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Cook Partisan Voting Index
Cook Partisan Voting Index
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Map of 20202024 Cook PVI for all voting entities in the 2028 United States presidential election (states, federal district, congressional districts of Maine and Nebraska)

Map legend:
  State or district has a Cook PVI of D+10 or greater
  State or district has a Cook PVI between D+5 and D+10
  State or district has a Cook PVI between D+2 and D+5
  State or district has a Cook PVI between EVEN and D+2
  State or district has a Cook PVI between EVEN and R+2
  State or district has a Cook PVI between R+2 and R+5
  State or district has a Cook PVI between R+5 and R+10
  State or district has a Cook PVI of R+10 or greater

The Cook Partisan Voting Index, abbreviated PVI or CPVI, is a measurement of the partisanship of a U.S. congressional district or U.S. state.[1] This partisanship is indicated as lean towards either the Republican Party or the Democratic Party,[2] compared to the nation as a whole, based on how that district or state voted in the previous two presidential elections.[3][4]

History

[edit]

The Partisan Voting Index was developed in 1997 by Charlie Cook of The Cook Political Report, in conjunction with Clark Bensen and his political statistical analysis firm, Polidata, "as a means of providing a more accurate picture of the competitiveness".[5][6][7] It is based on the methodology introduced by Rob Richie of the Center for Voting and Democracy for the Center's July 1997 Monopoly Politics report.[8][9]

The Cook Political Report has since released new PVI scores every two years.[10] In 2021, the newsletter ended its relationship with Polidata and instead used Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections to calculate 2020's results.[7] The most recent iteration is the 2025 Cook Partisan Voting Index.[11]

Calculation and format

[edit]

The index looks at how every congressional district voted in the past two presidential elections combined and compares it to the national average.[12] The Cook PVI is displayed as a letter, a plus sign, and a number, with the letter (either a D for Democratic or an R for Republican) indicating the party that outperformed in the district and the number showing how many percentage points above the national average it received.[10] In 2022, the formula was updated to weigh the most recent presidential election more heavily than the prior election.[13]

By congressional district

[edit]

The PVIs for congressional districts are calculated based on the 2020 and 2024 presidential elections.[11] With a PVI of R+1, California's 22nd congressional district was determined to be the median congressional district, meaning that exactly 217 districts are more Democratic and 217 are more Republican than this district.[11] As of 2025, there are 218 districts in the House that are more Republican than the national average and 207 districts more Democratic than the national average. The number of swing seats, defined as those between D+5 and R+5, is 97.[11]

