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Lascar
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A lascar was a sailor or militiaman from the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia, the Arab world, British Somaliland or other lands east of the Cape of Good Hope who was employed on European ships from the 16th century until the mid-20th century.
Etymology
[edit]The Oxford English Dictionary states that the word has two possible derivations:
Either an erroneous European use of Urdu lashkar army, camp [...], or a shortened form of its derivative lashkarī [...] In Portuguese c1600 laschar occurs in the same sense as lasquarim , i.e. Indian soldier; this use, from which the current applications are derived, is not recorded in English.[1]
The Portuguese adapted the term to "lascarins", meaning Asian militiamen or seamen, from any area east of the Cape of Good Hope, including Indian, Malay, Chinese, and Japanese crewmen. The English word "lascarins", now obsolete, referred to Sri Lankans who fought in the colonial army of the Portuguese until the 1930s.
The British of the East India Company initially described Indian lascars as 'Topass', but later adopted the Portuguese name, calling them 'lascar'.[2]
The word lascar was also used to refer to Indian servants, typically engaged by British military officers.[3]
History
[edit]Sixteenth century
[edit]Indian seamen had been employed on European ships since the first European made the sea voyage to India. Vasco da Gama, the first European to reach India by sea (in 1498), hired an Indian pilot at Malindi (a coastal settlement in what is now Kenya) to steer the Portuguese ship across the Indian Ocean to the Malabar Coast in southwestern India. Portuguese ships continued to employ lascars from the Indian subcontinent in large numbers throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, mainly from Goa and other Portuguese colonies in India. The Portuguese applied the term "lascar" to all sailors on their ships who were originally from the Indies, which they defined as the areas east of the Cape of Good Hope.
Through the Portuguese and Spanish maritime world empires, some Indian lascars found their way onto English merchant ships, and were among the sailors on the first English East India Company (EIC) ships to sail to India. Lascar crewmen from India are depicted on Japanese Namban screens of the sixteenth century.[4] The Luso-Asians appear to have evolved their own pidgin Portuguese, which was used throughout South and Southeast Asia.[5]
Seventeenth century
[edit]When the English adopted the term "lascar", they initially used it for all Asian sailors on English-flagged ships, but after 1661 and the Portuguese ceded Bombay to England, the term was used mainly to describe Indian sailors specifically. The term "topaze" was used to describe Indo-Portuguese personnel, especially those from Bombay, Thana, Diu, Dammam and Cochin. The term "sepoy" was used to describe Indian soldiers in European service.[citation needed]
The number of lascars employed on EIC East Indiamen was so great that the Parliament of England restricted their employment via the Navigation Acts (in force from 1660 onwards) which required that 75% of the crew onboard English-flagged ships importing goods from Asia be English subjects. The restriction arose due to the high rates of illnesses and death among European sailors on East Indiamen, and their frequent desertions in Asia, which left such ships short of crew for the return voyage. Another reason was the frequent impressment of European sailors from EIC East Indiamen by the Royal Navy in times of war.[6]
Eighteenth century
[edit]In 1756, a British fleet under admirals George Pocock and Charles Watson, with an expeditionary force under Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Clive set off from Bombay with 1,300 men, including 700 Europeans, 300 sepoys and 300 "topaze Indo-Portuguese". Their successful expedition against Kanhoji Angre is one of the first references to the British use of Indo-Portuguese servicemen and one of the first major actions involving the EIC's Bombay Marine. Lascars also served with Arthur Wellesley on his campaigns in India during the late 18th and early 19th centuries.[7] In 1786, the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor was originally set up to assist lascars in London. However, in a report made after one month of the committee's existence, it was found that only 35 of the 250 recipients of aid were lascars. On Captain James Cook's ill-fated second voyage to the Pacific, HMS Resolution, had lost so many men (including Cook) that she had to take on new crew in Asia to get back to England. In 1797 one group of lascars on the Sydney Cove, a ship built in Calcutta, was shipwrecked on Preservation Island off the coast off Tasmania. That wreck was the first merchant wreck after the establishment of the British colony of New South Wales.[citation needed]
Lascars were often paid only half of their fellow white sailors' wages and were frequently expected to work longer hours as well as being given smaller and inferior rations.[8] The remuneration for lascar crews "was much lower than European or Negro seamen"[9] and "the cost of victualling a lascar crew was 50 percent less than that of a British crew, being six pence per head per day as opposed to twelve pence a day."[9] Many lascars lived under poor conditions, as shipowners could keep their services for up to three years at a time, moving them from one ship to the next on a whim. The ill-treatment of lascars continued into the 19th and 20th centuries.[10]
Nineteenth century
[edit]The British East India Company recruited seamen from areas around its factories in Bengal, Assam and Gujarat, as well as from Yemen, British Somaliland and Goa. People from India have been travelling to Great Britain since the East India Company (EIC) recruited lascars to replace vacancies in their crews on East Indiamen whilst on voyages in India. Initially, these were men from the Indo-Portuguese or Luso-Asian communities of the subcontinent, including men from Bombay, Goa, Cochin, Madras and the Hugli River in Bengal.
Between 1600 and 1857, some 20-40,000 Indians had travelled to Britain, the majority of them being seamen working on ships.[11] Most Indians during this period would visit or reside in Britain temporarily, returning to India after months or several years, bringing back knowledge about Britain in the process.[12] Lascars would normally lodge in British ports in between voyages.[13] Some settled in port towns and cities in Britain, often because of restrictions such as the Navigation Act or due to being stranded as well as suffering ill treatment. Some were abandoned and fell into poverty due to quotas on how many lascars could serve on a single ship. Lascars sometimes lived in Christian charity homes, boarding houses and barracks.[14][15]
At the beginning of World War I, there were 51,616 Indian lascars working on British ships, the majority of whom were of Bengali descent.[16] Among them, it is estimated 8,000 Indians (some of whom would have been former lascars) lived in Britain permanently prior to the 1950s.[17][18]
Language barriers between officers and lascars made the use of translators very important. Very few worked on deck because of the language barrier. Some Europeans managed to become proficient in the languages of their crew. Skilled captains such as John Adolphus Pope became adept linguists and were able to give complicated orders to their lascar crew. Often native bosses known as "serangs", as well as "tindals" who often assisted serangs, were the only men able to communicate directly with the captain and were the men who often spoke for the lascars.[19][20] Many lascars made attempts to learn English but few were able to talk at length to their European captains.[21]
Lascars served on ships for assisted passage to Australia, and on troopships during Britain's colonial wars including the Boer Wars and the Boxer Rebellion. In 1891 there were 24,037 lascars employed on British merchant ships. For example, the ship "Massilia" sailing from London to Sydney, Australia in 1891 lists more than half of its crew as Indian lascars.
By 1815, the Committee Report on Lascars and other Asiatic Seamen introduced requirements for equipping lascar workers, that they be provided with "a bed, a pillow, two jackets and trousers, shoes and two woollen caps."[9]
Twentieth century
[edit]Lascars served all over the world in the period leading up to the First World War. Lascars were barred from landing at some ports, such as in British Columbia. At the beginning of World War I, there were 51,616 lascars working on British merchant ships in and around the British Empire.[22]

In World War II thousands of lascars served in the war and died on vessels throughout the world, especially those of the British India Steam Navigation Company, P&O and other British shipping companies. The lack of manpower led to the employment of a total of 121 Catholic Goans and 530 Muslim British Indians on the Empress vessels of the Canadian Pacific Railway, such as the Empress of Asia and Empress of Japan. These ships served in the Indian Ocean both as ANZAC convoy ships and in actions at Aden.
In the 1950s the use of the term "lascar" declined with the ending of the British Empire. The Indian "Lascar Act" of 1832 was finally repealed in 1963.[19] However, "traditional" Indian deck and Pakistani engine crews continued to be used in Australia until 1986 when the last crew was discharged from the P&O and replaced by a general-purpose crew of Pakistanis.[19]
By location
[edit]Mascarene Islands
[edit]Presumably because Muslim lascars manned the "coolie ships" that carried Indian and Chinese indentured labour to the sugar plantations of the Mascarene Islands, the term lascar is also used in Mauritius, Réunion and the Seychelles to refer to Muslims, by both Muslims and non-Muslims.
