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Good moral character
View on WikipediaGood moral character is an ideal state of a person's beliefs and values that is considered most beneficial to society.[1][2]
In United States law, good moral character can be assessed through the requirement of virtuous acts or by principally evaluating negative conduct.[3][4][5] Whether the assessment of good moral character depends more on the evaluator or the assessee has been the subject of significant debate, and a consensus has not been reached between scholars,[6] jurists, courts, administrative agencies, and legislators.[7] Legal judgments of good moral character can include consideration of honesty, trustworthiness, diligence, reliability, respect for the law, integrity, candor, discretion, observance of fiduciary duty, respect for the rights of others, absence of hatred and discrimination, fiscal responsibility, mental and emotional stability, profession-specific criteria such as pledging to honor the Constitution and uphold the law, and the absence of a criminal conviction.[8] Since the moral character of a person is an intrinsic psychological characteristic and cannot be measured directly,[9] some scholars and statutes have used the phrase "behaved as a person of good moral character".[10]
People must have good moral character determined as a fact of law in predominately two contexts – (1) state-issued licensure that allows one to work and practice a regulated profession[11] and (2) federal government-issued U.S. citizenship certificates whereby an immigrant undergoes naturalization to become a citizen. Many laws create a paradox by placing the burden of proof of good moral character on the applicant while such a proof, but not the law, necessitates that the evaluators assess the beliefs and values of the applicant.[12]
Good moral character is the opposite of moral turpitude, another legal concept in the United States used in similar instances.
Assessments
[edit]Good moral character is usually considered to be present when a person has several positive moral findings and has no-to-minimal negative moral findings. Positive evidence of good moral character can include letters of recommendation, pursuing education, working six days a week, owning one's home, attending church every Sunday, marrying one's high-school sweetheart, having strong ties to one's nuclear family, coaching little league teams, paying taxes, paying bills on time, and volunteering in the community.[13]
Moral luck might influence the assessments of moral character. If one volunteers to help others, they may be considered a better person if something bad, uncontrollable, and unexpected happens to them while they are working. For example, a man who is stung by a bee while mowing the lawn for an elderly neighbor is often rated as having a better moral character than a similar man who is not stung by a bee.[14]
Negative findings of moral character can include a single legal citation, working for a marijuana farm or dispensary,[15] having children without being married, not paying taxes, dishonesty, receiving government support, and advocating for racism.[16] According to some moral character assessors, virtually all crimes such as city ordinance violations, misdemeanors, as well as felonies are considered to be de facto evidence that a person does not have good moral character. However, many states exclude minor traffic violations as part of a person's character assessment. The presence of any negative finding can outweigh several positive findings.
In immigration law
[edit]Even minor violations of the law can be the sole reason for denying citizenship.[17] The United States Citizenship and Immigration Services describes "good moral character" as an absence of involvement in the following activities:[18]
- Being convicted of murder
- Being convicted of an aggravated felony or Federal crime, which includes:
- Murder, rape, or sexual abuse of a minor
- Illicit trafficking in controlled substances
- Firearms, destructive devices, and explosive materials offenses
- Money laundering
- Crimes of violence for which the term of imprisonment is at least one year
- Theft and burglary offenses for which the term of imprisonment is at least one year
- Crimes involving the demand for or receipt of ransom
- Crimes involving child pornography
- Crimes involving a violation of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO)
- A second or subsequent gambling offense for which a one-year or greater term of imprisonment may be imposed
- Prostitution managing and transporting offenses
- Crimes against the government
- Offenses that jeopardize national security
- Offenses that involve fraud or deceit in which the victims' aggregate losses exceed $10,000
- Tax evasion involving a government loss in excess of $10,000
- People smuggling, except for first offenses involving attempts to enable entry by a relative of the accused
- Certain offenses committed by immigrants who were previously deported for having committed a crime
- Passport fraud offenses with a term of imprisonment of one year or greater, except for first offenses involving attempts to enable entry by a relative of the accused
- Failure to appear to serve a sentence for which the underlying offense is punishable by imprisonment for five or more years
- Offenses involving commercial bribery, counterfeiting, forgery, or trafficking in vehicles with altered identification numbers with a term of imprisonment of at least one year
- Offenses involving obstruction of justice, perjury, subornation of perjury, and witness tampering with a term of imprisonment of at least one year
- Failure to appear in court pursuant to court order to answer to a felony charge for which a sentence of two or more years’ imprisonment may be imposed
- Committing or being convicted of one or more crimes involving "moral turpitude"[19]
- Committing and being convicted of two or more offenses with a total sentence of five or more years
- Being confined to a penal institution during the statutory period (either the preceding three or five years, depending on the circumstances, or one year for Armed Forces expedited cases) for an aggregate of 180 days or more
- Committing and being convicted of two or more gambling offenses
- Earning your principal income from gambling.