District PVI Party of
representative
Alabama 1 R+27 Republican
Alabama 2 D+5 Democratic
Alabama 3 R+23 Republican
Alabama 4 R+33 Republican
Alabama 5 R+15 Republican
Alabama 6 R+20 Republican
Alabama 7 D+13 Democratic
Alaska at-large R+6 Republican
Arizona 1 R+1 Republican
Arizona 2 R+7 Republican
Arizona 3 D+22 Democratic
Arizona 4 D+4 Democratic
Arizona 5 R+10 Republican
Arizona 6 EVEN Republican
Arizona 7 D+13 Democratic
Arizona 8 R+8 Republican
Arizona 9 R+15 Republican
Arkansas 1 R+23 Republican
Arkansas 2 R+8 Republican
Arkansas 3 R+13 Republican
Arkansas 4 R+20 Republican
California 1 R+12 Republican
California 2 D+24 Democratic
California 3 R+2 Republican
California 4 D+17 Democratic
California 5 R+8 Republican
California 6 D+8 Democratic
California 7 D+16 Democratic
California 8 D+24 Democratic
California 9 D+1 Democratic
California 10 D+18 Democratic
California 11 D+36 Democratic
California 12 D+39 Democratic
California 13 R+1 Democratic
California 14 D+20 Democratic
California 15 D+26 Democratic
California 16 D+26 Democratic
California 17 D+21 Democratic
California 18 D+17 Democratic
California 19 D+18 Democratic
California 20 R+15 Republican
California 21 D+4 Democratic
California 22 R+1 Republican
California 23 R+8 Republican
California 24 D+13 Democratic
California 25 D+3 Democratic
California 26 D+8 Democratic
California 27 D+3 Democratic
California 28 D+15 Democratic
California 29 D+20 Democratic
California 30 D+22 Democratic
California 31 D+10 Democratic
California 32 D+17 Democratic
California 33 D+7 Democratic
California 34 D+28 Democratic
California 35 D+8 Democratic
California 36 D+21 Democratic
California 37 D+33 Democratic
California 38 D+10 Democratic
California 39 D+7 Democratic
California 40 R+1 Republican
California 41 R+2 Republican
California 42 D+18 Democratic
California 43 D+27 Democratic
California 44 D+19 Democratic
California 45 D+1 Democratic
California 46 D+11 Democratic
California 47 D+3 Democratic
California 48 R+7 Republican
California 49 D+4 Democratic
California 50 D+16 Democratic
California 51 D+13 Democratic
California 52 D+13 Democratic
Colorado 1 D+29 Democratic
Colorado 2 D+20 Democratic
Colorado 3 R+5 Republican
Colorado 4 R+9 Republican
Colorado 5 R+5 Republican
Colorado 6 D+11 Democratic
Colorado 7 D+8 Democratic
Colorado 8 EVEN Republican
Connecticut 1 D+12 Democratic
Connecticut 2 D+4 Democratic
Connecticut 3 D+8 Democratic
Connecticut 4 D+13 Democratic
Connecticut 5 D+3 Democratic
Delaware at-large D+8 Democratic
Florida 1 R+18 Republican
Florida 2 R+8 Republican
Florida 3 R+10 Republican
Florida 4 R+5 Republican
Florida 5 R+10 Republican
Florida 6 R+14 Republican
Florida 7 R+5 Republican
Florida 8 R+11 Republican
Florida 9 D+4 Democratic
Florida 10 D+13 Democratic
Florida 11 R+8 Republican
Florida 12 R+17 Republican
Florida 13 R+5 Republican
Florida 14 D+5 Democratic
Florida 15 R+5 Republican
Florida 16 R+7 Republican
Florida 17 R+11 Republican
Florida 18 R+14 Republican
Florida 19 R+14 Republican
Florida 20 D+22 Democratic
Florida 21 R+7 Republican
Florida 22 D+4 Democratic
Florida 23 D+2 Democratic
Florida 24 D+18 Democratic
Florida 25 D+5 Democratic
Florida 26 R+16 Republican
Florida 27 R+6 Republican
Florida 28 R+10 Republican
Georgia 1 R+8 Republican
Georgia 2 D+4 Democratic
Georgia 3 R+15 Republican
Georgia 4 D+27 Democratic
Georgia 5 D+36 Democratic
Georgia 6 D+25 Democratic
Georgia 7 R+11 Republican
Georgia 8 R+15 Republican
Georgia 9 R+17 Republican
Georgia 10 R+11 Republican
Georgia 11 R+12 Republican
Georgia 12 R+7 Republican
Georgia 13 D+21 Democratic
Georgia 14 R+19 Republican
Hawaii 1 D+13 Democratic
Hawaii 2 D+12 Democratic
Idaho 1 R+22 Republican
Idaho 2 R+13 Republican
Illinois 1 D+18 Democratic
Illinois 2 D+18 Democratic
Illinois 3 D+17 Democratic
Illinois 4 D+17 Democratic
Illinois 5 D+19 Democratic
Illinois 6 D+3 Democratic
Illinois 7 D+34 Democratic
Illinois 8 D+5 Democratic
Illinois 9 D+19 Democratic
Illinois 10 D+12 Democratic
Illinois 11 D+6 Democratic