Britain
[edit]Lascars began living in England in small numbers from the mid-17th century as servants as well as sailors on English ships. Baptism records show that a number of young men from the Malabar Coast were brought to England as servants.[23] Lascars arrived in larger numbers in the 18th and 19th centuries, when the British East India Company began recruiting thousands of lascars (mostly Bengali Muslims, but also Konkani-speaking Christians from the northern part of Portuguese Goa and Muslims from Ratnagiri District in the adjacent Maharashtra) to work on British ships and occasionally in ports around the world.[24] Lascars made up the largest group of South Asian workers in Britain. The majority of lascars were Muslim but there significant numbers of Catholics and Hindus.[25] Despite prejudice and a language barrier, some lascars settled in British port cities, often escaping ill-treatment on their ships as well or being unable to leave due to restrictions such as the Navigation Acts and abandonment by shipping masters.[23][26][27] Shipowners would face penalties for leaving lascars behind.[28] This measure was intended to discourage settlement of Asian sailors in Britain.[28]
Lascars in Britain often lived in Christian charity homes, boarding houses and barracks and there were a few instances of cohabitation with local women. The first and most frequent Indian travelers to Britain were Christian Indians and those of European-Asian mixed race. For Muslim Indians considerations about how their dietary and religious practices would alienate them from British society were brought into question but these considerations were often outweighed by economic opportunities. Those that stayed often adopted British culture, dress and habits.[29]: 12 Although the Indian presence in London during the 19th century mainly constituted male lascars and sailors, some women were included.[29]: 186 In the Limehouse and Shadwell areas of London, many lascars formed communities in the Oriental Quarter, areas where they could form connections and retain degrees of fellowship. Conditions in the quarter, however, were no better than that of the streets. Joseph Salter, a Christian missionary known for his work with lascars, once stated that “We are now fairly in the Oriental Quarter; there are several houses here devoted to Asiatics, presided over by Chinese, Malays, and Indians according to the country of the Asiatic seeking companionship, how shamelessness has its premium and admirers, and honestly truth and self-respect are trampled in the dust. Here disease and death decked in gaudy tinseled robes allure the victim to the grave.” Overcrowding in dilapidated accommodation was all too often a sight; slime, dirt and excrement a common experience of life in the Oriental Quarter.[10]
A small number of lascars settled down and married local white women, at least partly due to a lack of Asian women in Britain at the time, leading to small multiracial communities in port towns.[29]: 111–119, 129–30, 140, 154–6, 160–8, 181 [30] Some of them converted to Christianity (at least nominally) as it was legally required to be Christian in order to marry in Britain at this time.[31]
Lascars commonly suffered from poverty in Britain.[10] In 1782, East India Company records describe lascars coming to their Leadenhall Street offices ‘reduced to great distress and applying to us for relief’.[32] In 1785, a letter writer in The Public Advertiser wrote of "miserable objects, lascars, that I see shivering and starving in the streets". During the 1780s, it was not uncommon to see lascars starving on the streets of London. The East India Company responded to criticism of the lascars' treatment by making available lodgings for them, but no checks were kept on the boarding houses and barracks they provided. The lascars were made to live in cramped, dreadful conditions which resulted in the deaths of many each year, with reports of lascars being locked in cupboards and whipped for misbehaviour by landlords. Their poor treatment was reported on by the Society for the Protection of Asiatic Sailors (which was founded in 1814).[27][33]
A letter in The Times[when?] stated that "The lascars have been landed from the ship ... One of them has since died...the coffin being filled with food and money, under the idea that the food would maintain him till his arrival in the new other world... Some of the poor fellows have hitherto been shivering about the streets, wet and half-naked, exhibiting a picture of misery but little creditable to the English nation".[34]
In 1842, the Church Missionary Society reported on the dire ″state of the lascars in London″.[35] In 1850 40 lascars, also known as ″Sons of India,″ were reported to have starved to death in the streets of London.[36] Shortly after these reports, evangelical Christians proposed the construction of a charity house and gathered £15,000 in assistance of the lascars. In 1856 "The Strangers' Home for Asiatics, Africans and South Sea Islanders" was opened in Commercial Road, Limehouse under the manager, Lieutenant-Colonel R. Marsh Hughes. The home helped and supported lascars and sailors from as far as China. The home helped with employment and with leaving Britain. Additionally, it served as a repatriation centre where various sailors were recruited for ships returning East. It was also used as a missionary centre with Joseph Salter of the London City Mission as its missionary. Among the things provided by the home were a library of Christian books in Asian and African languages, a store room for valuables, and a place where lascars could send their earnings back to India.[37] Lascars were allowed entrance as long as they had the prospect of local employment, or were on a ship returning East.[23] The collective naming of these groups as "strangers" reflected contemporary British attitudes.[35]
Lascar immigrants were often the first Asians to be seen in British cities and were initially perceived as indolent due to their reliance on Christian charities.[38]
In 1925 the Coloured Alien Seamen Order 1925 Act was brought into law by the Secretary of State for the Home Department. It stated that "any coloured alien seaman who is not already registered should take steps to obtain a Certificate of Registration without delay." Any foreign seaman, regardless of whether they had been in Britain for several months, had to register with the police. In 1931, 383 Indians and Ceylonese were registered.[39]
A letter dated 7 September 1925, from the wife of a Peshawar-born Indian domiciled in Britain and working as a sailor, describes the treatment of some Indians who were British subjects under the Home Office Coloured Alien Seamen's Order, 1925: "My husband landed at Cardiff, after a voyage at sea on the SS Derville as a fireman, and produced his Mercantile Marine Book, R.S 2 No. 436431, which bears his Certificate of Nationality, declaring him to be British, and is signed by a Mercantile Marine Superintendent, dated 18 August 1919. This book and its certificate were ignored, and my husband was registered as an Alien. Would you kindly inform me if it is correct that the Mercantile Marine Book should have been ignored as documentary proof?"[40] Police eager to deport ''coloured'' seamen would often (and illegally) register seamen as aliens regardless of correct documentation.[41]
The transitory presence of lascars continued into the 1930s, with the Port of London Authority mentioning lascars in a February 1931 article, writing that: "Although appearing so out of place in the East End, they are well able to look after themselves, being regular seamen who came to the Docks time after time and have learnt a little English and know how to buy what they want."[42]
In 1932, the Indian National Congress survey of "all Indians outside India" estimated that there were 7,128 Indians in the United Kingdom, which included students, former lascars, and professionals such as doctors. The resident Indian population of Birmingham was recorded at 100. By 1945, it was 1,000.[43]
Surat Alley is a notable activist who fought for the rights of lascars within the Britain within the 1930s and 1940s.[44]
Canada
[edit]Lascars were on board late 18th-century and early 19th-century ships arriving on the Pacific coast of north-west North America. In most cases the ships sailed from Macau, though some came from India. When Gustavus III arrived at Clayoquot Sound on the coast of Vancouver Island, the ship's crew included three Chinese, one Goan and one Filipino.[45] Lascars were barred from entry to British Columbia and other Canadian ports from June 1914 until the late 1940s. Therefore, they seldom occur on landing and embarkation records, though they were frequenting the ports but remaining on board the ships.[46]
Macau and Hong Kong
[edit]After the death of James Cook in Hawaii, HMS Resolution sailed to Macau with her cargo of furs from the north-west coast of North America. The ship was very undermanned and took on fresh crew at Macau in December 1779 including a lascar from Calcutta by the name of Ibraham Mohammed.[47]
Lascars were arriving in Hong Kong before the 1842 Treaty of Nanking. Since the island of Hong Kong was initially a naval base there were Indian lascars of the East Indies Fleet arriving at Hong Kong in those early colonial days. Lascars were housed at several streets in the Sheung Wan area where there are two roads called Upper Lascar Row and Lower Lascar Row.[48] These are not far from the barracks established in 1847 at Sai Ying Pun for Indian soldiers or sepoys.[49]
United States
[edit]Lascars were on board early British voyages to the north-west coast of North America. These sailors were among the multinational crew arriving from Asia in search of furs. Among these was the Nootka in 1786 that arrived at the Russian port of Unalaska and sailed on to Prince William Sound in Alaska. There were ten Indian and one Chinese lascar on this vessel. Three lascars died in Prince William Sound, Alaska. The Nootka sailed back to Asia via Hawaii, and the lascars became the first recorded Indians to sail to Alaska and Hawaii.[50]
Ranks and positions
[edit]These sailors served on British ships under "lascar agreements", which allowed shipowners more control than was the case in ordinary articles of agreement. The sailors could be transferred from one ship to another and retained in service for up to three years at one time.
