payments or bulk discounts, achieving cost efficiencies not replicable in individualistic insurance models. Such arrangements underscore Amish commitment to biblical principles of bearing one another's burdens, though they strain under rising medical costs and aging populations, prompting occasional exemptions or hybrid adaptations.

Prevalence of Genetic Disorders

The prevalence of certain genetic disorders is markedly elevated in Amish communities compared to the general population, attributable to the founder effect arising from descent from a limited pool of approximately 200 Swiss and German Anabaptist immigrants in the 18th century, compounded by endogamy and genetic drift that concentrate rare recessive alleles. This results in reduced genetic diversity and higher rates of homozygosity for pathogenic variants, particularly autosomal recessive conditions, with over 39 heritable disorders documented in Amish populations as of 2002. Consanguinity, though not universal, further exacerbates risks in insular settlements, though out-migration (10-20% per generation) introduces some external alleles, mitigating but not eliminating the founder bottlenecks. Prominent examples include Ellis–van Creveld syndrome, a skeletal dysplasia featuring short stature, polydactyly, and cardiac anomalies, with a birth prevalence of about 1 in 5,000 live births among the Old Order Amish of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania—orders of magnitude higher than the global rate of roughly 1 in 1,000,000. Glutaric acidemia type I (GA1), a metabolic disorder leading to encephalopathic crises and striatal degeneration if untreated, occurs at an incidence of approximately 1 in 500 births in certain Pennsylvania Amish groups, driven by a founder variant with carrier frequencies up to 1 in 10, far exceeding the worldwide rate of 1 in 100,000. In the Ontario Old Order Amish, nephropathic cystinosis—a lysosomal storage disease causing renal failure—exhibits a carrier frequency of 1 in 6 for a specific CTNS gene mutation (G339R), yielding a disease incidence of 1 in 144, versus 1 in 100,000 generally. Similarly, disorders like maple syrup urine disease show carrier rates around 1 in 10 in affiliated Old Order Mennonite communities, reflecting shared Anabaptist ancestry. Comprehensive newborn and carrier screening for up to nine common variants in some Amish groups reveals that 68% of screened adults carry at least one, with 18% carrying two, underscoring the cumulative burden. These patterns highlight the interplay of isolation and high fertility in perpetuating founder variants, though community-led genetic counseling and testing have reduced some incidences since the 1980s.
DisorderKey FeaturesAmish Carrier FrequencyDisease Incidence in AmishGeneral Population Incidence
Ellis–van Creveld syndromeShort limbs, polydactyly, congenital heart defectsNot specified~1 in 5,000 births (Lancaster Amish)~1 in 1,000,000 births
Glutaric acidemia type IMetabolic crises, basal ganglia damageUp to 1 in 10 (PA Amish)~1 in 500 births~1 in 100,000 births
Nephropathic cystinosisRenal failure, corneal crystals1 in 6 (Ontario Amish)1 in 144~1 in 100,000 births

Vaccination, Modern Medicine, and Public Health Conflicts

The Amish approach to healthcare emphasizes self-reliance, community mutual aid, and traditional remedies, with selective use of modern medicine for severe conditions such as surgeries or infections requiring antibiotics. They largely forgo commercial health insurance, instead relying on informal networks like church aid societies or community collection funds to cover major expenses, which fosters financial thrift but can limit access to preventive care. Empirical data indicate that while Amish adults use complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) at higher rates, their utilization of conventional medical services for serious illnesses aligns comparably with non-Amish populations in studied areas like Holmes County, Ohio. Vaccination rates among the Amish remain persistently low, often below 20% for routine childhood immunizations in communities like those in northeast Ohio, driven by religious exemptions, philosophical hesitancy rooted in faith in divine providence, concerns over vaccine safety and necessity, and a cultural preference for natural immunity through exposure. Contrary to claims of total rejection, surveys show variable uptake, with some families vaccinating partially or for specific diseases, though overall hesitancy has declined slightly post-outbreaks but persists due to distrust of rapid vaccine development, as seen with COVID-19 where acceptance hovered around 10-20% in surveyed Pennsylvania and Ohio groups. This selectivity stems from practical reasoning—viewing vaccines as unnecessary interventions when community health historically relied on isolation and hygiene—rather than outright opposition, though it results in higher hospitalization risks for vaccine-preventable diseases (VPDs). Public health conflicts have arisen primarily from VPD outbreaks in underimmunized Amish settlements, exemplified by the 2014 measles epidemic in Ohio's Holmes and Knox Counties, where 383 confirmed cases emerged over 121 days, originating from unvaccinated travelers returning from the Philippines and spreading rapidly due to low herd immunity. Local health departments responded with containment measures including contact tracing, quarantine, and vaccination drives, which increased Amish uptake temporarily—some clinics reported vaccinating over 100 individuals post-outbreak—but faced resistance over perceived government overreach and fears of side effects. Similar tensions surfaced during the COVID-19 pandemic, with Amish areas experiencing elevated infection and mortality rates despite natural immunity from prior exposure, yet vaccine mandates for schools or events prompted legal exemptions and community pushback, highlighting causal links between low preventive uptake and heightened outbreak vulnerability. These episodes underscore empirical trade-offs: Amish communal resilience mitigates some costs through volunteer care and lower chronic disease burdens from active lifestyles, but data confirm elevated acute risks from infectious diseases absent modern interventions.