Illinois 12 R+22 Republican
Illinois 13 D+5 Democratic
Illinois 14 D+3 Democratic
Illinois 15 R+20 Republican
Illinois 16 R+11 Republican
Illinois 17 D+3 Democratic
Indiana 1 D+1 Democratic
Indiana 2 R+13 Republican
Indiana 3 R+16 Republican
Indiana 4 R+15 Republican
Indiana 5 R+8 Republican
Indiana 6 R+16 Republican
Indiana 7 D+21 Democratic
Indiana 8 R+18 Republican
Indiana 9 R+15 Republican
Iowa 1 R+4 Republican
Iowa 2 R+4 Republican
Iowa 3 R+2 Republican
Iowa 4 R+15 Republican
Kansas 1 R+16 Republican
Kansas 2 R+10 Republican
Kansas 3 D+2 Democratic
Kansas 4 R+12 Republican
Kentucky 1 R+23 Republican
Kentucky 2 R+20 Republican
Kentucky 3 D+10 Democratic
Kentucky 4 R+18 Republican
Kentucky 5 R+32 Republican
Kentucky 6 R+7 Republican
Louisiana 1 R+19 Republican
Louisiana 2 D+17 Democratic
Louisiana 3 R+22 Republican
Louisiana 4 R+26 Republican
Louisiana 5 R+18 Republican
Louisiana 6 D+8 Democratic
Maine 1 D+11 Democratic
Maine 2 R+4 Democratic
Maryland 1 R+8 Republican
Maryland 2 D+10 Democratic
Maryland 3 D+12 Democratic
Maryland 4 D+39 Democratic
Maryland 5 D+17 Democratic
Maryland 6 D+3 Democratic
Maryland 7 D+31 Democratic
Maryland 8 D+30 Democratic
Massachusetts 1 D+8 Democratic
Massachusetts 2 D+13 Democratic
Massachusetts 3 D+11 Democratic
Massachusetts 4 D+11 Democratic
Massachusetts 5 D+24 Democratic
Massachusetts 6 D+11 Democratic
Massachusetts 7 D+34 Democratic
Massachusetts 8 D+15 Democratic
Massachusetts 9 D+6 Democratic
Michigan 1 R+11 Republican
Michigan 2 R+15 Republican
Michigan 3 D+4 Democratic
Michigan 4 R+3 Republican
Michigan 5 R+13 Republican
Michigan 6 D+12 Democratic
Michigan 7 EVEN Republican
Michigan 8 R+1 Democratic
Michigan 9 R+16 Republican
Michigan 10 R+3 Republican
Michigan 11 D+9 Democratic
Michigan 12 D+21 Democratic
Michigan 13 D+22 Democratic
Minnesota 1 R+6 Republican
Minnesota 2 D+3 Democratic
Minnesota 3 D+11 Democratic
Minnesota 4 D+18 Democratic
Minnesota 5 D+32 Democratic
Minnesota 6 R+10 Republican
Minnesota 7 R+18 Republican
Minnesota 8 R+7 Republican
Mississippi 1 R+18 Republican
Mississippi 2 D+11 Democratic
Mississippi 3 R+14 Republican
Mississippi 4 R+21 Republican
Missouri 1 D+29 Democratic
Missouri 2 R+4 Republican
Missouri 3 R+13 Republican
Missouri 4 R+21 Republican
Missouri 5 D+12 Democratic
Missouri 6 R+19 Republican
Missouri 7 R+21 Republican
Missouri 8 R+27 Republican
Montana 1 R+5 Republican
Montana 2 R+15 Republican
Nebraska 1 R+6 Republican
Nebraska 2 D+3 Republican
Nebraska 3 R+27 Republican
Nevada 1 D+2 Democratic
Nevada 2 R+7 Republican
Nevada 3 D+1 Democratic
Nevada 4 D+2 Democratic
New Hampshire 1 D+2 Democratic
New Hampshire 2 D+2 Democratic
New Jersey 1 D+10 Democratic
New Jersey 2 R+5 Republican
New Jersey 3 D+5 Democratic
New Jersey 4 R+14 Republican
New Jersey 5 D+2 Democratic
New Jersey 6 D+5 Democratic
New Jersey 7 EVEN Republican
New Jersey 8 D+15 Democratic
New Jersey 9 D+2 Democratic
New Jersey 10 D+27 Democratic
New Jersey 11 D+5 Democratic
New Jersey 12 D+13 Democratic
New Mexico 1 D+7 Democratic
New Mexico 2 EVEN Democratic
New Mexico 3 D+3 Democratic
New York 1 R+4 Republican
New York 2 R+6 Republican
New York 3 EVEN Democratic
New York 4 D+2 Democratic
New York 5 D+24 Democratic
New York 6 D+6 Democratic
New York 7 D+25 Democratic
New York 8 D+24 Democratic
New York 9 D+22 Democratic
New York 10 D+32 Democratic
New York 11 R+10 Republican
New York 12 D+33 Democratic
New York 13 D+32 Democratic
New York 14 D+19 Democratic
New York 15 D+27 Democratic
New York 16 D+18 Democratic
New York 17 D+1 Republican
New York 18 D+2 Democratic
New York 19 D+1 Democratic
New York 20 D+8 Democratic
New York 21 R+10 Republican
New York 22 D+4 Democratic
New York 23 R+10 Republican
New York 24 R+11 Republican
New York 25 D+10 Democratic
New York 26 D+11 Democratic
North Carolina 1 R+1 Democratic
North Carolina 2 D+17 Democratic
North Carolina 3 R+10 Republican
North Carolina 4 D+23 Democratic
North Carolina 5 R+9 Republican
North Carolina 6 R+9 Republican