In both deck and engine room departments, the lascars were headed by a serang (equivalent to the boatswain in the deck department), assisted by one or more tindals (equivalent to boatswain's mates in the deck department). Other senior deck positions included seacunny (quartermaster), mistree (carpenter, although a Chinese or European carpenter was often carried), and kussab or cassab (lamp trimmer). An apprentice in either department was known as a topas or topaz. The senior lascar steward was known as the butler (either answering to a European chief steward or in charge of the catering department himself in a small ship). A cook was known as a bhandary.
Portrayal in literature and cinema
[edit]Sir Arthur Conan Doyle created a lascar foil to Sherlock Holmes in "The Man with the Twisted Lip". The crew of the Pequod in Herman Melville's Moby-Dick (1851) includes a Lascar sailor. Lascars aboard the ship Patna figure prominently in the early chapters of Joseph Conrad's novel Lord Jim. Frances Hodgson Burnett's novel A Little Princess features a lascar named Ram Dass. Also, Caleb Carr portrays two lascars as bodyguards for a Spanish diplomat near the end of The Angel of Darkness. In other works of Joseph Conrad, native seamen are frequently referred to by the Urdu term "serang" which appears to share the definition of lascar. In Wuthering Heights, it is speculated that Heathcliff, the main character, may be of lascar origin.[51][52] Amitav Ghosh's book Sea of Poppies portrays the British East India Company and their use of lascar crews. Shahida Rahman's Lascar (2012) is the story of an East Indian lascar's journey to Victorian England. In the H. P. Lovecraft short story The Call of Cthulhu, Gustaf Johansen, the last living seaman of an expedition to Cthulhu's sunken city R'lyeh, is assassinated (probably with poison needles) by two "lascar sailors" belonging to the evil Cult of Cthulhu. In D. W. Griffith's 1919 silent film Broken Blossoms, the opium house in London that the protagonist goes to is described on the intertitle as "Chinese, Malays, lascars, where the Orient squats at the portals of the West". Ken Follett's A Place Called Freedom mentions lascars in the second part of the novel. In the original version of Richard Connell's short story "The Most Dangerous Game", the main antagonist General Zaroff mentions hunting lascars for sport. Patrick O'Brian references Lascars, Indian seamen employed on British ships, particularly in The Mauritius Command and Desolation Island (novel), showcasing their integral role in the British Raj's maritime operations and their distinct language and culture alongside the main characters, reflecting O'Brian's detailed historical accuracy.
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "Home : Oxford English Dictionary". www.oed.com. Retrieved 2022-08-01.[permanent dead link]
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- ^ Jayasuriya, Shihan de Silva (2008). The Portuguese in the East: A Cultural History of a Maritime Trading Empire. London: Tauris Academic Studies. pp. 191ff. ISBN 978-0-85771-582-1.
- ^ Fisher, Michael H.; Lahiri, Shompa; Thandi, Shinder S. (2007). A South-Asian History of Britain: Four Centuries of Peoples from the Indian Sub-continent. Westport, CT: Greenwood World Pub. pp. 6–9. ISBN 978-1-84645-008-2.
- ^ Arthur Wellesley Duke of Wellington; John Gurwood (omp.) (1837). The Dispatches of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington, K.G.: India, 1794-1805. London: J. Murray. p. 279.
- ^ "The Lascars of London and Liverpool". Exodus. 5 November 2012.
- ^ a b c Myers, Norma (1994-07-01). "The black poor of London: Initiatives of Eastern Seamen in the eighteenth and ninteenth centuries". Immigrants & Minorities. 13 (2–3): 7–21. doi:10.1080/02619288.1994.9974839. ISSN 0261-9288. S2CID 144539005.
- ^ a b c Anwar, Zeyd (19 November 2021). "The British Empire's Forgotten Lascars". New Politic. Retrieved 20 February 2022.
- ^ Fisher, Michael H. (2007). "Excluding and Including 'Natives of India': Early-Nineteenth-Century British-Indian Race Relations in Britain". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. 27 (2): 303–314 [304–5]. doi:10.1215/1089201x-2007-007. S2CID 146613125.
- ^ Fisher, Michael Herbert (2006). Counterflows to Colonialism: Indian Travellers and Settlers in Britain, 1600 ... Orient Blackswan. ISBN 9788178241548. Archived from the original on 2 September 2017.
- ^ "The lascars' lot". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 2015-11-07.
- ^ Halliday, Fred (2010). Britain's First Muslims: Portrait of an Arab Community. I.B. Tauris. p. 51. ISBN 978-1848852990. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
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- ^ Ansari, Humayun (2004). The Infidel Within: The History of Muslims in Britain, 1800 to the Present. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 37. ISBN 978-1-85065-685-2.
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- ^ a b c "P&O Indian and Pakistani Crews". www.pandosnco.co.uk. Retrieved 2016-03-17.
- ^ Frykman, Niklas (2013-12-19). Mutiny and Maritime Radicalism in the Age of Revolution. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107689329.
- ^ Jaffer, Aaron (2015-11-17). Lascars and Indian Ocean Seafaring, 1780-1860: Shipboard Life, Unrest and Mutiny. Boydell & Brewer. ISBN 9781783270385.
- ^ Ansari, Humayun (2004). The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain Since 1800. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 9781850656869.
- ^ a b c "The Goan community of London - Port communities - Port Cities". www.portcities.org.uk. Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2016-02-23.
- ^ "Kube Publishing » The Last of the Lascars: Yemeni Muslims in Britain 1836-2012". www.kubepublishing.com. Archived from the original on 2018-02-03. Retrieved 2018-02-02.
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- ^ a b c Fisher, Michael H. (2004). Counterflows to Colonialism: Indian Travellers and Settlers in Britain, 1600-1857. Delhi: Permanent Black. ISBN 978-81-7824-154-8.
- ^ Halliday, Fred (2010). Britain's First Muslims: Portrait of an Arab Community. I.B. Tauris. p. 51. ISBN 978-1848852990. Retrieved 30 December 2015.
- ^ Fisher, Michael H. (2006). Counterflows to Colonialism. ISBN 9788178241548.
- ^ Nijhar, Preeti (2015-09-30). Law and Imperialism: Criminality and Constitution in Colonial India and ... ISBN 9781317316008.
- ^ "LMA Learning Zone > schooLMAte > Black and Asian Londoners > Timeline". www.learningzone.cityoflondon.gov.uk. Archived from the original on 2016-03-07. Retrieved 2016-02-21.
- ^ Nijhar, Preeti (2015-09-30). Law and Imperialism: Criminality and Constitution in Colonial India and Victorian Britain. ISBN 9781317316008.
- ^ a b Fisher, Michael H. (2006). "Working across the seas: Indian maritime labourers in India, Britain, and in between, 1600-1857". In Behal, Rana P.; van der Linden, Marcel (eds.). Coolies, Capital and Colonialism: Studies in Indian Labour History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 43. ISBN 978-0-521-69974-7.