- Being involved in prostitution or commercialized vice
- Being involved in smuggling illegal aliens into the United States
- Being a habitual drunkard
- Practicing polygamy
- Willfully failing or refusing to support dependents
- Giving false testimony under oath in order to receive benefits under the Immigration and Nationality Act
Additionally, several other prior activities can disqualify a person from having a current "good moral character"[20]
- Failing to register with the Selective Service System
- Providing false information in documents
- Falsely claiming U.S. citizenship
In employment
[edit]Teachers, nurses, physicians, attorneys, barbers, liquor salespersons, pharmacists, and many other professionals require a state-issued license to perform their job.[21][22][23] In order to obtain a license to work, one must meet the regular non-moral requirements such as years of education and also convince the state board that the applicant has good moral character. However, the criteria used to determine good moral character can vary significantly.[24][25][26] Background checks are a type of verification of good moral character and they are often accompanied by drug testing. For admission to the bar in the United States, lawyers must go through extensive moral character checks as part of the application process.[27] Employers and some government regulations also require good moral character for positions such as executioners,[28] or for operating businesses selling pornographic materials.[29]
On May 14, 2019, Oklahoma enacted a law to remove the good moral character clauses from their licensure requirements and implemented more objective standards.[30] In 2019, Mississippi enacted legislation to limit the use of "vague" terms such as "moral turpitude" and "good character" by state agencies.[31]
In medicine
[edit]A 1975 survey by Camenisch included responses from 19 state medical board presidents (respondents) wherein they placed eight characteristics of good moral character in order of importance from most to least.
They were (in ranked order):
- readiness to abide by laws governing medical practice (e.g., abortion and drug laws);
- willingness to abide by moral demands of doctor-patient relationship (e.g., to observe confidentiality);
- ranking patient's well-being as his highest goal in his practice of medicine;
- willingness to abide by professional etiquette (e.g., not to advertise);
- dedication to delivering the highest quality of medical care he and the science are capable of;
- dedication to enhancing public health through preventative as well as curative measures;
- dedication to seeing that all needing medical care get it under conditions they can meet without hardship; and
- preference for the traditional fee-for-service mode of practice.
Camenisch writes, "The grouping of the eight elements in the order of importance makes it clear that 'good moral character' in the minds of the respondents emphatically has more to do with the professional's obligations to a limited number of specific individuals, to his patients, than to the society at large, to the entire population of those needing health care... this second area ... includes such matters as the distribution of health care and the mode and ease of patient access to it. ... this low ranking of societal issues and responsibilities is of special interest in light of the fact that these same respondents, when asked to indicate the major differences between professional and other occupational licensing, gave highest place to 'the degree of dedication to the public well-being expected of the licensee.'"[32]
References
[edit]- ^ Nicomachean Ethics (PDF).
- ^ Roy F. Baumeister (2018). Graham, Jesse; Gray, Kurt James (eds.). Atlas of moral psychology. New York: The Guilford Press. p. 334. ISBN 9781462532568. OCLC 1019835254.
- ^ "In re Alpert, 269 Ore. 508, at 518 (1974)".
- ^ "In Re Applicants for License, 131 S.E. 661, 191 N.C. 235 – CourtListener.com". CourtListener.
- ^ "Good Moral Character [Contract] Law and Legal Definition | USLegal, Inc". definitions.uslegal.com.
- ^ Rhode, Deborah L. (27 December 2018). "Virtue and the Law: The Good Moral Character Requirement in Occupational Licensing, Bar Regulation, and Immigration Proceedings". Law & Social Inquiry. 43 (3): 1027–1058. doi:10.1111/lsi.12332.
- ^ Keith, Swisher (2012). "The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character". St. John's Law Review. 82 (3).
- ^ Theresa, Keeley (2004). "Good Moral Character: Already an Unconstitutionally Vague Concept and Now Putting Bar Applicants in a Post-9/11 World on an Elevated Threat Level". University of Pennsylvania Journal of Constitutional Law. 6 (4). ISSN 1521-2823.
- ^ Anderson, Barrett J. (2012). "Recognizing Character: A New Perspective on Character Evidence". The Yale Law Journal. 121 (7): 1912–1968. JSTOR 41510461.
- ^ "Aliens guilty of crime here and pardoned not entitled to naturalization". The Albany Law Journal: 153–155. 1878.