North Carolina 7 R+7 Republican
North Carolina 8 R+10 Republican
North Carolina 9 R+8 Republican
North Carolina 10 R+9 Republican
North Carolina 11 R+5 Republican
North Carolina 12 D+24 Democratic
North Carolina 13 R+8 Republican
North Carolina 14 R+8 Republican
North Dakota at-large R+18 Republican
Ohio 1 D+3 Democratic
Ohio 2 R+24 Republican
Ohio 3 D+21 Democratic
Ohio 4 R+18 Republican
Ohio 5 R+14 Republican
Ohio 6 R+16 Republican
Ohio 7 R+5 Republican
Ohio 8 R+12 Republican
Ohio 9 R+3 Democratic
Ohio 10 R+3 Republican
Ohio 11 D+28 Democratic
Ohio 12 R+16 Republican
Ohio 13 EVEN Democratic
Ohio 14 R+9 Republican
Ohio 15 R+4 Republican
Oklahoma 1 R+11 Republican
Oklahoma 2 R+28 Republican
Oklahoma 3 R+23 Republican
Oklahoma 4 R+17 Republican
Oklahoma 5 R+9 Republican
Oregon 1 D+20 Democratic
Oregon 2 R+14 Republican
Oregon 3 D+24 Democratic
Oregon 4 D+6 Democratic
Oregon 5 D+4 Democratic
Oregon 6 D+6 Democratic
Pennsylvania 1 D+1 Republican
Pennsylvania 2 D+19 Democratic
Pennsylvania 3 D+40 Democratic
Pennsylvania 4 D+8 Democratic
Pennsylvania 5 D+15 Democratic
Pennsylvania 6 D+6 Democratic
Pennsylvania 7 R+1 Republican
Pennsylvania 8 R+4 Republican
Pennsylvania 9 R+19 Republican
Pennsylvania 10 R+3 Republican
Pennsylvania 11 R+11 Republican
Pennsylvania 12 D+10 Democratic
Pennsylvania 13 R+23 Republican
Pennsylvania 14 R+17 Republican
Pennsylvania 15 R+19 Republican
Pennsylvania 16 R+11 Republican
Pennsylvania 17 D+3 Democratic
Rhode Island 1 D+12 Democratic
Rhode Island 2 D+4 Democratic
South Carolina 1 R+6 Republican
South Carolina 2 R+7 Republican
South Carolina 3 R+21 Republican
South Carolina 4 R+11 Republican
South Carolina 5 R+11 Republican
South Carolina 6 D+13 Democratic
South Carolina 7 R+12 Republican
South Dakota at-large R+15 Republican
Tennessee 1 R+29 Republican
Tennessee 2 R+17 Republican
Tennessee 3 R+18 Republican
Tennessee 4 R+21 Republican
Tennessee 5 R+8 Republican
Tennessee 6 R+17 Republican
Tennessee 7 R+10 Republican
Tennessee 8 R+21 Republican
Tennessee 9 D+23 Democratic
Texas 1 R+25 Republican
Texas 2 R+12 Republican
Texas 3 R+10 Republican
Texas 4 R+16 Republican
Texas 5 R+13 Republican
Texas 6 R+14 Republican
Texas 7 D+12 Democratic
Texas 8 R+16 Republican
Texas 9 D+24 Democratic
Texas 10 R+12 Republican
Texas 11 R+22 Republican
Texas 12 R+11 Republican
Texas 13 R+24 Republican
Texas 14 R+17 Republican
Texas 15 R+7 Republican
Texas 16 D+11 Democratic
Texas 17 R+14 Republican
Texas 18 D+21 Democratic
Texas 19 R+25 Republican
Texas 20 D+12 Democratic
Texas 21 R+11 Republican
Texas 22 R+9 Republican
Texas 23 R+7 Republican
Texas 24 R+7 Republican
Texas 25 R+18 Republican
Texas 26 R+11 Republican
Texas 27 R+14 Republican
Texas 28 R+2 Democratic
Texas 29 D+12 Democratic
Texas 30 D+25 Democratic
Texas 31 R+11 Republican
Texas 32 D+13 Democratic
Texas 33 D+19 Democratic
Texas 34 EVEN Democratic
Texas 35 D+19 Democratic
Texas 36 R+18 Republican
Texas 37 D+26 Democratic
Texas 38 R+10 Republican
Utah 1 R+10 Republican
Utah 2 R+10 Republican
Utah 3 R+10 Republican
Utah 4 R+14 Republican
Vermont at-large D+17 Democratic
Virginia 1 R+3 Republican
Virginia 2 EVEN Republican
Virginia 3 D+18 Democratic
Virginia 4 D+17 Democratic
Virginia 5 R+6 Republican
Virginia 6 R+12 Republican
Virginia 7 D+2 Democratic
Virginia 8 D+26 Democratic
Virginia 9 R+22 Republican
Virginia 10 D+6 Democratic
Virginia 11 D+18 Democratic
Washington 1 D+15 Democratic
Washington 2 D+12 Democratic
Washington 3 R+2 Democratic
Washington 4 R+10 Republican
Washington 5 R+5 Republican
Washington 6 D+10 Democratic
Washington 7 D+39 Democratic
Washington 8 D+3 Democratic
Washington 9 D+22 Democratic
Washington 10 D+9 Democratic
West Virginia 1 R+22 Republican
West Virginia 2 R+20 Republican
Wisconsin 1 R+2 Republican
Wisconsin 2 D+21 Democratic
Wisconsin 3 R+3 Republican
Wisconsin 4 D+26 Democratic
Wisconsin 5 R+11 Republican
Wisconsin 6 R+8 Republican
Wisconsin 7 R+11 Republican
Wisconsin 8 R+8 Republican
Wyoming at-large R+23 Republican