- ^ Nijhar, Preeti (2015-09-30). Law and Imperialism: Criminality and Constitution in Colonial India and Victorian England. ISBN 9781317316008.
- ^ "Strangers' Home for Asiatics, Africans and South Sea Islanders". The Open University.
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- ^ Fryer, Peter (1984). Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain. University of Alberta. ISBN 9780861047499.
- ^ "Lascars in the Port of London - Feb. 1931". www.lascars.co.uk. Retrieved 2016-01-22.
- ^ Visram, Rozina (2015-07-30). Ayahs, Lascars and Princes: The Story of Indians in Britain 1700-1947. Routledge. ISBN 9781317415336.
- ^ "Surat Alley | Making Britain". www.open.ac.uk. Retrieved 2023-05-16.
- ^ Snow, Captain Elliot, ed. (1925). Adventures at Sea in the Great Age of Sail: Five Firsthand Narratives. New York: Dover. p. 294. ISBN 978-0-486-25177-6.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Research by Clifford J. Pereira, 2015, Vancouver BC, Canada.
- ^ Marshall, James Stirrat; Marshall, Carrie (1960). Pacific voyages: selections from Scots magazine, 1771-1808. Portland,OR: Binfords & Mort. p. 21. OCLC 759092744.
- ^ Research by Pereira, Clifford J. 2016. Hong Kong, SAR. China.
- ^ Chi Man, Kwong & Yiu Lun, Tsoi. "Eastern Fortress - A Military History of Hong Kong, 1840-1970". Hong Kong, SAR, China 2014, p.10
- ^ Portlock, W. H.; Cook, James; Anderson, G. W.; Bligh, William; de Warville, P. Brissot (1794). A new, complete and universal collection of authentic and entertaining voyages and travels to all the various parts of the world... London: Alex. Hogg. p. 122. OCLC 123570120.
- ^ Michie, E (Winter 1992). "From Simianized Irish to Oriental Despots: Heathcliff, Rochester and Racial Difference". Novel: A Forum on Fiction. 25 (2): 125–140. doi:10.2307/1346001. JSTOR 1346001.
- ^ Tytler, Graeme (1994). "Physiognomy in Wuthering Heights". Brontë Society Transactions. 21 (4): 137–148. doi:10.1179/030977694796439250.(subscription required)
Further reading
[edit]- W. H. Hood (1903), The Blight of Insubordination: the Lascar question and rights and wrongs of the British shipmaster, London: Spottiswoode & Co., Wikidata Q118286993
External links
[edit]- Lascar history website
- "Lascar". Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition. 16: 232. 1911. Wikidata Q118287895.
Lascar
View on GrokipediaEtymology
Linguistic Origins and Adaptations
The term "lascar" originates from the Persian word laškar (لشکر), denoting an army or military camp, which evolved through Arabic al-ʿaskar ("the army" or "soldier") and entered Hindustani languages (Hindi-Urdu) as laśkar or lashkari, referring to a soldier, guard, or camp laborer.[8][9] This linguistic root reflects the initial association with military followers rather than maritime roles, with the earliest recorded European borrowing appearing in the 1620s via Portuguese transliteration as lascar.[8] Portuguese explorers adapted the term to lascarins in the 16th century, using it specifically for indigenous Asian seamen and militiamen recruited from regions east of the Cape of Good Hope, such as in the Indian Ocean trade networks and Sri Lankan campaigns.[8] By the 17th century, the British East India Company incorporated "lascar" into English maritime terminology, initially denoting native Indian sailors hired as low-wage deckhands and servants to supplement European crews on voyages to Asia.[10] Over time, the term broadened in British usage to encompass non-European sailors from South Asia, the Malay Archipelago, and beyond, as documented in East India Company shipping records, though it retained connotations of unskilled or auxiliary labor distinct from fully trained European seamen.[10][2]Maritime and Colonial Usage
The term "lascar" originated in Portuguese maritime records of the early 16th century, where it denoted hired Asian seamen recruited for voyages to India and Southeast Asia. Portuguese explorers and traders, beginning with Vasco da Gama's expeditions around 1498, increasingly relied on local crews from regions such as the Indian subcontinent and the Malay Archipelago to supplement European sailors, who often succumbed to tropical diseases. These lascars were documented in ship logs as essential for navigating coastal waters and handling routine duties, reflecting a pragmatic adaptation rather than a derogatory label.[10][3] Following the establishment of the English East India Company in 1600, the British adopted the term post-1600 to describe similarly engaged Asian sailors, distinguishing them from European crew members bound by standard shipping articles. Lascars operated under specialized "lascar agreements," which permitted lower fixed wages and confined service to warmer latitudes, where European sailors faced higher mortality from climate-related illnesses. This contractual differentiation, evident in Company correspondence and port records from the mid-17th century onward, underscored the economic rationale of employing lascars for cost efficiency in intra-Asian and East Indies trade routes.[10][2] By the 18th century, "lascar" had evolved in British colonial documentation to include a broader array of ethnic groups, predominantly Bengalis from the Ganges Delta, Goans, and Konkanis from western India, encompassing both Muslim and Hindu recruits. East India Company manifests from ports like Calcutta and Bombay list these sailors as primary crew for country traders and Indiamen, with recruitment hubs formalized through native brokers (ghat serangs). This usage in official ledgers and Admiralty dispatches maintained a functional tone, prioritizing manpower reliability over ethnic uniformity.[10][11]Historical Development
Portuguese and Early European Involvement (16th-17th Centuries)
The Portuguese initiated systematic recruitment of lascarins—native Asian seamen and militiamen, including from the Indian subcontinent—in the early 16th century to mitigate acute manpower shortages in their Indian Ocean fleets. High mortality from scurvy, tropical fevers, and exposure decimated European crews during the grueling Carreira da Índia voyages, with attrition rates often exceeding 50% on outbound legs, while desertions surged upon arrival in Asian ports offering superior local prospects.[12][13] Recruitment centered on fortified enclaves like Cochin, allied since 1502, and Goa, captured in 1510, where Malabar coast fishermen and traders proved adaptable to European vessels due to their preexisting expertise in dhow-based intra-Asian trade.[14] These lascars supplemented crews on annual armadas da Índia, which transported spices, silks, and other commodities under royal monopoly, enabling Portugal to sustain roughly 10-15 ships per fleet from the 1520s onward despite logistical strains.[14] Their intimate knowledge of monsoon cycles—northeast winds for eastward passages from April to August, southwest for returns—and shallow-water piloting reduced reliance on inexperienced Europeans, facilitating reliable round-trip timings of 6-8 months. Portuguese captains, such as those in Albuquerque's 1510 Goa expedition, integrated local auxiliaries numbering over 200 for naval assaults, leveraging their combat skills in boarding actions and coastal raids.[15] Contemporary accounts reveal mixed assessments: while some Portuguese officers critiqued lascars for occasional insubordination or flight risks amid cultural clashes, armada logs from the 1580s document their proficiency in gunnery, sail-handling, and skirmishes against Arab and Ottoman rivals, underscoring their indispensability for operational continuity in the Estado da Índia.[1] This early incorporation laid foundations for hybrid crews, prioritizing pragmatic utility over ethnic uniformity to counter the Indian Ocean's environmental and adversarial challenges.[13]British East India Company Era (18th Century)
The British East India Company expanded its recruitment of lascars in the early 18th century to address acute shortages of European sailors on return voyages from India to Britain, where high mortality from tropical diseases and frequent desertions in Indian ports depleted crews. Lascars, primarily from ports like Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras, were engaged locally as a cost-effective solution, receiving lower wages—often one-third to one-half of European rates—and provisions adapted to Indian diets, such as rice and curry, rather than standard ship's biscuit and salt meat. This practice supported the Company's monopoly on intra-Asian and Anglo-Indian trade, enabling consistent sailings despite the harsh conditions that claimed up to 20-30% of British crew members per voyage in the tropics.[2][16] Employment was formalized through specialized articles of agreement, distinct from those governing European seamen, which bound lascars under the oversight of serangs—Indian headmen responsible for recruitment, discipline, and wage distribution via ghat agents at riverine hiring points. These contracts typically stipulated service only for the eastward leg or full round trips, with clauses allowing captains to discharge lascars in Britain if needed, though stranding incidents prompted later parliamentary inquiries. By the 1780s, lascars routinely formed the majority of hands on return legs of East Indiamen, with archival logs showing crews of 100-150 including 60-80 lascars for rigging, cooking, and menial duties, freeing Europeans for skilled navigation amid growing trade volumes exceeding 1 million tons annually.[10][17] Lascars demonstrated reliability in high-stakes operations, including support for military campaigns that secured Company dominance, such as vessels aiding the 1757 Battle of Plassey, where their familiarity with local waters and endurance under duress bolstered logistical supply lines against Bengal's nawab. Post-Plassey territorial gains accelerated lascar integration, as expanded Bengal operations demanded scalable, acclimatized labor for the fleet's 30-40 annual sailings, underscoring their indispensability to Britain's commercial empire-building without reliance on scarce homegrown mariners.[18][19]Expansion in the Steamship Age (19th Century)