- ^ Craddock, Larry. ""Good Moral Character" As A Licensing Standard". www.texasbarcle.com.
- ^ Cohen, Taya R.; Morse, Lily (2014). "Moral character: What it is and what it does". Research in Organizational Behavior. 34: 43–61. doi:10.1016/j.riob.2014.08.003. S2CID 144722348.
- ^ Mendelson, Margot K. (2010). "Constructing America: Mythmaking in U.S. Immigration Courts". The Yale Law Journal. 119 (5): 1012–1058. JSTOR 20698316.
- ^ Schaumberg, Rebecca L.; Mullen, Elizabeth (1 November 2017). "From incidental harms to moral elevation: The positive effect of experiencing unintentional, uncontrollable, and unavoidable harms on perceived moral character". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 73: 86–96. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2017.06.016. ISSN 0022-1031.
- ^ U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (April 19, 2019). "Policy Alert 2019-02; Controlled Substance Related Activity and Good Moral Character Determinations" (PDF).
- ^ Billy, Jason (2006). "Confronting Racists at the Bar: Matthew Hale, Moral Character, and Regulating the Marketplace of Ideas". Harvard Blackletter Law Journal. 22.
- ^ http://www.seattlepi.com/local/172675_suit10.html One mistake robs man of citizenship
- ^ "What is good moral character?" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-11-27. Retrieved 2007-11-18.
- ^ http://www.americanlaw.com/exclude3.html Aliens who have been convicted of, or who admit to having committed, or who admit to committing acts which constitute the essential elements of a crime involving moral turpitude, other than purely political offenses are excludable under INA §212(a)(2)(A)(i)(I).
- ^ Lapp, Kevin (2012). "Reforming the Good Moral Character Requirement for U.S. Citizenship". Indiana Law Journal. 87 (4). Retrieved 28 May 2018.
- ^ Opinion, Trump Hotel keeps its liquor license — and that's as it should be (Washington Post). https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/all-opinions-are-local/wp/2018/09/17/trump-hotel-keeps-its-liquor-license-and-thats-as-it-should-be/
- ^ Rhode, Deborah L. (1985). Moral Character as a Professional Credential. The Yale Law Journal, 94(3), 491–603. https://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=6904&context=ylj
- ^ Baude, Patrick L. (1993). An Essay on the Regulation of the Legal Profession and the Future of Lawyer's Characters. Indiana Law Journal, 68(3). https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol68/iss3/3/
- ^ Vranas, Peter B. M. (2009). Against Moral Character Evaluations: The Undetectability of Virtue and Vice. The Journal of Ethics, 13(2–3), 213–233. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10892-009-9049-z
- ^ Clemens, Aaron M. (2007). Facing the Klieg Lights: Understanding the "Good Moral Character" Examination for Bar Applicants. Akron Law Review, 40(2). http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol40/iss2/2/
- ^ McChrystal, Michael K. (1984). A Structural Analysis of the Good Moral Character Requirement for Bar Admission. Notre Dame Law Review, 60, 67. http://scholarship.law.marquette.edu/facpub/491
- ^ Rhode, Deborah L. (1988). Moral Character: The Personal and the Political. Loyola University Chicago Law Journal, 20(1). https://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj/vol20/iss1/2/
- ^ News.com.au (2019). Sri Lanka hiring executioners with ‘excellent moral character.’ https://www.news.com.au/finance/work/careers/island-nation-advertises-for-moral-executioners/news-story/c1107a8ebf11a353f432627d5f90404e
- ^ CityOfBlueRidgeGa.gov (Adult Entertainment Ordinance). Defines “good moral character” for adult establishments. https://www.cityofblueridgega.gov/media/1396#
- ^ "Oklahoma HB1373 2019 Regular Session". LegiScan.
- ^ "Mississippi SB2781 Approved by Governor {2019} Regular Session". LegiScan.
- ^ Camenisch, PF (August 1978). "On the matter of good moral character". The Linacre Quarterly. 45 (3): 273–83. PMID 11661606.