By state

[edit]

The PVIs for states are calculated based on the results of the U.S. presidential elections in 2020 and 2024.[14] The table below reflects the state of Congress and governors, based on the 2024 election results.

State PVI Last presidential
election winner
Party of
governor
Party
in Senate
House
balance
Alabama R+15 Republican Republican Republican 5R, 2D
Alaska R+6 Republican Republican Republican 1R
Arizona R+2 Republican Democratic Democratic 6R, 3D
Arkansas R+15 Republican Republican Republican 4R
California D+12 Democratic Democratic Democratic 43D, 9R
Colorado D+6 Democratic Democratic Democratic 4D, 4R
Connecticut D+8 Democratic Democratic Democratic 5D
Delaware D+8 Democratic Democratic Democratic 1D
Florida R+5 Republican Republican Republican 20R, 8D
Georgia R+1 Republican Republican Democratic 9R, 5D
Hawaii D+13 Democratic Democratic Democratic 2D
Idaho R+18 Republican Republican Republican 2R
Illinois D+6 Democratic Democratic Democratic 14D, 3R
Indiana R+9 Republican Republican Republican 7R, 2D
Iowa R+6 Republican Republican Republican 4R
Kansas R+8 Republican Democratic Republican 3R, 1D
Kentucky R+15 Republican Democratic Republican 5R, 1D
Louisiana R+11 Republican Republican Republican 4R, 2D
Maine D+4 Democratic Democratic Both[nb 1] 2D
Maryland D+15 Democratic Democratic Democratic 7D, 1R
Massachusetts D+14 Democratic Democratic Democratic 9D
Michigan EVEN Republican Democratic Democratic 7R, 6D
Minnesota D+3 Democratic Democratic Democratic 4D, 4R
Mississippi R+11 Republican Republican Republican 3R, 1D
Missouri R+9 Republican Republican Republican 6R, 2D
Montana R+10 Republican Republican Republican 2R
Nebraska R+10 Republican Republican Republican 3R
Nevada R+1 Republican Republican Democratic 3D, 1R
New Hampshire D+2 Democratic Republican Democratic 2D
New Jersey D+4 Democratic Democratic Democratic 9D, 3R
New Mexico D+4 Democratic Democratic Democratic 3D
New York D+8 Democratic Democratic Democratic 19D, 7R
North Carolina R+1 Republican Democratic Republican 10R, 4D
North Dakota R+18 Republican Republican Republican 1R
Ohio R+5 Republican Republican Republican 10R, 5D
Oklahoma R+17 Republican Republican Republican 5R
Oregon D+8 Democratic Democratic Democratic 5D, 1R
Pennsylvania R+1 Republican Democratic Both 10R, 7D
Rhode Island D+8 Democratic Democratic Democratic 2D
South Carolina R+8 Republican Republican Republican 6R, 1D
South Dakota R+15 Republican Republican Republican 1R
Tennessee R+14 Republican Republican Republican 8R, 1D
Texas R+6 Republican Republican Republican 25R, 13D
Utah R+11 Republican Republican Republican 4R
Vermont D+17 Democratic Republican Democratic[nb 2] 1D
Virginia D+3 Democratic Republican Democratic 6D, 5R
Washington D+10 Democratic Democratic Democratic 8D, 2R
Washington, D.C. D+44 Democratic Democratic[nb 3]
N/A
1D[nb 4]
West Virginia R+21 Republican Republican Republican 2R
Wisconsin EVEN Republican Democratic Both 6R, 2D
Wyoming R+23 Republican Republican Republican 1R

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) is a metric developed by the Cook Political Report in to quantify the partisan lean of U.S. congressional districts and states relative to the national average in presidential elections. It calculates the difference between a district's or state's average Democratic or Republican presidential vote share over the two most recent election cycles and the nationwide average, expressed as a positive or negative deviation (e.g., D+3 indicates a 3-point Democratic advantage over the national benchmark). This index provides a standardized, of baseline partisanship, independent of specific candidates or short-term factors, enabling analysts to assess electoral competitiveness and structural biases in representation. Widely utilized in political analysis, the Cook PVI informs predictions of congressional race outcomes, evaluations of impacts, and studies of geographic polarization. For instance, districts with PVI scores near zero are considered swing areas prone to flipping parties, while extreme scores (e.g., R+10 or D+10) signal safe seats for one party, often reflecting demographic sorting or effects. The index has evolved with methodological refinements, such as the 2022 update incorporating 2016 and 2020 results to better capture contemporary voting patterns amid increasing nationalization of elections. Recent iterations, including the 2025 edition, reveal modest in some metrics, with fewer ultra-partisan districts compared to prior cycles, though overall trends underscore persistent divides driven by urban-rural and socioeconomic factors. As a tool from the nonpartisan Cook Political Report—founded by election forecaster —the PVI prioritizes data-driven assessment over ideological narratives, aiding transparency in how electoral maps translate population preferences into legislative power. Its adoption by campaigns, journalists, and scholars highlights its role in fostering causal understanding of partisan dynamics, though interpretations must account for limitations like reliance solely on presidential data, which may not fully proxy local voting behavior.

History and Development

Origins and Introduction

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) is a statistical measure designed to quantify the partisan lean of individual U.S. congressional and states by comparing their voting patterns to the national average. It provides a standardized score indicating the degree to which a or state favors one over the other, typically expressed in a format such as "R+5" for a 5-point Republican advantage or "D+3" for a Democratic edge, based on averaged results from the two most recent . This index serves as a baseline for analysts to evaluate electoral competitiveness, vulnerability, and partisan shifts independent of specific candidate effects. Developed by , founder of the independent analysis firm Cook Political Report (established in ), the PVI originated as a tool to address the need for a consistent, data-driven method to assess district-level partisanship amid evolving electoral maps and voter behavior. Cook introduced the index in 1997, drawing on presidential vote shares as a proxy for underlying partisan strength, which he argued offered greater reliability than results that could be distorted by local factors like candidate quality or scandals. At the time, political forecasting relied heavily on qualitative judgments, and the PVI aimed to inject empirical precision by normalizing district performance against national benchmarks, facilitating comparisons across cycles and geographies. The index's debut coincided with post-1996 election analysis, when and midterm dynamics highlighted discrepancies between presidential and congressional voting, prompting Cook to formalize a metric that could predict baseline outcomes in future races. Initial applications focused on the 435 districts, with extensions to states following as improved, establishing PVI as a staple in nonpartisan political despite its origins in a known for proprietary ratings. Updates occur after each and cycle to reflect new boundaries and voter alignments, ensuring ongoing relevance without altering the core presidential-comparison methodology.