The transition to steam propulsion from the 1830s onward markedly increased the demand for lascar labor in British merchant shipping, as coal-fired engines required additional personnel for stoking, trimming, and maintenance in sweltering conditions where European seamen often faltered.[2] Firms such as the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&O), established in 1837, depended on lascars to crew their expanding fleet of steam vessels servicing routes to India and East Asia, capitalizing on lascars' acclimatization to tropical heat and capacity for sustained physical exertion.[20] This shift enabled the rapid scaling of Britain's commercial maritime operations amid burgeoning global trade, with lascar numbers rising steadily through the century as steam technology supplanted sail.[21] The Lascar Act of 1823 provided a legal basis for this integration by permitting lascar hiring only after exhausting British recruitment options, while formalizing distinct contract terms that enshrined wage disparities—lascars earning roughly one-fifth to one-third of European equivalents, often £1 to £1.50 monthly against £4 to £5 for whites—and exemptions from impressment, thereby shielding them from naval conscription and stabilizing shipping labor pools.[22][6][23] These provisions underscored economic incentives, as lascars' lower costs and reliability in engine rooms offset the higher attrition rates among Europeans in equatorial voyages.[24] In the Opium Wars of 1839–1842 and 1856–1860, lascars bolstered British efforts by managing engine room operations on early steamships involved in logistical support and blockades, enduring extreme heat and combat hazards to maintain propulsion amid hostilities.[2] Specifically, in 1841, four companies of gun lascars were dispatched from India to the First Opium War theater, assisting with artillery and vessel functions under Sir Hugh Gough's brigade.[25] Their proficiency in these demanding roles highlighted lascars' indispensability to steam-era imperial logistics, where mechanical reliability proved decisive in protracted campaigns.[26]World Wars and Postwar Decline (20th Century)
During World War I, lascars formed a significant portion of the British Merchant Navy's workforce, estimated at one in five seamen by 1918, totaling around 40,000 to 50,000 individuals who crewed ships essential for sustaining Allied supply lines across global routes.[1] [27] These seamen, primarily from India and other Asian regions, operated under the lascar agreement system that permitted lower wages and specialized roles in engine rooms and decks, enabling the transport of troops, munitions, and food despite intensifying threats from German submarines and raiders; British merchant losses included 2,479 vessels sunk and over 14,000 lives, with lascars bearing disproportionate risks due to their prevalence on Eastern trade ships vulnerable to attack.[28] Lascar casualties exceeded 6,000, as documented in memorials and shipping records, underscoring their contributions to wartime logistics amid high mortality rates from torpedoes, minefields, and exposure.[3] [19] In World War II, lascars continued in comparable numbers, serving on thousands of merchant vessels in Atlantic convoys and other theaters, where they faced escalated dangers from U-boat wolf packs and aerial bombings; by 1939, British shipping employed approximately 40,000 lascars, many manning engine departments on freighters delivering critical cargoes to Britain and Allied forces.[29] [19] Their service supported convoy operations, such as those in the Battle of the Atlantic, with lascars enduring conditions that led to heavy losses—hundreds of ships sunk and thousands of merchant seamen killed overall—while maintaining operational efficiency under the same discriminatory wage structures that prioritized cost savings over equity.[30] Postwar recognition remained limited, though lascar deaths contributed to the Merchant Navy's total toll of over 30,000 during the conflict.[31] The lascar system's decline accelerated after 1945 due to India's independence in 1947, which dismantled colonial recruitment mechanisms and lascar articles under the Merchant Shipping Act 1894, as Indian authorities imposed restrictions on exporting labor and demanded equal pay aligned with international standards.[2] [32] Unionization efforts by Indian seamen, coupled with British Nationality Act 1948 provisions reclassifying Commonwealth workers, eroded the economic incentives for lascar hiring, while shipboard mechanization—from steam to diesel engines and automation—reduced demand for large, low-skill crews by up to 50% on modern vessels by the 1950s.[33] [34] Employment numbers plummeted from tens of thousands in the 1940s to negligible levels by the 1960s, culminating in the system's obsolescence as British shipping shifted to mechanized operations and alternative labor pools, formalized by the Merchant Shipping Act 1970.[32] This transition reflected causal shifts in geopolitics and technology rather than deliberate policy alone, rendering the lascar model incompatible with postwar realities.[35]Roles and Duties
Hierarchy and Leadership Structures
The lascar crew's hierarchy was organized under native leadership figures who mediated between the predominantly European officers and the Asian seamen, with the serang serving as the chief boatswain or headman responsible for overseeing the entire lascar complement in a department, such as deck or engine room. Selected primarily for their experience and ability to maintain discipline among culturally diverse crews drawn from ports like Bombay and Calcutta, serangs acted as intermediaries, allocating tasks, resolving disputes, and ensuring compliance with shipboard routines while reporting to the European captain or first mate.[36][37] Below the serang were tindals, functioning as petty officers or mates who supervised smaller groups of lascars for specific functions, such as sail handling or engine maintenance, and who assisted in training novices while enforcing the serang's directives. This structure allowed for merit-based progression, where ordinary lascars—often starting as general laborers or seacunny (helmsmen)—could advance to tindal or serang roles through demonstrated competence, as evidenced in crew agreements from the mid-19th century that noted promotions tied to service duration and skill acquisition rather than formal European certification.[3][38] Lascar quarters maintained a degree of internal autonomy under serang and tindal authority, where crews self-organized for meals, rest, and minor repairs, contrasting with the stricter European chain of command but remaining subordinate to overall ship discipline imposed by the captain. This parallel structure facilitated efficient labor division on long voyages but occasionally led to tensions, as serangs wielded influence over crew loyalty and compliance, sometimes leveraging it to negotiate better terms during port calls in the 1780–1860 period.[36][39]Specialized Skills and Shipboard Functions
Lascars possessed specialized proficiencies in sail-handling and rigging, essential for operating East India Company vessels across the Indian Ocean, where they managed complex sail arrays adapted to regional wind patterns. As able seamen and deckhands, they executed precise maneuvers in variable conditions, supported by a hierarchical structure including serangs overseeing gangs for efficiency.[3][19] Their intimate knowledge of monsoon cycles enabled superior piloting in intra-Asian trades, with sukunnis serving as helmsmen and pilots to navigate seasonal shifts and coastal hazards, as noted in historical accounts of Indian Ocean seafaring from 1780 to 1860.[3][19] Ship logs and captains' testimonies, such as Commodore D.G. Baillie's commendation of their reliability on P&O voyages, highlighted lascars' expertise in maintenance tasks, including cassabs' oversight of deck stores like ropes, canvas, and paints to sustain vessel integrity over long durations.[3] This competence extended to repairs under duress, with crews demonstrating adeptness in jury-rigging and structural fixes during storms or engagements.[3] In the steamship era of the mid-19th century onward, lascars shifted to engine room functions as firemen and trimmers, feeding coal into boilers in stifling conditions exceeding 50°C (122°F), where their tropical acclimatization allowed sustained performance that Europeans often could not match.[2][3][19] During naval conflicts involving East Indiamen, lascars manned guns and performed combat repairs, with designated gun lascars trained in artillery operation and musketry, contributing to defensive actions against pirates and belligerents as early as the 18th century.[3]Working Conditions
Contracts, Pay, and Legal Frameworks