Good moral character
View on GrokipediaPhilosophical Foundations
Core Definition and Concepts
Good moral character, in philosophical terms, denotes a stable set of dispositions or traits that reliably incline an individual to choose and perform actions aligned with ethical excellence, rather than mere compliance with rules or pursuit of consequences.[1] These traits, often termed virtues, encompass qualities such as honesty, courage, justice, and temperance, which enable consistent moral agency across diverse situations.[2] Unlike transient behaviors or situational responses, good moral character involves enduring habits formed through deliberate practice and rational reflection, making the person themselves morally good rather than their actions in isolation.[15] Central to this concept in ancient philosophy, particularly Aristotle's virtue ethics as outlined in the Nicomachean Ethics, moral character (êthos) is a state of the soul achieved via habituation, positioned as a mean between excess and deficiency in response to pleasures and pains.[16] Aristotle posits that virtues like courage (mean between rashness and cowardice) or generosity (between prodigality and stinginess) are not innate but cultivated through repeated actions, fostering a disposition where the virtuous person delights in right conduct.[17] This teleological view ties good character to eudaimonia (human flourishing), arguing that moral excellence perfects human nature by aligning choices with reason's practical wisdom (phronêsis).[1] In contrast, deontological traditions, such as Kantian ethics, emphasize moral character through the "good will," which acts from duty via the categorical imperative rather than inclination or habit alone.[18] Kant views character as the strength to subordinate sensible impulses to rational moral law, rendering actions morally worthy only if motivated by respect for duty, not empirical virtues.[19] Contemporary virtue ethics revives Aristotelian emphases, critiquing rule-based or consequentialist approaches for neglecting character formation, and posits that good moral character integrates cognitive, affective, and behavioral elements into a unified ethical identity.[20] Empirical support for character stability draws from psychological studies showing trait consistency predicts prosocial behavior, though philosophers caution against over-relying on such data without normative grounding.[21]Historical Evolution in Ethics
The concept of good moral character in ethics originated in ancient Greek philosophy, where it was central to eudaimonic theories of human flourishing. Socrates (c. 469–399 BCE) equated virtue with knowledge, positing that moral failings stem from ignorance rather than weakness of will, as explored in Plato's Protagoras.[1] Plato (c. 428–347 BCE) extended this by describing good character as psychic harmony, with justice arising from the rational part of the soul ruling over appetitive and spirited elements, detailed in The Republic. Aristotle (384–322 BCE) systematized the idea in Nicomachean Ethics (c. 350 BCE), defining moral virtue as a stable disposition (hexis) to choose the mean between excess and deficiency in actions and emotions, cultivated through habituation and practical wisdom (phronesis), emphasizing character over isolated acts.[1][2] Hellenistic schools, particularly Stoicism from Zeno of Citium (c. 300 BCE) onward, refined good moral character as alignment of the will with rational nature, viewing virtues like wisdom, courage, justice, and temperance as sufficient for eudaimonia regardless of external circumstances.[1] In medieval philosophy, Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) synthesized Aristotelian virtue ethics with Christian theology in Summa Theologica (1265–1274), portraying good moral character as infused habits disposing the soul toward God through cardinal and theological virtues, subordinating pagan self-sufficiency to divine grace.[2] The early modern period marked a shift away from character-centric ethics toward rule- or outcome-based frameworks. Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) in Metaphysics of Morals (1797) prioritized the good will's adherence to duty over cultivated dispositions, treating virtue as moral strength in following categorical imperatives rather than habitual excellence.[1] David Hume (1711–1776) countered with a sentiment-based view, where character traits like benevolence guide approbation but derive from passions rather than reason alone.[1] Utilitarians such as Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) further de-emphasized intrinsic character, focusing on consequences for aggregate happiness, though Mill acknowledged character formation via education for utility.[15] A 20th-century revival of virtue ethics restored emphasis on good moral character amid critiques of deontological and consequentialist dominance. G.E.M. Anscombe's 1958 essay "Modern Moral Philosophy" argued that rule-focused ethics failed post-Enlightenment, advocating a return to Aristotelian virtues and psychological realism about character.[15] Alasdair MacIntyre's After Virtue (1981) critiqued emotivism and fragmented modernity, proposing good character as narrative coherence within tradition-bound practices fostering virtues like justice and courage.[15] Contemporary virtue ethicists, including Rosalind Hursthouse and Julia Annas, build on this by integrating character dispositions with reasons for action, countering situationist challenges to trait stability with evidence of cross-situational consistency in virtuous behavior.[2]Legal Frameworks and Requirements
Statutory Basis in U.S. Law