Evolution and Updates

The Cook Partisan Voting Index was first introduced in August 1997 by the Cook Political Report to quantify the partisan lean of congressional districts relative to the national average in presidential elections. Initially calculated using data from the two most recent presidential elections with equal weighting, the index has been updated biennially following federal elections and decennial redistricting cycles to reflect shifts in district boundaries and voter behavior. These updates incorporate presidential vote shares from the prior two cycles, averaged against the national benchmark, ensuring the PVI captures evolving partisan baselines without overemphasizing transient national swings. A significant methodological refinement occurred in 2022, coinciding with the 25th anniversary edition and post-2020 , when the Cook Political Report shifted from equal weighting of the two prior elections to a 3-to-1 emphasis on the most recent cycle ( over 2016). This adjustment, aimed at better accounting for recent electoral realignments such as swings among voters in states like and , resulted in PVI shifts exceeding 1 point for about 7% of districts, with notable rightward moves in (11 districts by 2 points) and leftward in (7 of 8 districts by 1 point). Prior to 2020, calculations relied on data from Polidata, but subsequent versions partnered with Dave Leip's U.S. Election Atlas for precinct-level presidential results, enhancing accuracy for redrawn districts via tools like Dave's App and VEST projections. The 2025 edition, released in early April, applies this weighted approach to the and presidential results across all 435 districts and states, revealing a modest national with fewer extreme PVIs compared to prior cycles. Updates continue to prioritize two-party vote shares to isolate partisan performance from third-party influences, maintaining the index's focus on structural lean over idiosyncratic turnout. This iterative process has sustained the PVI's utility amid and demographic changes, though it requires recalibration after each to align with new geographic units.

Methodology

Data Sources and Calculation

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) relies on presidential election results as its primary data source, specifically the two-party vote shares for Democratic and Republican candidates in the most recent two presidential elections. For the 2025 edition, this encompasses the 2020 and 2024 elections, with precinct-level data aggregated or estimated to align with current congressional district boundaries following redistricting. Prior to 2021, vote data were sourced from Polidata, a vendor providing results; since then, the Cook Political Report has utilized results from Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections for greater accuracy in historical and state-level tabulations. For affected by , 2020 results incorporated into the 2025 PVI were updated using Dave's Redistricting App, which applies Voting Election Science Team (VEST) precinct-level data from the Harvard , disaggregated to census blocks where precincts are split across district lines. This methodology ensures vote estimates reflect post-2020 boundary changes without relying on outdated geographies. Calculation begins by determining each district's or state's average two-party Democratic vote share across the two elections, weighted 75% toward the more recent contest () and 25% toward the prior one () to emphasize current trends. This district-level share is then subtracted from a normalized national two-party Democratic average, set at approximately 50% after weighting the national results from the same elections, yielding the partisan deviation. For instance, a averaging 57% Democratic two-party support results in a D+7 score (57% - 50% = +7 Democratic lean), while 46% yields R+4 (50% - 46% = +4 Republican lean); scores within 0.5 points of even are classified as EVEN. This formula, refined in recent updates to incorporate weighting, provides a snapshot of partisan performance relative to , updated biennially after presidential cycles and decennial .

Format and Score Interpretation

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) is formatted as a letter followed by a plus sign and a numeric value, such as R+5 or D+3, where "R" denotes a Republican lean and "D" a Democratic lean, or as "Even" for districts or states aligning with the national average. The numeric value represents the , in percentage points, between the area's two-party presidential vote share and the national two-party average, averaged across the two most recent presidential elections (2020 and 2024 for the 2025 PVI). A positive score indicates the extent to which the area deviates from national norms in favor of one party; for example, R+5 means the district or state supported the Republican presidential candidate by 5 percentage points more than the national two-party average across those elections, signaling a reliable Republican tilt. Conversely, D+3 reflects a 3-point Democratic advantage over the national benchmark, implying greater resilience to Republican-leaning national environments. Scores near zero, such as Even or R+1, denote competitive areas where outcomes closely track national trends, while absolute values exceeding ±7 typically indicate safe seats for the favored party due to structural partisan advantages. This format enables direct comparisons of partisan strength independent of specific candidate effects, though it assumes presidential voting patterns proxy broader partisan behavior.

Applications and Uses

Congressional Districts

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) quantifies the partisan lean of each of the 435 U.S. congressional districts by comparing their average Democratic two-party presidential vote share from the two most recent elections to the national average. For the 2025 PVI, this uses data from the and 2024 presidential elections; the difference determines the score, with D+ indicating points above the national Democratic average and R+ points below. Districts within 0.5 points of the national average receive an "EVEN" designation. PVI scores for congressional districts are updated following decennial redistricting and presidential elections to align with current boundaries and voting patterns. This adjustment accounts for changes in district composition due to population shifts or map alterations, providing a consistent measure of underlying partisanship. A district rated R+7, for example, supported the Republican presidential candidate by approximately 7 percentage points more than the nation overall across the two cycles. In practice, congressional PVIs serve as a foundational tool for electoral analysis, identifying districts with leans near EVEN as more susceptible to swings based on national tides or candidate strength, while extreme scores (e.g., beyond R+10 or D+10) signal safe seats resilient to typical partisan shifts. The index underscores persistent polarization at the district level, with fewer districts exhibiting balanced partisanship compared to prior cycles, reflecting geographic sorting and effects that concentrate like-minded voters. Cook Political Report incorporates district PVIs into its House race ratings, layering them with incumbency advantages, candidate , and polling to forecast competitiveness. Districts defying their PVI—such as those won by candidates from the minority party—often involve unique local dynamics or national wave elections, as evidenced in past cycles where generic ballot preferences amplified swings in moderate-leaning seats.