Lascars were typically engaged under specialized "Lascar Articles" or "Asiatic Articles," distinct from standard British crew agreements, which bound them to multi-voyage or round-trip terms rather than single passages.[40] These contracts, often termed running agreements in broader merchant shipping law, specified duties for periods extending up to the next June 30 or December 31, or until the ship's return to an Indian port, with provisions for renewal under supervision.[41] Advances were disbursed at recruitment in Indian ports like Calcutta, frequently amounting to two to three times prevailing local unskilled wages, providing immediate economic relief amid widespread rural poverty and drawing voluntary enlistments through established serang-led networks.[42] Wages averaged approximately £1.5 per month plus rations, equating to 8-9 shillings weekly by the late 19th and early 20th centuries, supplemented by skill-based bonuses for roles like serangs or tindals.[2] This compensation, while one-fifth to one-quarter of European seamen's pay, exceeded Indian rural labor rates—where agricultural day wages hovered at 2-4 annas (roughly 1-2 shillings monthly equivalent)—incentivizing participation from landless or seasonally unemployed workers.[27][43] The Lascars Act of 1823 established legal frameworks mandating shipowners to bond for lascars' repatriation to India upon voyage completion, with penalties for non-compliance, and required allotments of wages for family support during absences.[44] Enforcement proved inconsistent, as owners sometimes evaded repatriation costs by abandoning crews in British ports, though the Act shifted primary maintenance responsibilities ashore from private contractors to employers, aiming to curb destitution.[3] Subsequent Merchant Shipping Acts, such as 1894's, reinforced these by regulating lascar agreements separately, exempting them from full European protections while ensuring contractual clarity on pay and return.[45]Hardships and Health Risks
Lascars on long voyages faced elevated risks of nutritional deficiencies, particularly scurvy, due to inadequate diets consisting primarily of preserved foods lacking vitamin C, compounded by cramped and unsanitary living quarters.[34] Historical records document outbreaks affecting lascar crews, with improper provisioning leading to widespread debilitation and deaths during extended sea passages in the 19th century.[34] In specific instances, such as the 1846 arrival of the ship Marlborough in London, 19 lascars required hospitalization at the Dreadnought Seamen's Hospital for scurvy, frostbite from cold-weather exposures, and related complications upon disembarking after arduous journeys.[34] Earlier, in 1802, multiple vessels from Bengal reported severe lascar casualties attributable to prolonged fatigue, elemental exposure during storms, and starvation from depleted stores, highlighting the acute vulnerabilities on return legs of India trade routes.[46] With the advent of steamships in the mid-19th century, lascars increasingly staffed engine rooms and stokeholds, enduring extreme heat often surpassing 60 degrees Celsius amid coal dust, steam, and relentless labor to maintain propulsion, which precipitated frequent cases of heat exhaustion and related collapses.[24] These conditions persisted through the late 1800s, as lascars shoveled coal and tended boilers in confined, poorly ventilated spaces during tropical crossings, exacerbating dehydration and physical strain without respite.[2] Beyond shipboard perils, lascars risked stranding in foreign ports like London, where discharge without repatriation support left them destitute and exposed to urban hardships, including hypothermia in winter arrivals and limited access to medical care in the 1840s.[34] Such episodes, recurrent in the 19th century, amplified mortality from untreated illnesses and environmental stressors upon arrival, as crews awaited uncertain passage home.[47]Comparative Treatment with European Sailors
Lascars typically received wages substantially lower than those of European sailors, often one-fifth to one-quarter of the latter's pay under Asiatic Articles, which permitted shipping companies to reduce costs on routes to Asia.[2][26] In contrast, lascars benefited from exemption from impressment into the Royal Navy—a compulsory service that frequently disrupted the careers of British merchant seamen during wartime—due to their status as alien or contract laborers under special agreements.[48] This exemption, formalized in naval policy, allowed lascars greater predictability in employment continuity compared to Europeans vulnerable to press gangs.[49] Lascar contracts, governed by legislation such as the Lascar Act of 1835, bound them primarily to round-trip voyages between Asian ports and Britain, emphasizing homeward passages and limiting exposure to extended global drafts that European sailors often faced under standard articles.[1] These shorter, route-specific terms aligned with lascars' preferences for tropical and subtropical waters, where their physiological adaptations to heat—coupled with lighter clothing and diets—provided advantages over Europeans, who suffered higher rates of heat exhaustion and dietary-related illnesses like scurvy on long equatorial hauls.[50] Lascars received provisions like rice, dhal, and curry, deemed suitable for hot climates and less prone to rapid spoilage than the salt beef and pork rations standard for Europeans, though overall caloric allotments for lascars were reduced based on assumptions of lower appetites.[50] Both groups endured severe shipboard hardships, including floggings for infractions and overcrowding in forecastles, but lascars' hierarchical organization under serangs (headmen) and tindals fostered group solidarity that buffered individual isolation, unlike the more fragmented experiences of European crews.[2] East India Company records and parliamentary inquiries frequently rated lascars higher for discipline and endurance, attributing this to their gang-based labor system, which minimized desertions and mutinies relative to European sailors' rates during the same period.[51] This structure enabled lascars to negotiate grievances collectively through intermediaries, mitigating some relational strains inherent in cross-cultural command dynamics.[36]Geographical Distribution
Settlements in Britain
Lascars established early settlements in major British ports including London and Liverpool during the early 19th century, driven by economic opportunities and instances of ship desertion or stranding that prevented return voyages.[52] These communities centered around dockland areas, where lascars operated or resided in boarding houses managed by compatriots or missionary groups to provide temporary accommodation between contracts.[52] By the 1850s, approximately 3,000 lascars arrived annually in London's East End, contributing to growing clusters in districts like Poplar and Shadwell.[6] Intermarriages between lascars and local British women fostered small family networks, enabling some permanence in these port settlements and occasional religious conversions among spouses.[53] Such unions, documented in parish registers and contemporary accounts, helped integrate lascars into local communities, particularly in Liverpool's Toxteth area and London's East End, where mixed households emerged despite legal pressures to repatriate seamen.[54] These self-sustaining groups maintained cultural practices, including informal mosques in boarding houses, forming Britain's initial South Asian diasporas rooted in maritime labor migration.[55] When vessels faced delays or lascars were left destitute ashore—often due to contract disputes or employer abandonment—they supplemented incomes through casual labor such as peddling, street sweeping, or dockside work, as noted in early 20th-century port welfare records.[52] These economic roles sustained communities during idle periods, with lascars in Liverpool and London relying on such activities to avoid reliance on charity homes until new engagements.[56] By World War I, these settlements had solidified into recognizable enclaves, though numbers remained modest compared to transient arrivals, reflecting adaptive responses to the uncertainties of imperial shipping.[5]Presence in North America and Asia
Lascars reached North American ports aboard British merchant vessels during the 19th and early 20th centuries, primarily facilitating transatlantic and transpacific trade routes, though their presence was constrained by shipping regulations that often denied them shore leave to prevent desertions and labor competition with local seamen.[20] In ports such as New York, lascars disembarked temporarily but rarely deserted en masse, as officials noted that well-treated crews avoided the risks of apprehension and deportation through facilities like Ellis Island, with desertion rates remaining low compared to European sailors.[57] Their overall footprint in the United States was modest, lacking the legislative scrutiny seen in Britain and occasionally reflected in positive contemporary accounts rather than widespread settlement or community formation.[58] In Canada, lascar arrivals were similarly transient, centered on Pacific coast hubs like Vancouver, where British ships involved in Asia-Pacific commerce docked, but entry restrictions and brief stopovers limited enduring communities.[20] Across Asia, lascars maintained stronger ties due to proximity to their recruitment origins in India, with many completing contracts and returning home via ports such as Hong Kong and Macau, which served as key entrepôts for British shipping networks.[59] Temporary settlements emerged in these transit points, supporting ongoing maritime operations without significant permanent diaspora. In Singapore, however, a subset of lascars transitioned to local economies post-service, contributing to early Indian populations as traders and laborers; historical records indicate Indians, including former lascars and sepoys from Bengal and Bihar, arrived with British forces and merchants from the early 19th century, with some electing to remain amid the colony's growth as a trade nexus rather than repatriating to India.[60] This pattern of selective settlement contrasted with the majority who repatriated, bolstering Singapore's Indian community through incremental migration exceeding returns.[61]Controversies and Debates