The statutory requirement for good moral character in U.S. federal law originates primarily from the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (INA), as amended, which mandates it as a prerequisite for naturalization under 8 U.S.C. § 1427(a)(3). This provision states that no person shall be naturalized unless, during the applicable statutory periods—typically five years of continuous residence immediately preceding the application date, or three years for qualifying spouses of U.S. citizens—the applicant "has been and still is a person of good moral character."[22] The INA ties this requirement to broader eligibility criteria, including attachment to constitutional principles and disposition toward the good order of the United States, with the burden on the applicant to demonstrate compliance.[22] The INA provides a partial definition of good moral character in 8 U.S.C. § 1101(f), enumerating specific classes of persons who are precluded from being regarded as having it during the relevant period. These include: a habitual drunkard; individuals falling within certain inadmissibility grounds under 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(2)(D) (prostitution), (6)(E) (student visa abusers), or (10)(A) (former citizens who renounced to avoid taxes), or deportability grounds under 8 U.S.C. § 1227(a)(2)(A) (crimes involving moral turpitude), (B) (controlled substances), or (C) (firearms/fireworks offenses), excluding isolated simple possession of 30 grams or less of marijuana; those whose income derives principally from illegal gambling; persons convicted of two or more gambling offenses; individuals who gave false testimony to obtain immigration benefits; those confined for 180 days or more aggregate due to conviction in a penal institution; anyone convicted of an aggravated felony at any time prior; and those engaged in conduct such as Nazi persecution, genocide, torture, extrajudicial killing, or severe violations of religious freedom under 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(3)(E) or (2)(G).[23] Exceptions apply to false citizenship claims or unlawful voting by certain long-term residents with U.S. citizen parents who reasonably believed themselves to be citizens.[23] Critically, the statute emphasizes that absence from these enumerated classes does not compel a finding of good moral character, allowing adjudication for "other reasons" based on the totality of circumstances, such as patterns of unlawful behavior or failure to meet community standards of average citizens.[23] This non-exhaustive framework extends the requirement to other INA contexts, including suspension of deportation (now largely superseded) and certain family-based relief, but naturalization remains its core application.[23] While federal statutes in areas like child citizenship under 8 U.S.C. § 1431 reference good moral character, they incorporate the INA's standards without independent definitions.Applications in Immigration and Naturalization
In United States immigration law, good moral character serves as a mandatory eligibility criterion for naturalization under section 316(a)(3) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), requiring applicants to demonstrate that they have been and continue to be persons of good moral character during the statutory period—typically five years immediately preceding the date of filing the application, or three years for qualifying spouses of U.S. citizens.[7][24] This standard is defined as conduct that measures up to the moral standards expected of average citizens in the community of residence, encompassing not only absence of disqualifying acts but also affirmative evidence of ethical behavior.[8] Applicants bear the burden of proof by a preponderance of the evidence, with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officers conducting holistic evaluations that include background checks, interviews, and review of records such as criminal history, tax compliance, and civic engagement.[24][25] Certain acts impose permanent bars to establishing good moral character, rendering applicants ineligible regardless of time elapsed or rehabilitation efforts; these include conviction of murder at any time or an aggravated felony as defined in INA section 101(a)(43).[26][9] Conditional bars apply specifically within the statutory period and can preclude a finding of good moral character unless the applicant demonstrates extenuating circumstances; examples encompass violations of controlled substance laws, two or more convictions involving driving under the influence, habitual drunkenness, prostitution, polygamy, or failure to support dependents.[27][7] Additional disqualifiers include fraud or willful misrepresentation in immigration proceedings, false claims to U.S. citizenship, or unlawful voting, which undermine trust in the naturalization process.[7] A USCIS policy memorandum issued on August 15, 2025, restored a more rigorous evaluation framework, directing officers to consider a broader range of conduct inconsistent with civic responsibility—such as repeated traffic violations, harassment, or failure to pay court-ordered child support—even if not explicitly barred by statute, while weighing positive factors like community service or family responsibilities.[25][7] This holistic approach aims to ensure applicants align with societal norms of integrity and law-abiding behavior, with denials frequently stemming from undisclosed criminal records or patterns of non-compliance that fail to meet the preponderance standard.[25] Failure to establish good moral character results in denial of the naturalization application (Form N-400), potentially leading to removal proceedings if underlying immigration status is affected, though applicants may reapply after addressing deficiencies or upon expiration of conditional bars.[7]Professional and Civic Applications
In Employment and Occupational Licensing