Demographics and Geography

Population Growth and Fertility Rates

The North American Amish population reached an estimated 400,910 individuals (including adults and children) as of June 2024, reflecting an annual increase of 16,620 people or approximately 4.3% growth from 2023 levels. This expansion continues a pattern of exponential increase, with the total rising from about 177,910 in 2000 to over 410,000 by mid-2025, a gain of more than 233,000 individuals driven almost entirely by natural reproduction rather than external migration or conversions. The population doubles roughly every 20 to 22 years, outpacing broader U.S. demographic trends where fertility has declined amid urbanization and economic pressures. Amish total fertility rates (TFR) consistently exceed six children per woman, far surpassing the U.S. average of 1.6, with completed family sizes typically ranging from six to eight live births. Age-specific fertility peaks sharply between 20 and 29 years, when most Amish women marry and begin childbearing, while non-marital births remain negligible due to cultural norms enforcing premarital chastity. In regions like Lancaster County, Pennsylvania—the largest Amish settlement—about 10% of families include ten or more children, underscoring the prevalence of large households. These elevated rates stem from doctrinal commitments rooted in Anabaptist theology, which view procreation as a divine mandate and reject artificial contraception or abortion as interference with God's will. Early and universal marriage, often by the early 20s, combined with rural agrarian economies that benefit from family labor, further incentivize high parity without the fertility-suppressing factors of dense urbanization or career-oriented delays common in modern societies. Sustained growth also reflects low attrition during adolescence, as the vast majority adhere to community expectations post-ritual exploration periods, preserving the demographic base across generations.

Distribution Across North America

The Amish population in North America totals 410,955 individuals as of June 2025, distributed across 32 U.S. states and three Canadian provinces: Ontario, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island. This includes 3,114 church districts, each typically comprising 20-40 households averaging around 150 members, organized into 683 settlements. While present in diverse regions from New York to Montana and Ontario to Prince Edward Island, the communities remain concentrated in the Northeast and Midwest, driven by historical migrations seeking affordable farmland and cultural compatibility. Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana host the largest shares, accounting for 61% of the total population, with Pennsylvania's Lancaster County settlement being the oldest and most populous single community, encompassing over 200 districts. The following table summarizes the estimated populations in the top ten U.S. states:
StateSettlementsDistrictsPopulation
Pennsylvania6363695,410
Ohio7469686,325
Indiana2849267,310
Wisconsin6820927,535
New York6018825,220
Michigan5315820,090
Missouri6414318,465
Kentucky5513616,720
Iowa257910,965
Illinois20639,280
In Canada, the Amish number 6,380, predominantly in 18 Ontario settlements (5,925 individuals), with smaller groups of 305 in Prince Edward Island and 150 in New Brunswick. Expansion continues into western and southern states like Colorado and Tennessee, often forming new settlements to escape land scarcity and urbanization in core areas, though these remain marginal in size compared to the tri-state heartland.

Emerging Settlements and Migration Patterns

The Amish population's rapid expansion, driven by an average fertility rate of approximately seven children per family and retention rates exceeding 85%, has necessitated the establishment of new settlements beyond traditional core areas in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, where land scarcity and rising costs exert pressure on family farms. By June 2025, the North American Amish population reached an estimated 410,955 individuals across 684 communities, reflecting a 2.5% annual increase and compelling migrations to regions with affordable farmland and lower population density. These patterns favor rural counties near small towns, with moderate topography suitable for agriculture, as Amish households prioritize self-sufficient farming lifestyles amid growing church districts—now numbering over 3,100 compared to 200 in 1951. Migration often involves families from established or declining settlements relocating long distances, with "source counties" in states like Pennsylvania and Ohio supplying households to emerging areas such as Wisconsin's larger communities, where detailed records show inflows from multiple origins to sustain growth. Since 2000, Amish groups have initiated settlements in six additional U.S. states—Colorado, Nebraska, New Mexico, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming—expanding from 25 states in 2000 to 32 by 2025, excluding only 18 states without communities, primarily in the Southwest, West Coast, and Alaska. Northeast expansions include New York's 58 settlements hosting over 23,000 Amish as of 2024, with origins tracing to 1831 but accelerated growth in recent decades, and Maine's 11 communities established progressively since 2000 at sites like Smyrna Mills. In the Midwest and South, states like Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri have seen accelerated Amish influxes, with Missouri's Seymour area emerging as one of the twelve largest settlements by 2025, encompassing 21 church districts amid broader patterns of families fleeing high-density or failing origins. These movements preserve communal integrity by scouting locations compatible with Ordnung rules, though sustainability varies; some new outposts stabilize into multi-district hubs, while others dissolve due to economic or social challenges, as evidenced by migrations from extinct settlements bolstering viable ones. Limited international extensions, such as post-Midwest New Order groups in Argentina and Bolivia, represent outliers rather than core patterns, with North American domestic shifts dominating due to cultural and regulatory alignments.