Allegations of Exploitation and Abuses
Parliamentary inquiries in the 19th century documented instances of withheld wages and inadequate provisioning for Lascars on British ships, with reports highlighting discrepancies between contracted pay and actual disbursements after deductions for advances or serang fees.[62] [37] The 1895 House of Commons debate on Lascar employment revealed complaints of underpayment and falsified records, though such issues were attributed to recruitment practices rather than universal policy.[62] Poor victualing was also noted in inquiries like the Sutlej case, where evidence pointed to substandard food contributing to health declines, prompting calls for regulatory improvements.[37] Specific cases of neglect emerged, such as the 1802 voyage of the Union, a country ship from Bengal, where overwork, exposure to cold during the return leg, and insufficient clothing led to the deaths of numerous Lascars—estimated at dozens out of a crew of around 100—before reaching London.[46] The Committee of Shipping investigated the incident, confirming understaffing and fatigue as causal factors, yet no captains faced prosecution due to evidentiary challenges and the discretionary nature of maritime jurisdiction at the time.[46] However, such high-casualty events were not representative of broader patterns; aggregate mortality data from later periods showed Lascar death rates at approximately 5.4 per 1,000 annually, exceeding European seamen's 3.5 per 1,000 but aligning with the era's occupational hazards in underdeck roles during steamship transitions.[3] Lascar contracts, typically arranged through serangs in Indian ports, incorporated repatriation provisions mandating return voyages to origin points at voyage end, serving as a legal safeguard against stranding abroad.[2] These agreements, while exploitable via verbal recruitment, provided structured incentives over land-based alternatives in famine-vulnerable regions like Bengal, where agricultural yields fluctuated amid recurrent shortages—such as those in the late 18th and early 19th centuries—driving voluntary enlistment for reliable subsistence.[63] Remittances from wages, often funneled through family networks, supplemented rural economies, with historical accounts indicating that seafaring offered economic uplift compared to subsistence farming prone to crop failures.Racial Stereotypes Versus Demonstrated Competence
Contemporary racial stereotypes depicting lascars as inherently inferior seamen, particularly during the Conrad era when the author sailed with them and contributed to a discourse of racialized inadequacy, were frequently challenged by shipping experts and official inquiries.[64] Marine superintendents and captains, drawing from direct operational experience, attested to lascars' proficiency in seamanship, often rating it equal to or superior to that of European crews under comparable conditions.[64] For instance, P&O Commodore George Cates declared in 1887 that lascars "do our work better than any European is beyond question," highlighting their effectiveness in routine and demanding tasks.[64] The 1896 Manning Committee, after reviewing officer testimonies, affirmed lascars' seamanship skills, reliability, sobriety, and trustworthiness as key assets in the British merchant fleet.[64] Similarly, Captain W.H. Hood's 1903 analysis in The Blight of Insubordination praised lascars' discipline while critiquing British sailors' tendencies toward drunkenness and indiscipline, positioning lascars as a stabilizing force amid labor shortages.[64] These evaluations, grounded in performance metrics like lower accident mortality rates compared to British seamen from 1919 onward, underscored lascars' practical competence despite narratives of deficiency.[64] Such stereotypes often arose from observable cultural differences, including structured prayer intervals that European observers misconstrued as interruptions to workflow, yet empirical outcomes revealed no corresponding deficits in efficiency or endurance.[6] Lascars exhibited greater reliability in tropical waters, with desertion rates far below those of European sailors, who abandoned ships at rates as high as one in thirteen annually in foreign ports due to climatic rigors and incentives ashore.[2][65] This pattern enabled lascars to routinely replace deserters, maintaining vessel operations without the disruptions plaguing European-manned trades.[2] Official recognition of lascar skills manifested in structured certifications within the British merchant navy, where designations such as First Class Lascar equated to able seaman status, and Second Class to ordinary seaman, reflecting assessed proficiency in deck duties equivalent to European counterparts.[66] In historiographical treatments, particularly those shaped by postcolonial paradigms dominant in contemporary academia, emphasis on lascar exploitation risks overshadowing these documented competencies, as primary sources like committee reports and captain logs prioritize causal evidence of capability over retrospective victimhood frames that align with institutional preferences for equity-driven interpretations.[64][37]Mutinies as Forms of Resistance
Lascar mutinies on British vessels during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries primarily stemmed from immediate grievances such as withheld wages, inadequate provisions, or physical abuse by officers, functioning as targeted assertions of contractual rights rather than coordinated ideological rebellions.[36] These actions were often orchestrated by serangs, the elected lascar headmen responsible for crew discipline and negotiations, who leveraged collective work stoppages or threats of violence to compel captains to honor pre-voyage agreements negotiated in Asian ports.[36] Historical accounts document such episodes as pragmatic bids for redress, with lascars resuming duties after concessions on pay or treatment, thereby preserving their employment under the same terms.[38] A prominent case occurred in September 1813 aboard the brig Arabella off Sumatra, where a dispute over unpaid wages escalated into mutiny; lascar crew members, motivated by the captain's refusal to disburse earnings as stipulated, killed the officer and seized the vessel before being subdued by local authorities.[67] Unlike revolutionary uprisings, this event reflected enforcement of specific economic obligations, with the mutineers' actions rooted in the breakdown of the serang-mediated labor compact rather than anti-colonial sentiment.[68] Similar incidents, such as refusals to work during voyages on East India Company ships in the 1780s–1800s, typically de-escalated through arbitration by port officials or intervening naval vessels, resulting in partial wage payments and crew reinstatement without widespread violence.[36] Archival records from shipping logs and admiralty courts indicate that lascar mutinies were episodic and tied to individual captain misconduct—such as arbitrary deductions or corporal punishment exceeding customary bounds—rather than inherent racial tensions or systemic policy failures.[38] This pattern contrasts with broader maritime unrest among European crews, where mutinies more frequently involved demands for structural reforms like better rations across fleets; lascar protests, by comparison, emphasized restoring breached personal or gang-level pacts, often concluding with reinforced adherence to lascar-specific articles of agreement.[36] Such outcomes underscored lascars' agency in navigating hierarchical shipboard power dynamics through calibrated resistance, prioritizing voyage completion and repatriation over disruption.Contributions to Maritime History
Enabling British Global Trade and Empire
Lascars formed a critical component of the British merchant fleet's crews, particularly on vessels engaged in trade with India and the East Indies, where they addressed chronic manpower shortages on return voyages from Asia. British shipowners recruited lascars to replace European sailors who often deserted in Indian ports or succumbed to tropical diseases, enabling ships to complete round-trip voyages more reliably and at lower cost.[2][10] This practice sustained the high volume of commerce in commodities like cotton, with imports from India totaling 250,338,144 pounds valued at £5,416,883 in 1857, contributing to Britain's overall economic expansion.[69] By the mid-19th century, the integration of lascar labor allowed British shipping to handle increasing trade demands efficiently, as lascars' familiarity with regional waters and endurance in heat reduced downtime and operational expenses. Their role extended to supporting imperial logistics, including the transport of troops and supplies during key events like the 1857 Indian Rebellion, where swift reinforcements were vital to restoring British authority.[1] This reliable workforce underpinned the empire's ability to project power and secure trade routes across the Indian Ocean. The lascar system exemplified an early globalized approach to maritime labor, pooling skilled workers from South Asia to power Britain's seafaring enterprise, which by the early 20th century saw lascars comprising 17.5% of the total mariners on British-registered ships.[2] This model enhanced tonnage capacity and voyage frequency, prefiguring modern international shipping practices by leveraging diverse, cost-effective crews to maximize commercial throughput without relying solely on domestic labor pools.[1]Technological and Navigational Expertise