States and Broader

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) extends beyond congressional districts to assess partisanship at the state level by comparing each state's average two-party presidential vote share in the prior two elections— and for the index—to the national average. A positive score followed by "R+" denotes a Republican lean (e.g., R+14 means the state voted 14 points more Republican than the nation), while "D+" indicates a Democratic lean; scores within 0.5 points of even are classified as EVEN. This state-level application, introduced alongside the district metric in , benchmarks underlying partisan tendencies independent of incumbency or candidate effects, aiding analysis of gubernatorial, senatorial, and legislative races. The 2025 state PVIs reflect a landscape of heightened polarization, with only a handful of states near even: (R+1), (R+1), (D+1), (D+1), and (D+1). Solidly Republican states dominate the , , and Mountain West (e.g., R+23, R+22, R+20, R+20), while solidly Democratic states cluster on the coasts and (e.g., District of Columbia D+43, D+16, D+15, D+15). Compared to , when 26 states fell within R+5 to D+5 (deemed competitive), the number has declined, signaling geographic partisan sorting where voters increasingly self-segregate into ideologically aligned regions.
State/District2025 Cook PVI
AlabamaR+14
AlaskaR+8
ArizonaR+2
ArkansasR+16
CaliforniaD+13
ColoradoD+4
ConnecticutD+7
DelawareD+7
District of ColumbiaD+43
FloridaR+6
GeorgiaR+2
HawaiiD+15
IdahoR+18
IllinoisD+7
IndianaR+11
IowaR+7
KansasR+10
KentuckyR+16
LouisianaR+12
MaineD+2
MarylandD+14
MassachusettsD+15
MichiganR+1
MinnesotaD+1
MississippiR+11
MissouriR+11
MontanaR+7
NebraskaR+14
NevadaD+1
New HampshireD+1
New JerseyD+6
New MexicoD+6
New YorkD+10
North CarolinaR+3
North DakotaR+20
OhioR+6
OklahomaR+20
OregonD+7
PennsylvaniaR+1
Rhode IslandD+9
South CarolinaR+8
South DakotaR+16
TennesseeR+15
TexasR+5
UtahR+13
VermontD+16
VirginiaD+3
WashingtonD+8
West VirginiaR+23
WisconsinR+2
WyomingR+22
For broader geography, state PVIs illuminate regional patterns, such as the Republican tilt in the Sun Belt's interior (e.g., Texas R+5, Florida R+6) versus Democratic strength in Pacific and Northeastern enclaves, though the index does not extend formally to sub-state units like counties or metros. This granularity underscores causal drivers of polarization, including migration to like-minded areas and urban-rural divides, with empirical data showing PVI-correlated outcomes in non-presidential races (e.g., 2022 midterms aligning closely with state leans). Analysts use these scores to forecast electoral viability, noting that swings of 3-5 points can flip competitive states, as seen in recent cycles where battlegrounds like Georgia (R+2) and Arizona (R+2) delivered narrow margins.

Analytical and Predictive Roles

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) facilitates analysis of electoral competitiveness by quantifying a district's or state's inherent partisan bias relative to national presidential voting patterns, allowing researchers to isolate structural factors from short-term swings driven by candidates or national tides. For instance, post-redistricting assessments often employ PVI to evaluate how map changes alter partisan tilts, as seen in the 2022 cycle where shifts in PVIs highlighted packing and cracking strategies in states like New York and . This metric enables granular comparisons, revealing trends such as slight in the 2025 PVI update, where the share of districts with PVIs exceeding ±10 points declined marginally from prior cycles. In predictive applications, PVI serves as a foundational input for congressional and gubernatorial races, establishing expected vote shares under neutral conditions—for example, a rated R+3 is projected to deliver approximately 3 percentage points more support to Republican candidates than the national average in presidential-aligned elections. Cook Political Report integrates PVI into its race ratings methodology, combining it with polling averages, advantages, and data to classify contests; districts with PVIs of R+7 or greater are frequently deemed "Solid Republican" unless offset by wave effects or scandals, as evidenced in the 2026 House ratings where over 200 seats carried such leans. Forecasting models beyond Cook, including statistical approaches, leverage PVI to adjust for geographic partisanship, enhancing accuracy in Senate predictions by incorporating it into hierarchical Bayesian frameworks that weigh state leans against polls and fundamentals. PVI's predictive utility extends to broader electoral simulations, such as estimating partisan control under varying national generic ballot margins; analysts apply it to project House majorities by simulating outcomes in districts grouped by PVI bands, a technique used in post-2020 analyses to quantify the resilience of slim majorities to small vote shifts. However, its effectiveness hinges on the stability of presidential-down-ballot alignment, with deviations in low-turnout or candidate-centric races requiring supplementary adjustments.