Controversies, Criticisms, and Defenses

Internal Challenges: Abuse, Insularity, and Youth Retention

The Amish communities face significant internal challenges stemming from their emphasis on separation from the broader society, which can exacerbate issues of abuse, insularity, and difficulties in retaining youth. Sexual abuse, particularly child sexual abuse, has been documented in multiple investigations, with a 2020 report identifying 52 prosecuted cases of sexual assault within Amish groups over two decades, often involving family members or clergy who handle matters internally to avoid external authorities. These incidents frequently remain hidden due to cultural norms prioritizing community resolution over legal intervention, including shunning of victims who report externally or clergy-led forgiveness without accountability, as detailed in accounts from survivors and law enforcement interactions. Insularity, a core tenet derived from religious separation, manifests in practices like limiting formal education to the eighth grade and avoiding modern media or technology, which restrict exposure to external ideas and oversight. This educational cap, upheld since a 1972 U.S. Supreme Court ruling allowing Amish exemptions from compulsory schooling, aims to preserve faith and community but correlates with lower literacy in secular subjects and reduced economic mobility, potentially trapping individuals in agrarian roles ill-suited to personal aptitudes. The isolation heightens vulnerability to abuse by minimizing outside reporting mechanisms and sex education, fostering environments where intra-community offenses evade scrutiny, as noted in analyses of closed religious groups. Furthermore, shunning—formal exclusion from social and familial networks—serves as a deterrent to dissent but can devastate mental health, eliminating support structures in a tightly knit society. Youth retention remains a focal challenge, with empirical studies estimating that 85-90% of Amish-raised individuals ultimately join the church as adults, driving population growth alongside high fertility rates of around seven children per family. The Rumspringa period, a transitional phase of relative freedom in adolescence allowing exposure to non-Amish influences, precedes baptismal vows; while sensationalized in media, it results in most youth returning due to strong familial bonds, fear of shunning, and limited viable alternatives from curtailed education. However, defection rates, though low, are influenced by factors like witnessed abuse or rigid prohibitions, with qualitative accounts from ex-Amish indicating that restricted high school access reinforces commitment by weeding out those with weaker religious adherence, per econometric analysis of settlement data. This high retention sustains demographic expansion—North American Amish numbered over 400,000 by 2024—but critics argue it borders on coerced conformity, as exit often severs lifelong ties without preparation for mainstream integration. The Amish have engaged in several landmark legal challenges against government mandates, primarily invoking the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause to protect their religious practices from state interference. In Wisconsin v. Yoder (1972), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6-1 that Wisconsin's compulsory school attendance law, requiring education until age 16, violated the free exercise rights of Amish parents who withdrew their children after eighth grade to provide informal vocational training aligned with Amish communal life. The decision emphasized that the Amish community's 300-year history of self-sufficiency demonstrated adequate preparation for citizenship, outweighing the state's interest in universal secondary education. This exemption remains in effect, allowing Amish parochial schools to operate with limited oversight, though it has drawn criticism for potentially limiting children's exposure to broader knowledge. Relations with federal taxation authorities have centered on Social Security contributions, which the Amish view as conflicting with their reliance on church-based mutual aid rather than government insurance. Self-employed Amish qualify for exemptions under 26 U.S.C. § 1402(g) if they waive benefits, a provision recognizing their religious opposition to such systems. However, in United States v. Lee (1982), the Supreme Court unanimously held that Amish employers must still withhold and pay Social Security taxes for non-Amish workers, rejecting broader exemptions as they would undermine the program's universality and fiscal integrity. Amish doctrine of non-resistance similarly grants conscientious objector status during military drafts, exempting them from combat service since the Civil War era, with alternatives like civilian public service historically accepted. Zoning and building regulations frequently spark disputes, as Amish construction practices—eschewing electricity, modern plumbing, and licensed contractors—clash with municipal codes requiring permits, smoke detectors, and graded materials. In cases across New York, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, Amish families have invoked the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA) to challenge denials of permits for homes and barns, arguing that compliance burdens their faith-based simplicity. For instance, in 2009, Amish in Morristown, New York, sued the township for refusing permits that accommodated their religious building methods, securing some accommodations under federal law. Local governments enforce codes uniformly to ensure safety, but Amish successes under RLUIPA highlight tensions between public welfare standards and religious autonomy. More recent conflicts involve public health mandates, particularly vaccinations, where Amish hesitancy—rooted in concerns over modernity and past adverse events—has led to legal pushback. In New York, after the 2019 repeal of religious exemptions for school immunizations, Amish parochial schools faced fines exceeding $118,000 for non-compliance, prompting lawsuits claiming violations of free exercise rights. Federal courts, including the Second Circuit in 2025, upheld the mandates, ruling that neutral vaccination laws serve compelling public health interests without targeting religion, despite Amish arguments for exemptions akin to those in Yoder. Child labor laws also arise in tensions over farm work, viewed by Amish as essential apprenticeship, though federal exemptions under the Fair Labor Standards Act allow minors aged 14-17 in agriculture, mitigating some enforcement. These battles underscore ongoing negotiations between Amish insularity and governmental authority, often resolved through targeted exemptions rather than wholesale capitulation.