In occupational licensing, statutes in numerous U.S. states mandate that applicants demonstrate good moral character to obtain credentials for professions involving public trust or safety, such as accounting, real estate, and cosmetology. These requirements apply across a wide range of occupations, with states imposing them on 8 to 119 licensed fields each, and industries seeing mandates in 12 to 49 states.[28] The rationale centers on ensuring licensees exhibit honesty and reliability, as character flaws could undermine fiduciary duties or consumer protection.[28] Evaluations typically scrutinize criminal records, application candor, and evidence of ethical conduct, but statutory definitions of good moral character are rare and often vague, appearing explicitly only in fields like accounting. Felony convictions frequently trigger disqualification regardless of the offense's nature, remoteness, or relation to the profession—for instance, barring applicants from roles like Texas mortgage brokering or cosmetology in multiple states.[28][12] Licensing covers roughly 30% of the U.S. workforce in regulated occupations, amplifying the requirement's scope.[12] Such standards have drawn criticism for inconsistency and overbreadth, as they penalize reformed individuals without empirical evidence linking past non-violent offenses to future professional risks—affecting about 70 million Americans with criminal histories.[12] In response, 19 states, including Alabama, Arizona, California, and Connecticut, have banned licensing boards from denying credentials based on vague good moral character or moral turpitude provisions for ex-offenders, prioritizing individualized assessments tied to job-relevant criteria.[29] Judicial oversight has clarified applications; for example, the North Carolina Supreme Court in September 2025 ruled that boards must weigh applicants' honesty, integrity, rehabilitation efforts, and present suitability, rather than fixating on historical lapses alone. In broader employment contexts, particularly for unlicensed roles, employers indirectly evaluate moral character via criminal background checks, reference inquiries, and integrity tests, though these lack the codified "good moral character" threshold of licensing regimes and vary by private policy or federal guidelines like the Fair Credit Reporting Act.[12]In Regulated Professions like Medicine and Law
In the legal profession, admission to the bar in all U.S. states requires applicants to demonstrate good moral character, often evaluated through a dedicated character and fitness review process conducted by state bar examiners or committees.[30] This assessment typically involves disclosure of criminal history, academic misconduct, financial irresponsibility, substance abuse, or acts of dishonesty, with "moral turpitude" serving as a key benchmark for disqualifying conduct, defined as actions contrary to standards of justice, honesty, or good morals.[31] For instance, California's State Bar mandates a positive moral character determination prior to licensure, considering factors such as candor, trustworthiness, and observance of fiduciary duties, and applicants bear the burden of proof.[3] Similarly, South Dakota's statutes explicitly require good moral character for practice, where deficiencies like unaddressed criminal acts can lead to denial.[32] Denials have occurred for issues including falsified applications or drug-related offenses, as these indicate potential risks to client trust and professional integrity.[33] Medical licensing boards in the United States similarly condition physician licensure on good moral character, aiming to ensure competence and ethical practice to safeguard patient welfare.[34] State regulations, such as those in Massachusetts, empower boards to assess applicants' moral character based on criminal convictions, ethical violations, or behaviors reflecting baseness or vileness, often categorized as crimes of moral turpitude.[35][36] Illinois' Medical Practice Act, for example, explicitly requires applicants to exhibit good moral character, factoring in any history that might undermine professional reliability.[37] Michigan's licensing process flags criminal convictions or court judgments as potential indicators of lacking moral character, prompting further investigation.[38] A 2023 case in Iowa involved a physician's license denial by the Board of Medicine on moral character grounds, contested in court over allegations tied to prior professional conduct, highlighting how boards weigh past actions against public protection needs.[39] These requirements stem from statutory frameworks emphasizing public safety in high-stakes fields, where lapses in honesty or ethics could result in harm, such as malpractice in medicine or breaches of client confidentiality in law.[12] Boards often require affidavits, background checks, and references attesting to character, with rehabilitation evidence—like sustained sobriety or community service—potentially mitigating prior issues.[40] Across both professions, the process prioritizes verifiable patterns of behavior over isolated incidents, though evaluations remain state-specific and discretionary within legal bounds.Assessment and Evaluation Processes
Criteria for Determining Good Moral Character
In United States immigration law, good moral character (GMC) for naturalization under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) requires that an applicant demonstrate adherence to the standards of average citizens in their community during the statutory period, typically five years preceding the application or three years for qualifying spouses of U.S. citizens.[8] This determination is made on a case-by-case basis, with USCIS adjudicators evaluating the totality of circumstances rather than relying solely on isolated incidents.[7] Certain acts impose permanent bars to establishing GMC, regardless of the statutory period, including conviction or admission of murder; aggravated felonies as defined in INA 101(a)(43), such as illicit trafficking in controlled substances or money laundering; or other severe offenses like rape or sexual abuse of a minor.[23] Additional permanent bars apply to individuals who have engaged in prostitution, human trafficking, or polygamy within the past ten years, or who have failed to support dependents when able to do so.[9] Conditional bars, applicable only if committed within the statutory period, preclude GMC for offenses such as crimes involving moral turpitude (e.g., fraud or theft with intent to defraud), multiple convictions with aggregate sentences of five years or more, controlled substance violations (except a single offense of simple possession of 30 grams or less of marijuana), or habitual drunkenness leading to multiple arrests.[27] Other conditional factors include unlawful acts like false testimony for immigration benefits, voting unlawfully in federal elections, or failing to register for Selective Service when required.[24] Beyond statutory bars, adjudicators consider a range of positive and negative adjudicative factors in a holistic review, as emphasized in USCIS policy updates effective August 15, 2025, which direct officers to weigh evidence of rehabilitation, community contributions, and overall conduct against disqualifying behaviors.[25] Positive factors may include:- Strong family ties and responsibilities;