Lascars contributed specialized navigational knowledge derived from extensive experience in the Indian Ocean, particularly expertise in exploiting monsoon wind patterns for optimal routing on British merchant vessels.[70] This proficiency, honed on traditional regional craft, allowed for efficient sail management during seasonal trades, complementing European ship-handling practices and enabling reliable voyages between India, Southeast Asia, and East Africa from the late 18th century onward.[71] British captains often depended on lascar serangs—foremen who coordinated crews—to interpret local conditions, thereby integrating indigenous techniques that enhanced vessel performance in monsoon-dependent routes.[1] During the transition from sail to steam in the mid-19th century, lascars adapted rapidly to auxiliary engine roles, particularly as firemen and trimmers maintaining boilers on P&O steamships operational since 1840.[20] Their endurance in high-temperature engine rooms, coupled with practical skills in stoking and basic repairs, minimized breakdowns in tropical waters where European seamen struggled with heat exhaustion.[72] P&O's dependence on lascar labor for these tasks underscored their technical competence, as evidenced by the company's expansion of steam routes reliant on such crews for consistent service.[73] This expertise facilitated bidirectional knowledge transfer; lascars imparted regional sailing and maintenance insights to European officers, while learning steam protocols, ultimately bolstering British maritime capabilities across hybrid sail-steam fleets. Serangs played a key role in bridging communication gaps, using pidgin English and gesture-based systems to convey operational nuances, which improved overall crew efficiency and safety in diverse oceanic environments.[74] Such integration of lascar skills into British operations marked a pragmatic acknowledgment of their demonstrated proficiency beyond mere labor.[10]Economic and Strategic Impacts
Lascars' employment significantly reduced operating costs for British shipping, as they received wages approximately one-fifth to one-quarter of those paid to European sailors, often 8-9 shillings per week in the early 20th century compared to higher rates for British seamen.[2][27] This cost advantage allowed British shipowners to maintain larger fleets and undercut competitors, facilitating the expansion of global trade networks under the British flag during the 19th and early 20th centuries.[3] Shipping companies explicitly valued this low-cost labor, which defended lascar hiring against domestic union pressures and ensured the merchant fleet's viability amid labor shortages.[24] These efficiencies contributed to Britain's maritime dominance by enabling sustained convoy operations and resource transport, indirectly securing international sea lanes that benefited neutral and allied commerce alike through enforced stability.[1] In wartime contexts, such as World War I, lascars filled critical manpower gaps on both merchant and auxiliary naval vessels, where British sailor desertions and casualties in tropical routes had depleted crews; by 1914, they comprised a substantial portion of engine room and deck staff on India-bound ships, sustaining supply lines despite blockades.[2][27] Their reliability in harsh conditions underpinned the Royal Navy's ability to project power, as lascar-manned vessels evaded disruptions and delivered essential goods, per operational records of the period.[5] The repatriation of navigational and mechanical skills acquired by lascars further stimulated coastal economies in India, where returning seamen introduced techniques that enhanced local shipping and trade capabilities post-voyage, though quantitative data on this transfer remains limited to anecdotal accounts from port records.[59] Overall, lascar labor's net effect prioritized empirical cost savings and operational resilience over localized wage equity, enabling the scale of British commerce that integrated disparate global markets.[70]Cultural Representations and Legacy
Depictions in Literature and Cinema
In Joseph Conrad's novella The Nigger of the "Narcissus" (1897), Lascars constitute a significant portion of the multicultural crew aboard a British sailing ship returning from Bombay, portrayed as diligent workers who demonstrate navigational skill and solidarity during a gale off the Cape of Good Hope. Drawing from Conrad's own service in the merchant marine, the depiction underscores their competence in routine shipboard duties and crisis response, yet frames them within colonial-era stereotypes of exotic otherness and unquestioning obedience to European authority.[75] This duality reflects biases inherent in imperial literature, where empirical observations of Lascar proficiency—such as handling sails and pumps under duress—are subordinated to narratives emphasizing cultural inscrutability and hierarchical dependence.[76] Twentieth-century novels continued patterns of exoticization, often reducing Lascars to atmospheric elements in tales of seafaring adventure, as seen in British interwar fiction that invoked their presence to evoke the romance of empire without probing their agency or grievances. Recent literary scholarship reassesses these portrayals, arguing that colonial texts systematically downplayed Lascar contributions to transoceanic trade and resistance to exploitative conditions, privileging European-centric perspectives over evidence of their technical expertise and collective action.[77] For instance, Amitav Ghosh's Sea of Poppies (2008) reimagines Lascars as active protagonists in the 1830s Opium War era, navigating shipboard hierarchies and imperial machinations with strategic acumen, countering earlier biases by integrating historical records of their indispensable role in sustaining British commerce.[78] Cinematographic representations remain limited and uneven, with colonial-era adaptations of maritime novels rarely centering Lascar perspectives, instead perpetuating visual tropes of subservience amid broader tales of European heroism. Positive exceptions emerged in World War II British merchant navy documentaries, which highlighted seafarer resilience—including implied Lascar involvement in convoy duties—without explicit racial differentiation, serving propaganda needs to bolster wartime morale.[79] Contemporary films, such as The Lascar (2024), offer corrective narratives by focusing on an Indian sailor's survival and moral dilemmas in early colonial New Zealand waters, drawing on archival accounts to depict individual agency against systemic betrayal. These modern works critique historical oversimplifications, aligning more closely with evidence of Lascar adaptability and self-determination derived from shipping logs and legal records.[80]Modern Recognition and Historiographical Reassessments
The Lascar War Memorial in Kolkata, unveiled in 1924, honors the 896 Indian seamen who died serving on British vessels during World War I, marking an early institutional acknowledgment of their wartime sacrifices amid the empire's naval demands.[81] Recent preservation initiatives and public commemorations, including discussions in maritime heritage projects as of 2025, have revived attention to such monuments, framing lascars as integral to Britain's seafaring legacy rather than peripheral figures.[5] Twenty-first-century scholarship has prompted historiographical shifts, reevaluating lascars through empirical lenses on labor dynamics and global trade integration over narratives of unmitigated coercion. Gopalan Balachandran's examinations of Indian seafarers from the 1870s to 1940s depict them as a prototypical globalized workforce, leveraging recruitment networks across the Indian Ocean to sustain British steamship operations, with evidence of strategic desertions and negotiations underscoring individual agency in transnational contexts.[82] This approach counters earlier emphases on systemic abuse by integrating shipping logs and crew testimonies, revealing lascars' adaptations to multicultural shipboard hierarchies and their contributions to efficient long-haul voyages.[83] Such reassessments advocate causal analyses of empire's maritime economics, recognizing lascars' navigational proficiencies and cost efficiencies—evident in their dominance on India routes by the late nineteenth century—without conflating structural inequalities with total incapacitation. While institutional biases in academic and media accounts have amplified victimization tropes, data from labor contracts and mobility patterns indicate lascars frequently parlayed service into familial remittances and skill-based advancements, such as promotions to serang roles, fostering net socioeconomic gains in originating communities. These perspectives prioritize verifiable trade imperatives over moralized retellings, affirming lascars' pivotal yet pragmatic role in interconnecting pre-independence economies.References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Blight_of_Insubordination