Reception, Accuracy, and Criticisms

Adoption and Empirical Strengths

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) has been widely adopted since its introduction in 1997 by the Cook Political Report as a standard metric for quantifying the partisan lean of U.S. congressional districts and states relative to national presidential voting patterns. It is routinely incorporated into electoral forecasting models, academic analyses of and competitiveness, and media assessments of district vulnerability, with applications spanning organizations like FairVote, which has utilized PVI for over 25 years to evaluate the predictability of election outcomes based on underlying partisan bias. Political forecasting efforts, such as those for the 2020 elections and U.S. races, frequently employ PVI as a core covariate alongside polling data to enhance predictive accuracy, demonstrating its integration into both journalistic and scholarly workflows. Empirically, PVI exhibits strong for congressional results, as with scores deviating significantly from even (e.g., R+10 or D+10) consistently deliver margins aligning with their partisan baseline, rendering extreme-PVI seats in 81% of cases for the 2026 cycle according to analyses of historical . This stems from PVI's foundation in high-turnout presidential elections over two cycles, which capture broad partisan preferences more reliably than lower-turnout midterm contests, yielding correlations with observed House vote shares that outperform simpler demographic proxies. In computational models of vote elasticity, PVI effectively measures baseline partisanship, enabling precise simulations of how alters competitiveness without over-relying on volatile recent congressional results. Further strengths include PVI's temporal stability post-redistricting and its utility in national-level aggregates, where aggregated district PVIs approximate overall partisan balance, aiding detection of systemic biases like gerrymandering's canceling effects across parties. Unlike alternatives such as FiveThirtyEight's Partisan Propensity Index, PVI's simplicity—deriving solely from verifiable presidential vote data—facilitates reproducible, data-driven comparisons across cycles, with validations in peer-reviewed confirming its explanatory power for outcomes in balanced versus skewed districts. These attributes underscore PVI's role as a robust, empirically grounded benchmark, though its presidential anchoring assumes consistent ticket-splitting patterns absent major national wave elections.

Limitations and Methodological Critiques

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) relies exclusively on results from the two most recent cycles as a proxy for district-level partisanship, potentially overlooking systematic divergences between presidential and congressional voter behavior. Such differences arise because House races often exhibit patterns influenced by local factors, whereas presidential contests are more nationalized. Methodological critiques highlight the PVI's failure to incorporate socioeconomic variables, such as district income levels, which demonstrably affect congressional outcomes beyond presidential vote shares. For example, empirical analysis of open-seat House races from 2002 to 2008 shows Democrats overperforming their presidential margins in lower-income districts (e.g., those with higher percentages of households earning under $25,000 annually), a dynamic not captured by PVI scores alone. This omission can lead to less accurate predictions for non-presidential races, prompting alternatives like FiveThirtyEight's Partisan Propensity Index, which integrates such factors for improved forecasting precision. By limiting data to just two presidential elections and updating only post-redistricting or after presidential years, the PVI may amplify anomalies from specific cycles—such as turnout spikes or candidate-specific effects—and underrepresent gradual partisan realignments over longer periods. This static nature contrasts with regression-based approaches in competing metrics, which average multiple elections (e.g., 2008–2020) with recency weighting to smooth volatility and better reflect enduring leans.

Debates on Partisan Implications

The Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) has been employed to quantify the extent of partisan divergence in electoral , with exhibiting PVIs beyond ±5 often classified as seats that limit cross-party competition. This metric underscores a trend toward greater polarization, as evidenced by the decline in competitive : in the , over 100 House had PVIs within ±3 points of the national average, whereas post-2020 redistricting cycles show fewer than 50 such , implying reduced incentives for bipartisan moderation among incumbents. Analyses using PVI data indicate that seats correlate with heightened ideological consistency in congressional voting, potentially exacerbating national polarization by enabling representatives to prioritize primary electorates over general voters. A central debate concerns the causal drivers of these partisan extremes, with some attributing them primarily to —deliberate district boundary manipulations that pack or crack opposing voters—while others emphasize organic voter realignment and geographic sorting. Proponents of the gerrymandering explanation argue that enables parties to entrench advantages, as seen in states like where post-2010 maps produced PVIs favoring Republicans despite competitive statewide presidential results. However, empirical assessments counter that accounts for only a fraction of the shift; for instance, between 2012 and 2022, many former swing districts maintained or intensified their partisan leans even without boundary changes, attributable to Democrats concentrating in urban cores and Republicans in rural and exurban areas—a pattern reinforced by demographic migration data showing partisan since the . This sorting dynamic, driven by cultural and economic factors rather than mapmakers, suggests that PVI extremes reflect underlying societal divisions more than institutional rigging, challenging narratives that overstate 's role in diminished competition. These interpretations carry broader implications for democratic representation and party strategy, as entrenched PVIs may perpetuate minority rule in polarized environments by rewarding over . Critics of over-relying on PVI for assessments note its focus on presidential vote shares—nationalized contests with higher turnout—potentially inflating leans relative to local congressional races, thus understating natural variability in down-ballot preferences. Conversely, defenders highlight PVI's utility in forecasting electoral outcomes, with districts matching their PVI lean in over 90% of recent cycles, informing debates on whether reforms like independent commissions meaningfully counteract sorting-driven polarization or merely redistribute safe seats between parties. Ultimately, the metric's revelations prompt scrutiny of causal realism over partisan blame, as geographic clustering appears to sustain high PVIs independently of map alterations.

References

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