- Steady employment history and financial stability;
- Educational attainment and professional achievements;
- Volunteerism or civic involvement;
- Evidence of rehabilitation, such as completion of probation without violations.[41]
Evidence and Investigative Methods
Investigative methods for determining good moral character typically involve comprehensive background checks, including searches of criminal, civil, and financial records conducted through federal databases such as the FBI's National Crime Information Center and state repositories, to identify convictions, arrests, or patterns of unlawful behavior that may disqualify applicants.[7] In U.S. naturalization proceedings, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officers review court records, police reports, and immigration history during the statutory period—generally five years prior to filing, extendable to ten years for certain cases—to assess adherence to legal obligations like tax compliance and child support payments.[26] These checks are supplemented by biometric screenings and interagency data sharing to uncover unreported incidents.[42] Personal evaluations form a core component, with applicants completing detailed questionnaires disclosing past conduct, followed by in-person interviews where officers probe discrepancies, evaluate candor, and gauge ongoing character through responses to hypothetical scenarios or explanations of prior actions.[43] For bar admissions, state character and fitness committees conduct similar interviews, often requiring applicants to produce documentation verifying self-reported information and may initiate independent inquiries, such as contacting references or employers, to verify integrity and rehabilitation efforts.[44] Affidavits and character references provide affirmative evidence, drawn from employers, community leaders, or colleagues attesting to traits like honesty and reliability; in professional licensing contexts, such letters must detail specific interactions and avoid generic praise to demonstrate moral fitness.[45] USCIS policy, updated in August 2025, emphasizes holistic review incorporating positive indicators like stable employment records, volunteer service documentation, educational achievements, and family caregiving roles to counterbalance isolated infractions, ensuring assessments reflect broader behavioral patterns rather than isolated errors.[25] In regulated professions, licensing boards may request proof of rehabilitation, including completion certificates from counseling programs or evidence of community contributions post-offense.[46]- Documentary Evidence: Tax returns, employment histories, and award certificates submitted to affirm responsibility and contributions.[47]
- Third-Party Verification: Mandatory disclosures from past employers or references, cross-checked against public records to detect omissions.[48]
- Ongoing Monitoring: In some cases, post-admission surveillance or periodic renewals requiring updated affidavits to confirm sustained character.[49]
Criticisms, Controversies, and Reforms
Claims of Subjectivity and Discriminatory Bias
Critics argue that assessments of good moral character (GMC) in U.S. immigration and naturalization processes exhibit significant subjectivity, as determinations rely heavily on discretionary judgments by adjudicators rather than uniform, quantifiable standards. The Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) outlines disqualifying factors such as certain criminal convictions or unlawful acts, but many evaluations hinge on vague criteria like "habits and associations" or "adulterous relationships" that lack precise definitions, leading to inconsistent outcomes across cases.[27] For instance, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) officers may weigh evidence of rehabilitation or context differently, resulting in approval rates varying by field office; data from 2019-2023 shows naturalization denial rates fluctuating between 5% and 10% annually, with anecdotal reports of similar fact patterns yielding disparate results. Legal scholars have noted this discretion can introduce personal biases, as evidenced in appellate decisions where Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) reviews overturn GMC denials due to insufficient reasoning, suggesting initial assessments often prioritize subjective impressions over evidence. Claims of discriminatory bias in GMC evaluations often center on disproportionate impacts on applicants from certain cultural, religious, or socioeconomic backgrounds. Immigrant rights organizations contend that criteria emphasizing "moral turpitude" crimes—such as petty theft or disorderly conduct—disproportionately affect low-income or minority applicants, who face higher arrest rates for such offenses due to systemic policing disparities rather than inherent character flaws. A 2018 study by the American Immigration Council analyzed deportation data and found that GMC-related removals were 2.5 times more likely for non-citizens from Latin America compared to those from Europe, attributing this partly to differences in criminal justice reporting and cultural norms around minor infractions. Similarly, in professional licensing contexts, such as bar admissions, GMC