Broader Critiques: Cult-Like Elements vs. Communal Virtues

Critics have characterized certain Amish practices as cult-like, particularly the enforcement of shunning, or Meidung, which involves social and economic ostracism of members who violate church ordinances or leave the faith, thereby discouraging defection and reinforcing group loyalty. This mechanism, applied variably across affiliations but consistently to excommunicated individuals, severs familial and communal ties, with ex-Amish accounts describing it as psychologically coercive and isolating, akin to tactics in high-control groups. The Ordnung, an unwritten code dictating conformity in attire, technology rejection, limited formal education beyond eighth grade, and behavioral norms, exerts pervasive social pressure, prioritizing collective harmony over personal expression and potentially stifling dissent or innovation. Such controls, rooted in Gelassenheit (yieldedness to divine will and community), foster insularity that limits external influences but has drawn accusations of suppressing autonomy, with retention rates of 83-90% attributed partly to these barriers to exit rather than unqualified voluntary adherence. In contrast, proponents highlight communal virtues enabled by these structures, including robust family stability with average household sizes exceeding five children and near-absent divorce, sustained by religious rules promoting altruism, cooperation, and extended kinship networks that buffer against modern individualism's disintegrative effects. Mutual aid systems, such as barn raisings and informal health funds, exemplify self-reliance and reciprocity, yielding low public welfare dependence and empirical advantages in social cohesion, with population growth rates tripling the U.S. average through high fertility and retention. Amish communities exhibit low internal crime perpetration, attributed to normative pressures against deviance, though victimization surveys reveal frequent external offenses like burglary and theft targeting their pacifist, low-technology profile, underscoring vulnerabilities from non-resistance doctrines without negating the virtues of internal order. These dynamics reflect a trade-off: conformity's costs in individual liberty versus benefits in collective resilience, with critiques often amplified by ex-members' narratives amid high overall retention indicating functional efficacy for most adherents.

Achievements in Sustainability and Self-Reliance

The Amish demonstrate notable self-reliance through communal mutual aid systems that minimize dependence on external institutions. In cases of medical emergencies or disasters, community members collectively contribute funds or labor, as exemplified by Amish Aid societies that have covered millions in uninsured hospital bills without government subsidies; for instance, one Ohio community raised over $200,000 in a single day for a member's cancer treatment in 2015. These networks extend to barn raisings, where dozens of men complete a structure in hours through coordinated voluntary effort, preserving agricultural infrastructure without reliance on commercial contractors or loans. Agriculturally, Amish farms emphasize labor-intensive, small-scale operations that sustain productivity without fossil fuel-dependent machinery, achieving yields comparable to mechanized counterparts in some crops like corn through draft horse power and crop rotation. This approach fosters soil health via manure-based fertilization and minimal synthetic inputs, aligning with low-input sustainable models that reduce runoff in select studies, though broader watershed impacts vary by region. Their rejection of grid electricity—opting for propane, wood, or solar in limited approved uses—results in household energy consumption roughly one-tenth that of average Americans, contributing to per capita carbon emissions as low as 0.7 metric tons annually versus the U.S. average of 16 tons. Transportation sustainability is evident in horse-drawn buggies, which emit no direct fossil fuels and produce transportation-related carbon footprints three times lower than non-Amish rural peers, supported by bicycles and shared wagons for efficiency. Waste reduction practices, including on-site composting and repair over replacement, further enhance resource efficiency, with communities recycling wood scraps into furniture or tools as a core economic activity using renewable timber. These elements collectively enable Amish settlements to maintain economic viability and population expansion—doubling every 20 years through high birth rates—while insulating against energy price volatility and supply chain disruptions.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.