inquiries into past substance use or financial irresponsibility have been criticized for embedding class biases, as wealthier applicants can more readily demonstrate rehabilitation through private counseling, whereas others face barriers; a 2022 report from the National Conference of Bar Examiners highlighted how these standards correlate with lower passage rates among first-generation immigrants. Further allegations point to potential ideological or political discrimination, particularly in cases involving activism or associations deemed subversive. During the Cold War era, GMC denials targeted suspected communists, and contemporary critics claim echoes persist in scrutiny of applicants linked to groups like pro-Palestinian organizations, where USCIS has issued Requests for Evidence probing such ties without clear criminal nexus. A 2021 analysis by the Cato Institute reviewed Freedom of Information Act data and found that political speech-related GMC challenges rose 15% post-2016, disproportionately affecting Middle Eastern applicants, though empirical causation for bias remains debated due to national security justifications. Proponents of reform argue these patterns reflect not deliberate prejudice but unexamined cultural assumptions in adjudicators—predominantly from homogeneous backgrounds—yet empirical validation is limited, with most evidence derived from advocacy reports rather than randomized audits. Courts have occasionally invalidated biased applications, as in Matter of Silva-Trevino (2008), where overly broad moral turpitude interpretations were curtailed to prevent arbitrary discrimination. Despite these claims, defenders of GMC standards emphasize their role in safeguarding public trust, noting that subjectivity is mitigated by appellate oversight and evidentiary requirements, with denial rates remaining low overall (under 7% for naturalization in FY 2023). However, proposed reforms, such as codifying clearer metrics or diversifying adjudicator training, aim to address perceived biases without diluting core protections, as recommended in a 2020 Government Accountability Office review that identified training gaps contributing to variability.Empirical Evidence and Policy Responses
Empirical studies have documented inconsistencies in good moral character (GMC) determinations during naturalization proceedings, with approximately 6% of denials subject to administrative appeals, of which about half are successful, indicating variability in initial adjudications.[50] Analogous research on asylum adjudications reveals significant officer-level disparities, with grant rates varying widely—for instance, some officers approving no cases from certain nationalities while others approve up to 68%—suggesting similar risks of subjectivity in GMC evaluations due to discretionary elements like vague statutory bars for "crimes involving moral turpitude."[50] These findings align with broader critiques that rigid, irrebuttable bars added since 1990—encompassing hundreds of offenses, including minor misdemeanors treated as aggravated felonies—fail to account for contextual factors, leading to overinclusive exclusions that contradict evidence of criminal desistance, where over 80% of offenders cease criminal activity by age 28 and recidivism risk aligns with the general population after seven crime-free years.[51] Data on specific GMC grounds highlight potential discriminatory patterns, particularly in false testimony allegations under INA § 101(f)(6), which permit denials for material misrepresentations without requiring intent to deceive.[52] An analysis of 158 federal court appeals since 1942 found such claims quadrupled post-9/11, with applicants from Muslim-majority countries—comprising about 12% of naturalization applicants—accounting for 46% of these appeals, and courts upholding 63% of denials while overturning 20%.[52] This disproportionate scrutiny, amplified by programs like the Controlled Application Review and Resolution Program (CARRP) initiated in 2008, has been linked to heightened investigations of nationals from countries such as Pakistan, Iraq, and Iran, enabling pretextual use of minor inconsistencies to deny citizenship despite limited evidence of systemic fraud.[52] Overall naturalization denial rates hover around 10% annually, though GMC-specific breakdowns are not publicly disaggregated by USCIS, complicating precise attribution; scholarly analyses from law reviews, often aligned with immigration advocacy perspectives, argue these patterns reflect institutional biases rather than neutral risk assessment.[53] In response to such criticisms, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has issued policy guidance emphasizing holistic, totality-of-the-circumstances reviews, as outlined in an August 15, 2025, memorandum directing officers to weigh positive factors like community involvement, employment stability, and rehabilitation evidence alongside disqualifying conduct, while referencing case law to promote consistency.[25] This approach aims to mitigate prior rigidities, such as those critiqued in the 2006 Aytes memorandum for prompting erroneous referrals to removal proceedings, by allowing discretion for reformed applicants but also expanding scrutiny of behaviors diverging from "community standards," including potential ideological indicators. Legislative reforms remain limited, though annual waivers under INA § 212(c) for certain pre-1997 convictions—numbering around 1,000 grants per year—provide ad hoc relief, with scholarly proposals advocating elimination of the GMC requirement or time-limited bars (e.g., sunsetting after seven years) to align with recidivism data and reduce overreach. Critics from restrictionist perspectives, such as the Center for Immigration Studies, contend that enhanced discretion under the 2025 policy risks further inconsistency without empirical validation of improved outcomes.[55]References
- https://www.repository.law.[indiana](/page/Indiana).edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=11031&context=ilj
